MSc Business Administration
Marketing
Master Thesis
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Comparison of Young Consumers’ Conspicuous
Consumption Characteristics in a Cross-Cultural Context
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Student Author: Eve Lewis Student Number: 11594098 Date of Submission: 25 January 2017
Version: Final
Institution: University of Amsterdam Supervisor: Dr. Frauke Mattison Thompson
Statement of Originality
This document is written by Eve Lewis who declares to take full responsibility for the contents of this document.
I declare that the text and the work presented in this document is original and that no sources other than those mentioned in the text and its references have been used in creating it. The Faculty of Economics and Business is responsible solely for the supervision of completion
Abstract
Comparison of Young Consumers’ Conspicuous Consumption Characteristics in a Cross-Cultural Context. Eve Lewis, 2017: Applied Thesis, University of Amsterdam, Economics and Business. Keywords: Conspicuous consumption, status consumption, young consumers, fashion
innovativeness, glocalization.
This inductive study investigates the factors driving conspicuous consumption of clothing by youth in the Netherlands and the U.S.A. and attempts to determine the degree of their
conspicuous consumption habits. Because young consumers exhibit the greatest degree of brand consciousness, place the most importance on fashion among all age groups, comprise a large market with considerable present and future spending power, and possess malleable brand preferences, knowing more about young consumers’ underlying motivations and national differences in this respect is relevant given the global presence of most fashion brands and the diverging findings regarding the global convergence (or lack thereof) of teen consumption patterns. Data were gathered via semi-structured interviews with young consumers aged between 13 and 25 from the Netherlands or the U.S.A. The findings indicate that the specific motivations driving young Dutch and American consumers’ conspicuous consumption habits do not seem to differ significantly. However, differences in their relative price-consciousness,
brand-consciousness, and dressing culture appear to influence the presence of a greater degree of conspicuous consumption among Dutch youth compared to American youth. Given that the Netherlands and the U.S.A. are both Western, developed nations with similar cultures, the difference uncovered in this study provides more academic support for the ‘glocalization'
hypothesis in general, and the anecdotal evidence of young consumers in the Netherlands and the U.S.A. exhibiting different conspicuous consumption habits, specifically. Managerial
Table of Contents
Page
1. Introduction ...6
2. Literature Review ...13
2.1 Consumption and Consumer Identity ...13
2.2 Brand Consciousness ...15
2.3 Conspicuous Consumption ...16
2.4 Fashion Innovativeness ...19
2.5 Materialism and Consumerism ...20
2.6 Consumption and the Young Person’s Identity ...22
2.7 Country-Level Differences in Consumption ...24
2.8 Culture ...26
2.9 Consumer Culture ...28
2.10 Purpose of the Study ...33
2.10.1 Research Gap ...33
2.10.2 Importance ...35
2.10.3 Research Questions ...36
3. Methodology ...38
3.1 Overview and Aim of the Study ...38
3.2 Qualitative Research Approach ...40
3.2.1 Scientific Perspective ...42 3.3 Participants ...50 3.3.1 Sampling ...51 3.3.2 Data Saturation ...53 3.4 Procedures ...55 3.4.1 Interview Setting ...58 3.4.2 Participant Instructions ...60 3.4.3 Interview Topics ...60 3.5 Data Analysis ...62 3.6 Research Criteria ...64
3.7 Potential Research Bias ...69
4. Results & Discussion ...70
4.1 Connotations of Clothing, Fashion, Shopping ...71
4.1.1 Discussion ...74
4.2 Utility Motivations ...75
4.2.1 Practicality ...75
4.2.2 Indifference to Fashion ...79
4.2.3 Quality over Quantity ...82
4.2.4 Indifference to Brand ...85
4.2.5 Discussion ...89
4.3 Connotations of Conspicuous Consumption and High-End Brands ...92
4.3.2 Male Youth Phenomenon ...103
4.3.3 Discussion ...106
4.4 Brand-Based Consumption Motivations ...112
4.4.1 Discussion ...121
4.5 Fashion Innovativeness ...122
4.5.1 Discussion ...126
4.6 Need for Social Affiliation ...128
4.6.1 Discussion ...139
4.7 Identity Consumption ...142
4.7.1 Personality ...143
4.7.2 Age ...145
4.7.3 Need for Uniqueness ...147
4.7.4 Discussion ...150
4.8 Dressing According to Setting ...151
4.8.1 Discussion ...156
4.9 Price Consciousness ...158
4.9.1 Discussion ...161
4.10 Consumerism Concerns ...161
4.10.1 Discussion ...165
4.11 Social Media Influence ...166
4.11.1 Discussion ...169
5. Concluding Discussion ...171
6. Conclusion ...179
6.1 Academic Relevance and Contribution ...188
6.2 Managerial Implications ...193
6.3 Directions for Future Research ...195
6.4 Limitations ...199
References ...201
Acknowledgement ...232
Appendices A Clothing Brand Indication ...233
B Participant Cross-Case Analysis ...234
C Interview Information Sheet ...237
D Participant Information Sheet & Informed Consent Form (ENGLISH) ...239
E Participant Information Sheet & Informed Consent Form (DUTCH) ...245
F Interview Guide ...251
1. Introduction
With its conceptualization originating from 1899, conspicuous consumption is not a new
phenomenon. Yet, it seems that in today’s increasingly social media-oriented world wherein daily life has essentially been placed on a stage, one’s public self-image and the consumption of
prestigious items to increase the status of that image has become more important, with it (O’Cass & McEwen 2004; Thoumrungroje, 2014; Veblen, 1899). Naturally, conspicuous spending has increased most among the most socially self-conscious of age groups; namely, teens and young adults (Eastman et al., 1999; Giovannini et al., 2015; Koester & May, 1985; Lachance et al., 2003; Moses, 2000). Despite their relatively low income, these consumers spend large sums of money on fashion-related items, and most of the time these items are from specific prestigious brands (Giovannini et al., 2015; Koester & May, 1985; Lachance et al., 2003; Moses, 2000). Indeed, conspicuous consumption is particularly relevant in the product context of clothing given its public consumption and elevated ability to convey symbolic meaning (Perez et al., 2010). Manifestations of youths’ conspicuous consumption habits range anywhere from wearing clothing from particular status-laden brands and prominently displaying brand logos to dressing oneself in the latest fashions. In youths’ defense, however, conspicuous consumption may just be a modern-day survival technique in the wake of the potential adverse emotional consequences from lack of social approval because of one’s outward appearance (O’Cass & McEwen 2004). Given their high degrees of self-, brand- and fashion-consciousness; high willingness to pay on fashion apparel; current and potential future spending power; and malleable brand preferences, youth are an undeniably important consumer segment for marketers in the (luxury) fashion
apparel industry (Koester & May, 1985; Lachance et al., 2003; Moses, 2000; Schaefer et al., 2004).
