Implementation of counter-terrorism policy in Dutch municipalities

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Implementation of

counter-terrorism

policy in Dutch

municipalities

Implementation of ‘Actieprogramma

Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ in

Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague.

Nienke Alting – s1187244

Master thesis

Crisis and Security Management Supervisor: Daan Weggemans Second reader: Myriam Benraad

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Abstract

In 2014, the Dutch government published the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ in order to protect the democratic rule of law, fight and weaken the Jihadist movement in the Netherlands and removing the breeding ground for radicalization. Dutch municipalities were to play a vital role in implementing this ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’. The purpose of this study is to show how, and to what extent, this national counter-terrorism policy has been implemented in the municipalities of Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague. First, this thesis focused on existing theory in the field of policy implementation, the content of the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ and the municipal policies. Based on this information, the municipal documents were analyzed using the coding program Atlas.ti. This analysis showed that not all measures, meant for implementation by local governments, were indeed implemented by these municipalities. The analysis of the counter-terrorism policies of the three municipalities showed that the focus of measures to be implemented were similar; both professionals and, in the case of Amsterdam and Rotterdam, local networks are being aided and trained to recognize and deal with radicalization. The manner in which the measures are implemented is different in each municipality.

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Chapter 1. Introduction

1.1 Counter-terrorism policy in the Netherlands

As a result of the Arabic spring which begun in 2010, a civil war started in Syria in 2011 (Bakker & Grol, 2017, p. 33). This civil war started out as uprisings fueled by discontent of the regime of the Syrian president Bashar al-Assad (Bakker & Grol, 2017, p. 33). These uprisings escalated to the point where multiple factions were involved in this armed conflict. Islamist groups such as the Islamic State play a crucial role in this conflict (De Roy van Zuijdewijn & Bakker, 2014, p. 2). Since 2012 many European countries have seen an increasing number of radicalized citizens who moved to Syria and aligned themselves with insurgent groups such as the Islamic State (Borum & Fein, 2017, p. 248). These so called foreign fighters have joined the conflict mainly on the side of the Islamist groups such as the Islamic State, they have joined in jihad. These foreign fighters regard the jihad as a struggle for the sake of Allah against the regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria (De Roy van Zuijdewijn & Bakker, Returning Western foreign fighters: The case of Afghanistan, Bosnia and Somalia, 2014, p. 1).

The influx of foreign fighters into Syria has “brought renewed attention to the security threat posed by people who crossed to participate in armed conflict” (Borum & Fein, 2017, p. 248). According to Mendelson, citizens and politicians alike fear a ‘bleed-out’ (2011, p. 191). The worry that jihadi veterans, who were trained to build bombs and have acquired fighting skills, will return to their home country and use these skills to facilitate the initiation or escalation of terrorism there (Mendelsohn, 2011, p. 191). In response to this fear, the national threat level in the Netherlands was raised from ‘limited’ to substantial. The Dutch ‘terrorism threat picture’, or the ‘Dreigingsbeeld Terrorisme Nederland’ focused increasingly on jihadism and radicalization (De Roy van Zuijdewijn & Bakker, 2016, p. 18). This new surge in attention to radicalization also meant new political interest in the subject. In response to this influx in attention to radicalization and fear of returning foreign fighters, the Netherlands have, like many other European countries, created new counter-terrorism policy (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 21).

1.2 ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’

In the summer 2014 the Dutch government, the National Coordinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid (NCTV), created new counter-terrorism policy. This policy was called the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ and focused both on national and local action.

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Municipalities were to play the most crucial role in combatting jihadism and radicalization; a special manual was published to assist municipalities in implementing the national policy (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014). The goal of this policy is threefold: protecting the democratic rule of law, fight and weaken the Jihadist movement in the Netherlands and removing the breeding ground for radicalization (Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie, 2014). This will be attempted trough five policy lines: risk reduction, intervention, taking on radicalization and social tensions, social media and information exchange and international cooperation (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014).

In 2017 a report was released which focused on the best practices several Dutch municipalities have concerning the implementation of the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ (Inspectie Veiligheid en Justitie, 2017). This report also suggested that municipalities have implemented the national policy in different ways. Some municipalities indicated that they have created specific activities to prevent radicalization and some municipalities indicated that they hold case meetings with other actors, such as child protective services and health services, to notice and prevent early signals of radicalization (Inspectie Veiligheid en Justitie, 2017). Even though there is room to create a local policy, adapted to the needs of each municipality, all the points of the national radicalization policy should be implemented in order to prevent and fight radicalization (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014). This thesis will look into this suggestion that not all municipalities have implemented the national policy as they were supposed to.

1.3 Research question

In light of the short introduction into the counter-terrorism policy in the Netherlands and the implementation of this policy on a local level, the aim of this thesis is to answer the following research question:

How and to what extent has the national anti-radicalization policy been implemented in the municipalities Amsterdam, The Hague and Rotterdam?

1.4 Implementing counter-terrorism policy

As will be discussed in more detail in chapter two of this thesis, extensive research has been done into implementing national policy on a local level. Pressman and Wildavsky were the first to look into the differences in between the intended policy and the content of what has actually been implemented (Pressman & Wildavsky, 1984, p. xvii). Following Pressman and

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Wildavsky, other academics have joined the debate on policy implementation (Paudel, 2009, p. 36). These researchers tried to find an all-encompassing theory of policy implementation; a theory that is fitting to the implementation of policy in all areas (Paudel, 2009, p. 46). An overarching theory has not been achieved because of the many policy sectors and because implementation literature is dominated by many variables that are considered important but there is a lack of crucial ’universal’ variables that define ‘good’ policy implementation (Paudel, 2009, p. 47). It therefore crucial to consciously research policy implementation in every policy sector. Great attention has been paid to policy sectors such as education, social, economic and environmental policy; there has been a lack of research into the implementation of counter-terrorism and radicalization policy (Paudel, 2009, p. 47). This goal of this thesis is to make a start in filling the gap in literature.

By looking into, and comparing, the implemented polices on a local level, both the municipalities and the national government can gain insight in the differences in the implemented policies. The national government can, if necessary. adapt the counter