Despite the apparent importance of young consumers for clothing brand practitioners, research has not given much attention to market-level differences in the relative degree of young
consumers’ conspicuous consumption habits, not mentioning the lack of cross-country research on the various factors that may influence those habits. Presently, only anecdotal evidence is available in this regard. The increasingly popular assumption that young people comprise a global segment with converging values and preferences, also dubbed the ‘Global Teenager Hypothesis,’ would make such a country-level analysis seem unnecessary (Meredith & Schewe, 2002). However, lack of empirical support for this hypothesis has lead several researchers to converge on the idea that both global and local factors influence young consumers (Parker et al., 2004, 2006; Schaefer et al., 2004, 2005). As for consumers in general, the time-tested marketing approach of ‘glocalization' seems to hold precedence for the young consumer segment as well (Kacprzak & Dziewanowska, 2015; Kjeldgaard & Askegaard, 2006; Robertson, 1992;
Strizhakova, 2012; Svennson, 2001). Therefore, since local factors may also influence young consumers in addition to global ones, it should follow that the characteristics of their
conspicuous consumption habits vary per market as well. Even markets that are perceived as very similar should show variation in conspicuous spending. Uncovering the relative degree of conspicuous consumption habits among young consumers on a country-level basis would help internationally expanding (luxury) fashion brands better assess market profitability based on their own brand image. Uncovering what country-level factors drive young consumers to
conspicuously consume would help fashion brands market themselves more effectively in each country of interest.
As such, this study will seek to uncover the relevant factors that influence the conspicuous consumption habits of young people in the Netherlands and in the United States of America (U.S.A.) and to compare to what extent those factors influence the characteristics and degree of their conspicuous consumption habits.
The Netherlands and the U.S.A. are considered to boast similar cultures because they are both Western, developed nations and almost identical on Hofstede’s cultural dimensions. As such, consumers in the Netherlands and the U.S.A. may be treated similarly by marketers. However, significant differences between consumption habits in each country may still exist. Indeed, with respect to conspicuous consumption among youth, there is anecdotal evidence that the
characteristics and drivers are different in each country, which may affect a fashion firm’s likelihood of success (or lack thereof) if these nuances are not captured or understood.
According to glocalization theorists, (young) consumers are influenced by both global and local factors, but local, country-level factors may or may not be (only) culturally based (Kacprzak & Dziewanowska, 2015; Kjeldgaard & Askegaard, 2006; Robertson, 1992; Strizhakova, 2012; Svennson, 2001). Therefore, I will conduct a cross-country investigation of the potential factors linked to the ‘consumer culture’ among youth in each country as opposed to those linked to the national culture captured by Hofstede’s dimensions, thereby taking a global perspective and keeping the interconnections between the factors in mind as well (Arnould & Thompson 2005). In so doing, this study will attempt to show that even the most superficially similar of countries hold unique consumer behaviors that require local marketing adaptations, especially with respect
to such a symbolic product context as clothing. Indeed, by providing more scientific insight behind the evidence that is currently merely anecdotal, studying the conspicuous consumption characteristics of young consumers from the Netherlands and the U.S.A. may provide a poignant test of the ‘glocalization’ and ‘Global Teenager’ hypotheses.
The aim of this study is to conceptualize a contextual, and therefore more valid theory of conspicuous consumption among youth by uncovering the specific factors that affect youth and their conspicuous consumption tendencies in each country and determining the relative influence of those factors on the degree of their conspicuous consumption habits. Since cross-country research on youth conspicuous consumption is almost nonexistent, taking a contextual approach to the development of theory by using Consumer Culture Theory (CCT) as a background will generate more precise data, as past studies employing CCT have shown to be true (Arnould and Thompson 2005). Studying consumption contexts with CCT as a frame of reference broadens the focus of traditional consumer research by taking globalization into account and by taking the experiential, social, and cultural dimensions of consumption into account as well. Employing CCT will capture the symbolic effects of market mediated messages and the social environment and their interaction with young consumers’ construction of identity throughout the consumption cycle (Askegaard & Linnet, 2011).
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Although it is this study’s objective to understand the conspicuous consumption habits of youth in relation to clothing specifically, conspicuous consumption in the context of fashion (without regard to any particular age group) has been under-researched despite the marked increase of luxury fashion brand consumption relative to consumption of other product categories (Miller &
Mills, 2012). Furthermore, conspicuous consumption in general has been highly researched, but its similarity to competing terms has made it so that the literature has not agreed on one specific definition of the term (Miller & Mills, 2012; O’Cass & McEwen, 2004). In this study conducted in the product context of clothing, conspicuous consumption will refer to the consumption of (clothing) products that stand out and are noticeable to others in order to communicate status and to enhance one’s public- and self-image (Grimm et al., 1999; Makgosa & Mohube, 2007; O’Cass & McEwen, 2004). Luxury or high-end brands will loosely refer to those that tend to be
extremely expensive and only available in very limited distribution channels. Semi-high-end brands will loosely refer to those that tend to be less expensive than high-end brands and less limited in availability. In contrast, non-luxury brands will refer to mass-market, fast-fashion, retail brands that are more readily available and therefore commonly consumed by consumers of all social classes (Gao et al., 2008; Miller & Mills, 2012). A more specific overview of how certain fashion brands are regarded in the context of this paper is provided in the ‘Appendices’ section (see Appendix A). The degree of conspicuous consumption will pertain to (1) the extent that the product consumed is a luxury versus a necessity, with products from luxury brands being more conspicuous than products from mass-market brands; and, (2) the extent that usage of the product is noticeable to others, with prominently branded clothing or trendy items being more conspicuous because they stand out relative to standard attire (Bearden & Etzel, 1982; Childers & Rao, 1992). Therefore, the manifestations of conspicuous consumption in the context of fashion will loosely refer to wearing luxury brand items (with or without visible brand markers on them), wearing products with prominent logos, symbols, or other brand markers from specific status-laden brands (that may or may not be considered ‘luxury,’ ‘high-end,’ or ‘semi-high-end’
brands), and engaging in fashion innovativeness by wearing (fashionable and trendy) clothing in a novel manner (O’Cass & McEwen, 2004).
Achieving the objective of this study requires a deeper understanding of the meaning of
conspicuous consumption among youth within the Netherlands and the U.S.A. and the influence of these contexts on youths’ conspicuous consumption tendencies. To gain this deeper
understanding, this study will take a qualitative research approach. Semi-structured interviews will be conducted with young consumers between 13-25 years old from the Netherlands and the U.S.A. The age range of 13-25 years old was chosen to capture the uncertainties inherent of both the adolescent (13-17 years old) and young adult (18-25 years old) stages. The study will be guided by the following questions:
(1) Why do youth (aged 13-25) in the Netherlands and in the U.S.A. engage in conspicuous consumption? And, (2) how do these drivers influence the degree of their (youth (aged 13-25) in the Netherlands v.s. in the U.S.A) conspicuous consumption habits?
By carrying out this study, I will develop a new theory that posits that the degree of conspicuous consumption habits among youth varies between the consumer cultures of different countries. Since consumer culture theorists do not study contexts as ends in themselves but study within them, CCT will serve as a useful backdrop for theory development. Therefore, while this particular research study will not deduce any hypotheses based on CCT, it will help to induce theory by serving as a backdrop for some of this study’s data collection methods (i.e. interview questions that the sample members will be asked).
To answer the research questions, this thesis will first include a ‘Literature Review’ to provide a theoretical background for the concepts discussed and to explain the relationships between them.
The ‘Methodology’ section will provide an explanation and motivation for the methods used to uncover and analyze the data. The subsequent ‘Results & Discussion’ will present the results in qualitative themes, with a discussion section following each theme. The ‘Concluding Discussion’ will provide an overall explanation of the significance and interrelationships of the themes for the purpose of answering the research questions. The ‘Conclusion’ will summarize the study overall and report the academic relevance, or contribution, the managerial implications, directions for future research, and limitations.
2. Literature Review 2.1 Consumption and Consumer Identity
Consumption drives, and is driven by, individual and social influence processes. Our
consumption practices and possessions shape who we are, foster our sense of self, and help us to form our individual identity. In the case of publicly visible consumption practices or possessions, consumption sends signals to others and helps us form our social identity. Together, the distinct parts of personal and social identity form the whole identity, to which consumption, as alluded to, is closely linked (Belk, 1988).
Consumers are continually searching for their identities, seeking a coherent sense of self but always maintaining one that is fragmented, viscous, and incomplete (Arnould & Thompson, 2005; Belk, 1988; Elliot & Wattanasuwan, 1998; Escalas & Bettman, 2005; Sirgy, 1982). Especially now in postmodern society, Elliot & Wattanasuwan (1998) refer to the shared consumer experience of ‘dilemmas of the self,’ which, in part caused by globalization and resulting standardization and fragmentation, causes the individual consumer to feel a sense of meaningless. As such, postmodern-consumption is largely driven by the search for identity as consumption practices and possessions hold symbolic meanings that may reflect one’s
individuality (self-symbolism) or one’s relations to others (social-symbolism) (Belk, 1988; Elliott, 1997; Elliott & Wattanasuwan, 1998; Snyder, 1992). Consumption can therefore not only satisfy utilitarian or experiential needs, but also symbolic needs, such as the desire for social status (Amaldoss & Jain 2005; Charles et al., 2009; Goldsmith et al., 1996a; Han et al., 2009). Consumers’ product choices are strongly influenced by self-image, where consumers seek out self-image congruent brands as a means to express themselves (Aaker, 1999; Schiffman &
Kanuk, 2004; Sirgy, 1982). At the same time, consumers’ product choices are also strongly influenced by the social context of consumption, such that social status motivations, for example, are especially high in societies where social status is considered important (Wong & Ahuvia, 1998). However, ‘symbolic meanings’ may not be the same for everyone for any particular consumption context, nor do they necessarily remain the same for any particular person over time (Ritson et al., 1996). Further, symbolic meanings are not equally important in all
consumption categories; namely, they constitute a larger part of the decision making process for hedonic consumption categories, such as (fashion and luxury) clothing (Perez et al., 2010). Clothing consumption is visible to others, which is why it is not always consumed to satisfy utilitarian or experiential needs. Instead, clothing, especially fashion and luxury apparel, is often used to convey status or self-image, thus serving both a social and self-expressive function (Goldsmith et al., 1996b; O’Cass & McEwen, 2004).
Symbolic meanings not only originate from possessions and consumption practices, they can also be derived from studying media such as advertisements. Advertising literacy is the ability to derive meaning from an advertisement and to use that knowledge of meaning in society to identify oneself and others (O’Donohoe, 1994). As for the meanings derived from consumption practices and possessions, the symbolic meanings derived from brand communications will not be the same for everyone either. However, since advertisements are directed to the masses, shared advertisement meanings may emerge from socialization with others (Anderson & Meyer, 1988, p. 47). Through advertisements and other marketing communications, brands come to carry cultural meaning and are valuable as symbolic resources to help consumers shape their sense of self by identifying brands they wish to be associated with (Arnould & Thompson,
2005). More specifically, consuming certain brands communicates to consumers themselves and to others about who they are, who they are not, what they value, and how they live their lives. In effect, brand consumption, as with consumption in general, allows the consumer to express his or herself, build his or her self-concept, signal social group associations, or any combination of these (Escalas & Bettman, 2005).
2.2 Brand Consciousness
Brand consciousness, or brand sensitivity, pertains to the importance placed on brand in the consumption decision process (Kapferer & Laurent, 1992). It also pertains to the tendency to seek out and purchase products from well-known brands that are heavily marketed and often more expensive than products from brands that are not as well-known (Liao & Wang, 2009; Sproles & Kendall, 1986). In general, some consumers tend to be more brand conscious than others. However, on an individual consumer level, brand consciousness is product context-specific where one consumer may be brand conscious when it comes to clothing but not when it comes to toilet paper, for instance (Kapferer & Laurent, 1992).
As per the Brand Relevance in Category (BRiC) measure, brand consciousness can be explained by the fact that brands are valuable because they serve both a risk reduction function and a social demonstrance function. Brands reduce the perceived risk associated with purchases by serving as a source of familiarity and as a cue for perceived quality. Brands serve a social demonstrance function by operating as a status symbol that consumers use to signal social group association or to express their individuality (Fischer et al., 2010).
As with consumption in general, brand consumption choices are driven by self-image, where consumers choose to buy brands whose personalities are congruent with their own (Aaker, 1999; Sirgy, 1982). As such, brands may also serve both a symbolic and functional role (O’Cass & McEwen, 2004). Clothing, as mentioned, tends to be consumed publicly and hold relatively high amounts of symbolic meaning. Because of its public consumption and high symbolic value, brand consciousness in the product context of clothing tends to be higher among consumers than for other product categories. In this context specifically, brands are used to indicate fashion consciousness and to serve as symbols for status, social prestige, or social group affiliation. At the same time, purchasing clothes from well-known brands may reduce the perceived risk of social disapproval because of one’s outward appearance (Liao & Wang, 2009).
2.3 Conspicuous Consumption
Following from brands’ social demonstrance function, higher levels of brand consciousness relate to higher levels of conspicuous consumption. Indeed, conspicuous consumption is predominantly socially motivated, where the influence and presence of others is a necessary antecedent (Marcoux et al., 1997; Mason, 1981; O’Cass & McEwen, 2004; Veblen & Chase, 1934). The term ‘conspicuous consumption’ originates from 19th century economist and
sociologist Veblen, who defined it as spending on, and subsequent displaying of goods to signal status and to gain social recognition (Veblen, 1899). Following its original conceptualization, the literature has not agreed upon a specific definition of conspicuous consumption, although O’Cass & Frost (2002) have pointed out its relatedness to the concept of ‘status consumption,’ and the fact that, although separate constructs, they have been used interchangeably. Just as status
consumption, conspicuous consumption is largely driven by the motivation to portray status and wealth, gain social prestige, inflate the ego, and thus, increase self-confidence in social situations (Veblen & Chase, 1934; Marcoux et al., 1997; Mason, 1981). Conspicuous consumption is expected to increase one’s social standing in society and to help garner other social benefits associated with this increase in status (O’Cass & McEwen, 2004). Through its effect on social status, conspicuous consumption can also be driven by individual motivations related to self-image and self-expression. Social status influences one’s self-self-image, which increases
conspicuous consumption motivations (Souiden et al., 2011).
In the context of this paper, conspicuous consumption will refer to the consumption of products that stand out and are noticeable to others in order to communicate status and to enhance one’s public- and self-image (Grimm et al., 1999; Makgosa & Mohube, 2007; O’Cass & McEwen, 2004). The degree of conspicuous consumption will pertain to (1) the extent that the product consumed is a luxury versus a necessity, with products from luxury brands being more conspicuous than products from mass-market brands; and, (2) the extent that usage of the product is noticeable to others, with prominently branded clothing or trendy items being more conspicuous because they stand out relative to standard attire (Bearden and Etzel, 1982; Childers & Rao, 1992). Given the lack of a distinct definition for brand luxury, the current study will take the general perspective of Miller & Mills (2012) whom have delineated brand luxury parameters from a variety of past conceptualizations. With this perspective in mind, luxury brands are those that tend to be extremely expensive, of high quality, and only available in very limited
are more readily available and are therefore consumed by the masses (Gao et al., 2008; Miller & Mills, 2012).
Specifically, conspicuous consumption can take the form of buying and displaying luxury brand items, which tend to be more expensive; to be perceived as ostentatious by bringing to mind the concepts of “exclusivity,” “prestige,” and “elite;” and to be situated in more exclusive
distribution channels. The perception of rareness, and subsequently, uniqueness, makes these products noticeable among other consumers (Bian & Forsythe, 2012; Godey et al., 2013; Nelissen & Marijn, 2011). Indeed, several studies have shown that a predominant underlying motivation for why consumers buy luxury brands is social status derived from the prestige and exclusivity associated with owning a luxury (fashion) item. This finding can be explained by the fact that need for uniqueness among Western adults drives the scarcity principle, which stands for the phenomenon of decreasing brand desirability with increasing consumer popularity
(Drolet, 2002; Dubois & Paternault, 1995; Gentina et al., 2013; Nelissen & Marijn, 2011; Snyder & Fromkin, 1977; Vigneron & Johnson, 2004).
Conspicuous consumption can also pertain to the purchase and display of products from specific brands that may or may not be considered a ‘luxury’ brand. Brands can serve as social ‘status’ symbols that signify certain desirable qualities, where consumption of specific branded products can attract attention through the display of the brand logo or symbol. The more status a brand portrays, the greater the likelihood for products from that brand to be used conspicuously (Berger & Ward, 2010; Han et al., 2010; Nunes et al., 2011; O’Cass & McEwen, 2004).
Conspicuous consumption can also manifest itself through the consumption of fashionable or unique apparel and accessories in general, whether prominently branded or not. These products
tend to stand out for being novel or trendy (O’Cass & McEwen, 2004). This loose variation of conspicuous consumption has also been described as ‘fashion innovativeness,’ which I elaborate on in the following section.
2.4 Fashion Innovativeness
‘Fashion innovativeness’ follows from the domain-specific concept of ‘innovativeness,’ which has no agreed upon standard definition (Goldsmith & Hofacker, 1991). However, in general, (fashion) innovativeness refers to the extent that one is among the first to adopt new (fashion) trends or to set them and has the tendency to regularly consume different products and brands than those he or she has consumed before. ‘Fashion innovators’ are thus specific people who score high on the degree of innovativeness and are therefore more likely to adopt new trends, to start new trends, and to have a strong need for uniqueness (Goldsmith & Hofacker, 1991; Midgley & Dowling, 1978; Muzinich et al., 2003). Wearing the latest styles confers fashion innovators a sense of status and prestige, thus indicating the conspicuous nature of innovative consumption (Goldsmith & Hofacker, 1991; Goldsmith et al., 2010; Im et al., 2003, p.62; Rogers, 1995, p.22). Further indicating the conspicuous nature of fashion innovative consumption is the fact that, since luxury brands are more rare, innovative consumers are especially likely to appreciate them and to consume them (Vigneron & Johnson, 2004). Indeed, the study by Gentina et al. (2016) showed that the tendency to be innovative with regards to fashion choices mediated the relationship between the need for uniqueness and attitudes towards luxury fashion brands. Given their knowledge about emerging and upcoming fashion trends, fashion innovators are not only highly brand conscious, but also hold credibility regarding their
fashion consciousness in the society at large, further conferring them a sense of status and prestige (Goldsmith & Hofacker, 1991; Midgley & Dowling, 1978; Muzinich et al., 2003).
2.5 Materialism and Consumerism
Employing the social constructionist lens, materialism has been defined by Belk (1985) as ‘the importance a consumer attaches to worldly possessions.’ Since, within this theoretical
framework, possessions are considered material symbols of identity, materialism also influences the way people view themselves and others, where those scoring high on materialism determine their own worth and that of others by the ‘number and quality of possessions’ each has (Dittmar & Pepper, 1994; Richins & Rudmin, 1994). While it may seem as though materialism would contribute to conspicuous consumption, conspicuous consumption describes placing an
importance on goods that convey status, while materialism describes placing an importance on materials whether they convey status or do not (Eastman et al., 1997). Although materialistic individuals are more likely to acquire (luxury) products (Belk, 1985), they may or may not always be status-driven (Eastman et al., 1997). Indeed, as materialists value objects for what they are, they may strictly or simultaneously be driven to consume specific objects for sustenance, shelter, safety, and/or entertainment (Wallendourf & Arnould, 1988).
Whereas materialism determines the relative importance one places on objects, consumerism is the ‘pursuit of happiness’ through the consumption of objects (Ahuvia and Wong, 2002;
Inglehart, 1977; Makant, 2010). Materialism may therefore lead to consumerism, although the two terms have been used interchangeably (Abela, 2006, Eastman et al. 1997). The term consumerism is also used to describe the motivation behind contemporary capitalism, which
advocates continuously increasing consumption for economic growth (Rizzo, 2005). Materialism and consumerism influence the relative satisfaction one receives upon acquiring and possessing goods. They are therefore seen as contributing to an endless consumer cycle of wanting more, spending more, and disposing more. What results is a consumer culture centered around consumption (Lury, 1996) and reinforced by advertising, which is blamed for promoting
materialism, as well as cynicism, irrationality, selfishness, anxiety, social competitiveness, sexual preoccupation, powerlessness, and/or loss of self-respect (Eastman et al. 1997; Hill, 2011; Pollay, 1986). The rise of materialism and commercialism has been historically associated with the rise of modern marketing, although no causal relationship has been shown (Abela, 2006; Hill, 2011; O’Shaughnessy and O’Shaughnessy, 2002).
Materialism and consumerism have been blamed for contributing to societal commercialism and its resultant negative effects on cultural resources, values, class differences, the environment, religion, and human relationships (Pollay, 1986; Eastman et al. 1997; Fishman, 2006; Hill, 2011). Essentially, consumerism is considered to have encouraged the neglect of traditional norms, values, and behaviors. Among other things, it introduced the notion of leisure and encouraged relaxation, thereby contributing to an increasingly casual outlook on life. As it decreases the level of formality given to everyday life, including the way people dress, consumerism has driven people around the world to turn in their traditional uniforms in favor of casual and sportswear (Stearns, 2006; Tong, 1998).
Although consumerism was met by anxieties everywhere, it was met by much stronger
objections in Western Europe than in the U.S.A. European nations like the Netherlands have a longstanding history of aristocratic tastes and social hierarchies, which has provided a source of
reference for intellectuals throughout history to criticize consumerism. The U.S.A., in contrast, lacks this traditional, aristocratic history, leaving no other source from which anti-consumerist criticism could arise. As a result, relative to its trajectory in European nations, consumerism grew at a much faster and more seamless pace in the U.S.A. (Cross, 2000; Holden, 1996; Oldenziel et al., 2005; Schor, 2007; Stearns, 2006). Considered a hyper-consumerist society, the U.S.A. is arguably more entrenched in consumerism than European countries are (Brunk, 1973; Cross, 2000; Schor, 2007; Veblen 1979). Indeed, materialism and consumerism appear to be especially prevalent in the U.S.A., where corporate influence has become almost inescapable and
materialism has been regarded by various researchers as a dominant American value (Engel et al., 1990; Hawkins et al., 1989; Mowen 1990). Although no empirical studies have conclusive shown that the problem of consumerism is more prevalent in the U.S.A. than it is in Western European countries such as the Netherlands, consumerism has progressed both more slowly and into a different form in Western Europe, and the degree of aristocratic debate it experienced there in the past may have influence on the consumer culture in European countries, like the
Netherlands, to this day (Stearns, 2006).
2.6 Consumption and the Young Person’s Identity
Young people, as they move toward or are just entering adulthood, are in the midst of solidifying their identity. Their identity is therefore especially fragmented and unstable, leading them to exhibit a greater degree of insecurity and self-consciousness than consumers in other age groups (Erikson, 1968). As such, young peoples’ self-identity is easily threatened by external factors, especially lack of peer acceptance (Wooten, 2006). Teens and young adults may employ various
coping mechanisms during this uncertain time, of which wearing certain types or brands of clothing in order to protect their self-identity or to ‘fit-in’ their social environment, is one (Smucker & Creekmore, 1972; Creekmore, 1980; Wooten, 2006). In effect, degrees of brand consciousness and conspicuous consumption are especially high for young consumers when compared to older consumers (Wooten, 2006). Lachance et al. (2003) found that peers are the strongest driver for the development of adolescent brand sensitivity, where the consumption of certain popular brands is meant as one way adolescents attempt to decrease insecurity, pressure, and unwanted negative attention and to gain the social acceptance they seek (Wooten, 2006). Relatedly, when compared to older age groups, the correlation between conspicuous
consumption and social motivations was found to be highest for late adolescents between 16-25 years of age (Schade et al., 2016).
Overall, the first reason why young people tend to be more brand sensitive with respect to clothing is that out of all age cohorts, adolescents comprise the age group that finds fashion and physical appearance most important (Francis & Liu, 1990; Koester & May, 1985; Ossorio, 1995; Wilson & MacGillivray, 1998). It follows that the more importance one attaches to a product category, the more brand sensitive he or she is with respect to that product category (Kapferer & Laurent, 1992). The second reason why young people tend to be relatively more brand sensitive is that clothes serve as social symbols, where wearing certain types or brands of clothing affect the chance of peer acceptance (Creekmore, 1980; Shim & Koh, 1997). In effect, not wearing the ‘right’ types or brands of clothes can not only prevent social approval, but even lead to social isolation, emotional distress, and low self-esteem (Liskey-Fitzwater et al., 1993). The more risk a purchase holds, the more brand sensitive the consumer becomes with respect to that purchase
(Beaudoin & Lachance, 2006). Following the potential adverse consequences associated with socially unaccepted clothing, young people are likely to feel an elevated sense of risk with clothing purchases, thus explaining their brand sensitivity in this product context (Francis & Liu, 1990; Liskey-Fitzwater et al., 1993; Stuart, 1983). Lastly, young people tend to think that they are constantly being analyzed and judged by those in their surroundings (Castelbury & Arnold, 1988). They will use clothing to create a certain ideal self-image, and the more one uses products for self-image enhancement purposes, the more important brands become (Beaudoin &
Lachance, 2006).
Given the potential for self-image enhancement motivations, young consumers are not only driven to engage in conspicuous consumption to confer status or to ‘fit-in.’ Through ‘fashion innovativeness’ young consumers may also satisfy their need for uniqueness by being among the first to adopt new fashion trends or to wear clothes in an innovative way (Gentina et al., 2016; Lachance et al., 2003). Therefore, (luxury) fashion products are also used to signal individuality through personal style and taste, thus preserving the self-identity in the process (Gil et al., 2012). Taken together, the overarching reason why conspicuous consumption levels are higher in the young consumer context of high public-self-consciousness and low self-esteem may best be explained by the finding that consumption or possession of luxury fashion brands increases young consumers’ self-confidence (Giovannini et al., 2015).
2.7 Country-Level Differences in Consumption
Recently, it has been argued that globalization and the Internet have fostered universal values and other similarities among teens around the world, leading to a conclusion that young people
everywhere, regardless of culture or nationality, tend to be fashion and brand conscious and show similar consumption patterns (Meredith & Schewe, 2002; Parker et al., 2006; Walker, 1996). Such arguments may tempt marketers to execute global strategies that treat all young consumers as one large, global segment. However, this ‘Global Teenager Hypothesis’ has not been unmet by disagreeing studies. For instance, Gentina et al. (2016) found that the tendency among teens to innovate with respect to fashion consumption varied on a cultural and individual level, or at least, between the individualistic U.S.A. and interdependent France, such that individuation drove American teens while social affiliation drove French teens to consume luxury products. Further, cross-cultural studies on Chinese, Japanese, and American teenagers have shown market-level differences in their degrees of fashion consciousness, materialism, and skepticism toward advertising (Parker et al., 2004; Schaefer et al., 2004; Schaefer et al., 2005). And Kjeldgaard & Askegaard (2006) directly oppose the idea of globally uniform youth by stating that such claims “overlook their deeper structural differences and diverse localized meanings.” Overall, these studies can be explained by that of Steenkamp et al. (1999), which showed that consumption behaviors are affected by one’s cultural environment. Specifically concerning young consumers it was further found that identity formation is strongly influenced by a young person’s environment, where socialization is culture-dependent (Kim et al., 2009; Rose, 1999). From these studies it seems that researchers tend to converge on the idea that both global and local factors influence young consumers. An effective global strategy should therefore take both local and global factors into account, which indicates that the ‘glocalization' approach seems to hold precedence for the young consumer segment as well (Kacprzak & Dziewanowska, 2015; Kjeldgaard & Askegaard, 2006; Robertson, 1992; Strizhakova, 2012; Svennson, 2001).
If young consumers are influenced by both local and global factors, it should follow that the characteristics of their (conspicuous) consumption habits vary on a local-basis as well. From the factors that influence them to the relative degree of their conspicuous consumption habits, variation should exist between youth from even the most perceivably similar of markets. However, in the context of conspicuous consumption specifically, only anecdotal evidence is available in this regard. Most of the aforementioned studies on young consumers’ conspicuous consumption habits have been focused on analyzing one country. The cross-cultural studies that have been done have focused on comparing groups of countries based either on cultural
orientation (i.e. individualistic vs. collectivistic) or region (i.e. Western vs. Eastern). Although such generalizations are useful in the sense that they may say something about consumer behavior in groups of countries in general, such generalizations do not highlight the fact that countries within such groupings may vary in terms of consumer behavior as well. By comparing two very similar, albeit different markets, this study will therefore attempt to highlight the fact that generalizations regarding culture or region may fall short of capturing potentially important, market-defining features.
2.8 Culture
Culture is a complicated word, as it encompasses many different elements and lacks an agreed upon definition (Williams, 1958). The abstract term has different meanings in different languages and across academic disciplines (Groeschl & Doherty, 2000). In marketing, Taylor’s (1881) definition of culture as a "complex whole which includes knowledge, beliefs, arts, morals and
law, customs and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society” is most commonly used (Lindrige & Dibb, 2003).
For the purpose of conducting cross-cultural marketing studies, Hofstede’s cultural dimensions have often been employed. Hofstede defined culture by the simple phrase “software of the mind” because culture programs the mind to act or interpret things in a certain way. Additionally, he asserted that this programming of the mind is collective in the sense that it is shared by all members in a given environment (Hofstede, 1997). Hofstede went further to delineate culture along the dimensions of Indulgence vs. Restraint, high vs. low Power Distance, Individualism vs. Collectivism, high vs. low Uncertainty Avoidance, Long vs. Short-Term Orientation, and
Masculinity vs. Femininity (Hofstede, 1980). These dimensions are used to distinguish cultures from one another by delineating the influence of a society’s culture on its member’s values (Hofstede, 1980).
Although perhaps useful for making general cultural comparisons between psychologically distant cultures, Hofstede’s dimensions have been met by criticism and opposition from various researchers (Eringa et al., 2015). Critiques have been aimed at the inappropriateness of
Hofstede’s choice of a survey-based method, use of nations as the cultural units, choice of
employees from one company as representations of their entire nation’s culture, and employment of just five dimensions to determine cultural differences (McSweeney, 2002). Others have
criticized the dimensions’ lack of contextual regard, be it historical or political, as well as its oversimplification of cultural differences and its static, inconsistent model (Fang, 2003; Jones, 2007; Orr & Hauser, 2008; Signorini et al., 2009; Yeh, 1983). Relatedly, upon comparing Chinese and Brazilian sub-cultures, researchers found significant differences in cultural values
(Hofstede et al., 2010; Huo & Randall, 1988; Kwon, 2012). As a result of the Brazilian study in particular, Hofstede et al. (2010) concluded that the VSM is “too coarse a net for catching the finer cultural nuances between Brazilian states. Adding locally defined items would have made the studies more meaningful” (p. 336). And, indeed, The Netherlands and the U.S.A. are culturally very similar based on Hofstede’s dimensions (Indulgence 68:68, Power Distance 38:40, Individualism 80:91, Uncertainty Avoidance 53:46, Long Term Orientation 67:26, Masculinity 14:62), yet anecdotal evidence about consumption differences exist. Although it is not the main purpose of this paper to challenge Hofstede’s dimensions, the Dutch v.s. American context might provide interesting results by denoting youth consumption differences between two highly individualistic cultures, which are often placed in one group for simplification purposes (Hofstede, n.d.).
The U.S.A. and the Netherlands are both highly individualistic cultures, as well as inherently Western, economically developed, and democratic (Hofstede, 1980). Because of a lack of differentiation between the two cultures according to Hofstede’s dimensions, this study will employ CCT as a contextual backdrop to attempt to isolate the effects of locally unique sociocultural or psychological factors (e.g., social compliance, desirability, self-monitoring, materialism), or consumer culture, on the degree of youths’ conspicuous consumption.
2.9 Consumer Culture
The idea of ‘consumer culture’ is largely conceptualized by Consumer Culture Theory (CCT), which refers to a collection of theories that investigates the relationship between the
specifically, the “relationships among consumers’ personal and collective identities; the cultures created and embodied in the lived worlds of consumers; underlying experiences, processes and structures; and the nature and dynamics of the sociological categories through and across which these consumer culture dynamics are enacted and inflected” (Arnould & Thompson, 2005). It represents a specific approach to studying consumers and consumption that considers consumer behavior as a social and cultural phenomenon as opposed to strictly psychologically or
economically motivated. At the same time, when referring to consumer behavior as a cultural phenomenon, CCT extends the idea of culture by seeing it as a heterogeneous as opposed to a homogenous collection of meanings shared by members of a particular society (e.g., Americans share this kind of culture; Japanese share that kind of culture). More specifically, CCT
investigates the heterogenous collection of meanings and the interconnected ‘cultures’ that have come to exist as a result of globalization and capitalism. (Appadurai, 1990; Arnould &
Thompson, 2005; Slater, 1997; Wilk, 1995). Therefore, employing CCT results in a more contextual, and as a result, more precise investigation of individual consumers because it links individual level meanings across all of the relevant cultural levels and studies them within the appropriate historical and marketplace contexts (Arnould & Thompson, 2005; Lehmann, 1996; Wells, 1993).
The marketplace serves as the frame of reference through which consumers extract symbolic meanings from advertisements, brands, retail settings, or material goods and use those symbolic meanings to construct their individual and social identity. Again, CCT employs a global view by analyzing the transnational capital and mediascape connections that have formed and their effect on the aforementioned collection of interconnected ‘cultures.’ Consumer culture, then, describes
how the marketplace mediates the relationships between lived culture, social resources, lifestyles, and symbolic and material resources in both local and global contexts (Arnould & Thompson, 2005).
Culture carries within it the ideas of experience, meaning and action (Geertz, 1983). However, given the complexity and fragmentation of consumer culture, action is not considered a causal force. Instead, with the marketplace as the frame of reference, consumer culture influences the boundaries of consumer action, feeling and thought that thereby make certain patterns of
behavior and interpretations more likely than others (Askegaard & Kjeldgaard 2002; Holt 1997; Kozinets 2002; Thompson & Hirschman 1995). The consumption cycle, comprised of
acquisition, consumption, and possession, is looked at from a hedonic, aesthetic and ritualistic point of view as opposed to strictly economical or psychological. In turn, employing CCT as a backdrop will capture the often neglected aspects of consumption and will result in a more complete analysis of the factors that may influence young consumers of this study’s interest to make certain patterns of behavior and interpretations regarding conspicuous consumption (Arnould & Thompson, 2005; Dittmar, 2008).
CCT research spans the socio-cultural processes and structures related to (1) consumer identity projects, (2) marketplace cultures, (3) socio-historic pattern of consumption, and (4) mass-mediated marketplace ideologies and consumers’ interpretative strategies.
The study of consumer identity projects is interested in the ways in which a consumer forms his or her fragmented sense of self through the consumption of marketing messages (Arnould & Thompson, 2005; Belk, 1988). As previously mentioned, youth are in the midst of changing life-stages, which complicates the already difficult feat of identity formation, which is marked by
conflict, contradiction, and ambivalence, even further. Youth employ various coping mechanisms during this uncertain time, of which engaging in conspicuous consumption is one. Being able to collect and analyze data from a CCT point of view will therefore prove useful for capturing the effects of youth identity seeking on conspicuous consumption influences and behaviors. The study of marketplace cultures captures the idea of consumers as culture producers who create self-selected cultural worlds based on shared beliefs, meanings, rituals, social practices, consumption activities, etc. and forge feelings of social solidarity and collective identification within them. It describes the coping mechanisms consumers have employed in light of
globalization. Indeed, the worlds’ increasing interconnectedness has eroded traditional cultural groupings and made way for a focus on individualism and the pursuit of personal goals (Arnould & Thompson, 2005; Maffesoli, 1996). This particular aspect of CCT will prove to be a useful backdrop to this study because it captures the phenomenon of status attainment through the display of cultural capital (such as knowledge, skills, products, etc. valued in the group, which in this case would be the display of brand name or fashionable clothing) and the skill of using the symbolic resources shared within the group in an innovative and creative way (in this case, fashion innovativeness) (Arnould & Thompson, 2005; Belk & Costa, 1998; Celsi et al. 1993; Kates 2002; Kozinets 2001, 2002; McAlexander, Schouten, and Koenig 2002).
The aspect of socio-historic patterning of consumption looks at the institutional and social structures of consumer society, such as class, community, ethnicity and gender, and how they influence consumers’ experiences, beliefs and practices, and, subsequently, their consumption practices (Arnould & Thompson, 2005). This aspect will prove useful for uncovering factors of
youth conspicuous consumption related to the institutional and social structures of consumer society.
Lastly, mass-mediated marketplace ideologies and consumers’ interpretive strategies answers questions about the messages that commercial media send about consumption and about how consumers interpret these messages and form critical responses to them, which may range anywhere from complete acceptance of the ideals illustrated in the commercial messages to deliberate deviation from them. As they accept or reject marketer-created ideals, consumers are not seen as passive, but rather, as active and critical interpreters of the meanings created by the media and advertisements. Since media messages are directed to the masses, they may come to carry social meaning and may subsequently influence consumption of certain products or services because of resulting social pressures (Arnould & Thompson, 2005; Ritson & Elliott, 1999). This aspect of CCT will be useful for uncovering factors of youth conspicuous
consumption related to youth interpretation of various marketing-induced messages and their actions as a result of it, or susceptibility to social pressures from, for example, peers, family, influencers, etc. as a result of those same messages.
Studying consumption contexts with CCT as a frame of reference broadens the focus of
traditional consumer research by taking globalization into account and by taking the experiential, social, and cultural dimensions of consumption into account as well. Employing CCT will
capture the symbolic effects of market mediated messages and the social environment and their interaction with consumers’ construction of identity throughout the consumption cycle
(Askegaard & Linnet, 2011). Since consumer culture theorists do not study contexts as ends in themselves but study within them, CCT will serve as a useful backdrop for theory development.
Therefore, while this particular research study will not deduce any hypotheses based on CCT, it will help to induce theory by serving as a backdrop for some of this study’s data collection methods (i.e. interview questions that the sample members will be asked).
2.10 Purpose of the Study
2.10.1 Research Gap
To begin to uncover the environmental, societal, cultural, and psychological (experiential) nuances that may influence youths’ conspicuous consumption habits in specific country-level contexts, this study aims to investigate the factors driving youths’ conspicuous consumption of clothing in the Netherlands v.s. the U.S.A. and to determine the relative extent that those factors influence the degree of conspicuous consumption among youth in each country. As mentioned, the U.S.A. and the Netherlands are both highly individualistic cultures, as well as inherently Western, economically developed, and democratic (Hofstede, 1980). They were purposefully chosen to attempt to isolate the effects of locally unique sociocultural or psychological factors (e.g., social compliance, desirability, self-monitoring, materialism) on the degree of conspicuous consumption. For instance, since the Netherlands and the U.S.A. are culturally very similar based on Hofstede’s dimensions (Indulgence 68:68, Power Distance 38:40, Individualism 80:91,
Uncertainty Avoidance 53:46, Long Term Orientation 67:26, Masculinity 14:62), the Dutch v.s. American context might provide interesting results by denoting consumption differences
between two highly individualistic cultures, which may previously have been treated similarly by academia's and marketers alike for sgeneralization purposes (Hofstede, n.d.). Furthermore, the Netherlands has a rich aristocratic history as a monarchy and is a traditional market for luxury
consumption going back hundreds of years (as most other Western European countries), making the Dutch society relatively more experienced with luxury products than perhaps the society in the United States (Dubois et al., 2005; Yu et al., 2017). Such nuances, of which there could be countless of unknown others, may influence differences in sociocultural and psychological factors driving conspicuous consumption among youth, that in effect, may influence differences in the relative degree of youths’ conspicuous consumption habits between the two countries. Past studies about factors affecting young consumers’ (conspicuous) consumption behaviors have mostly focused on directly analyzing the influence of specific factors such as gender; social motivations; or of social agents such as the media, peers, or family (Bearden et al., 1989;
Beaudoin & Lachance, 2006; Bristol & Mangleburg, 2005; Childers & Rao, 1992; Gentina et al., 2016; Lachance et al., 2003; Lessig & Park, 1978; John, 1999; Schiffman & Kanuk, 2007; Shim, 1996; Wilson & MacGillivray, 1998). Although focused analyses may be insightful, they prevent finding out about other potentially relevant factors and fail to uncover the relative influence of certain factors over others as compared to the analysis inherent of a more open-ended research approach. Furthermore, to my knowledge, no studies have mentioned that the degree of conspicuous consumption may vary between groups of people. Thus, it follows that no studies have analyzed differences in the relative degree of conspicuous consumption between groups of people. The closest studies that have been carried out in this regard have analyzed racial
differences in spending on conspicuous consumption, although none of these studies have focused on young consumers specifically (Charles et al., 2009; Kaus, 2013).
Furthermore, most studies that have been done on young consumers and conspicuous consumption have focused on one specific cultural context, failing to make cross-cultural
comparisons (Beaudoin & Lachance, 2006; Giovannini et al., 2015; Lewis & Moital, 2016; Zhang & Kim, 2012). Studies that have made cross-cultural comparisons regarding conspicuous consumption have either focused on adults (Bian & Forsythe, 2012; Fernandez, 2009;
Giovannini et al., 2015), or have mostly focused on comparing individualistic vs. collectivistic cultures or Western vs. Eastern societies (Gentina et al., 2016; Schaefer et al., 2004; Souiden et al., 2011; Wong & Ahuvia, 1998). Despite the relevance of studying individualistic vs.
collectivistic cultures or Western vs. Eastern societies for the sake of reaching general
conclusions about consumers in these types of contexts overall, such studies do not detect the country-level nuances that may significantly impact consumption on a market-level.
Taking the aforementioned literature gaps together, it is apparent that an open-ended cross-country analysis of the factors that influence youth to conspicuously consume, and to what degree, is therefore a novel research approach.
2.10.2 Importance
Since young consumers may be influenced by both global and local factors, it is of interest to investigate the extent that factors driving conspicuous consumption differ between young people in different countries (Gentina et al., 2016). While marketers can benefit from mass
generalizations regarding individualistic vs. collectivistic cultures or Western vs. Eastern societies, an understanding of the idiosyncrasies underlying motivations of young people for conspicuous consumption in each market is needed. Studies focused on national comparisons between young consumers and their conspicuous consumption tendencies would be of interest given the global presence of most (luxury) fashion brands and the diverging findings regarding
the global convergence (or lack thereof) of teen consumption patterns (Liu et al., 2012).
Uncovering the relevant drivers of conspicuous consumption in each country would help fashion brands market themselves more effectively to young consumers in the future. Uncovering the relative degree of conspicuous consumption habits among young consumers in each country would help fashion brands better assess market profitability based on their own brand image. Furthermore, young consumers are an especially interesting consumer group to study with respect to clothing brand consumption because they exhibit the greatest degree of brand
consciousness and place the most importance on fashion among all age groups (Koester & May, 1985). Not to mention, young consumers comprise a large market and thus have considerable spending power, as well as even greater potential future spending power. Relatedly, since young consumers are in the process of growing up and forming their preferences, their loyalty to any specific brand is still very influenceable (Parker et al., 2006). Knowing more about young consumers’ underlying motivations and national differences in this respect would be useful for marketers of global brands in building a loyal customer base now and into the future.
2.10.3 Research Questions
Consequently, the purpose of this study is to, in the product context of clothing, explore the factors that influence conspicuous consumption habits of young people in the Netherlands v.s. in the U.S.A. and to describe to what extent these factors influence the degree of conspicuous consumption in each cultural context. To explore these issues, I will conduct an open-ended qualitative study of youths’ conspicuous consumption habits across these two national contexts. These youth will be between the ages of 13-25 to capture the uncertainties inherent of both the
adolescence (13-17 years old) and young adult (18-25 years old) stages. The study will be guided by the following questions:
(1) Why do youth (aged 13-25) in the Netherlands v.s. in the U.S.A. engage in conspicuous consumption? And, (2) how do these drivers influence the degree of their (youth (aged 13-25)
3. Methodology 3.1 Overview and Aim of the Study
To demonstrate ‘trustworthiness,’ and, in effect, the ‘rigour' and ‘relevance’ of this research study, the following section outlines how the research was approached, what assumptions were made, and which methods were adopted to fulfill the purpose of this study (Krefting, 1991). It delineates each part of the data collection process and the resulting development of ideas used within the analysis to explain why the methods employed were deemed the most appropriate for the research purpose in question.
As mentioned in the literature review, youth represent the age group most likely to engage in conspicuous consumption, particularly with respect to clothing (Giovaninni et al., 2015; Wooten, 2006). Youth are a large marketing opportunity for international fashion brands, yet
cross-country studies on the drivers and characteristics of their conspicuous consumption habits are nonexistent. As youth, like consumers in general, are influenced by both global and local factors, this motivates the following question(s):
(1) Why do youth (aged 13-25) in the Netherlands v.s. in the U.S.A. engage in conspicuous consumption? And, (2) how do these drivers influence the degree of their (youth (aged 13-25) in the Netherlands v.s. in the U.S.A) conspicuous consumption habits?
Answering the question(s) required a deeper understanding of the meaning of conspicuous consumption among youth within the Netherlands and the U.S.A. and the influence of these contexts on youths’ conspicuous consumption tendencies. To gain this deeper understanding, this study took a qualitative approach by conducting semi-structured interviews with youth (between the ages of 13-25) from both countries to generate narrative data, the main unit of analysis. As
consumption motivations originate within an individual, using data that reflects upon these inner processes is most appropriate (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Instead of setting a specific number of interviews to carry out prior to data collection, interviews were conducted until data saturation was perceived to have been reached to increase the reliability and depth of the data (Burmeister & Aitken, 2012; Fusch & Ness, 2015; Guest et al., 2006; Morse et al., 2002; O’Reilly & Parker, 2012; Walker, 2012). Since the research questions are situation-specific, the purpose of this study was not to make generalizations to other populations (Eisenhardt, 1989). Hence, an exploratory, inductive method was employed to help uncover new insights surrounding what the meaning and influences of youth conspicuous consumption in each natural country setting are in order to build theory instead of verify an existing one (Maxwell, 2009; Saunders et al., 2016; Silverman, 2005). The study proceeded according to the grounded theory method of the social constructionism research philosophy, thereby employing the constructivist ontological and subjectivist/ interpretivist epistemological perspectives. This philosophy allowed for interpreting the
empirical findings in a relative and subjective manner to thereby account for the diversity of the participants and the contexts they consume(d) in and to discover the underlying meaning of conspicuous consumption in each context while doing so (Charmaz, 2008; Chen et al., 2011; Doan, 1997; Gray, 2013). Employing both constructionism and grounded theory approaches was expected to generate a richer and more reliable data set than had either approach been pursued alone (Charmaz, 2008). The study further employed a value based axiology as the author was part of the process; the semi-structured nature of the interviews allowed me, the author, to ask follow-up questions and to provide clarification about terms or questions to generate the most in-depth and reliable data as possible (Saunders et al., 2012).
3.2 Qualitative Research Approach
Answering the question(s) required a deeper understanding of the meaning of conspicuous consumption among youth within the Netherlands and the U.S.A. and the influence of these contexts on youths’ conspicuous consumption tendencies. To gain this deeper understanding, a qualitative, multiple case study used a series of semi-structured interviews (one interview with each participant) to generate narrative data, the main unit of analysis. Observations of the participants’ attire during the interviews were also made for the purpose of triangulation of evidence, which strengthens the grounding of theory (Eisenhardt, 1989; Tracy, 2010). A qualitative approach was taken for several reasons. Since the research questions were
situation-specific, the purpose of this study was not to make generalizations to other populations. To study the phenomenon of conspicuous consumption in samples of the greater youth
populations in the Netherlands and the U.S.A., a qualitative approach seemed most appropriate because it allows a study to be embedded within the context(s) of interest (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Eisenhardt, 1989; Miles & Huberman, 1994).
Furthermore, a qualitative approach is well-suited for building theory with respect to a relatively unexplored research topic. Indeed, this study was exploratory in the sense that it sought to generate new insights surrounding the conspicuous consumption habits of youth, a largely unexplored area of research in a cross-country setting (Saunders & Lewis, 2014). Conspicuous consumption is not only unexplored in a cross-country context, it also lacks an agreed upon definition and is hard to measure: Conspicuous consumption is a subjective and abstract concept that in the context of this study was used to explain several manifestations of consumption patterns. Conspicuous consumption may have a different meaning for different individuals,
which makes it difficult for any one individual to recognize the conspicuousness of his or her own consumption habits (O’Cass & Frost, 2002). Therefore, a quantitative, measurement based approach seemed inappropriate because the subjectivity and lack of consistency surrounding the definition of conspicuous consumption and the difficulty of measuring the degree of one’s conspicuous consumption habits without detailed clarification would not generate a quantitative data set of precision. Qualitative studies are more appropriate when information about a concept is scarce because they study a phenomenon or situation in more detail in an attempt to create more understanding, consistency, and agreement where it is lacking (Saunders et al., 2016). Hence, an inductive, grounded theory approach to qualitative research was employed to help uncover new insights surrounding what the meaning and influences of youth conspicuous consumption in each natural country setting are in order to build theory instead of verify an existing one (Maxwell, 2009; Saunders et al., 2016; Silverman, 2005).
A qualitative approach is also beneficial for collecting and analyzing elaborate, non-standardized data. For the purpose of this study, collecting thick narrative descriptions with rich detail from numerous participants from each country would allow for across-case inductive analysis to reveal the patterns and themes of interest, namely, intra- and international similarities and differences (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Yin, 2009). Such similarities and differences would emerge from the qualitative approach’s attempt to gain an understanding of individual participants’ meanings, to uncover context-specific influences, and to analyze the processes which lead the aforementioned meanings and context-specific influences to generate the cross-country similarities and differences this study was interested in teasing out (Maxwell & Reybold, 2015).
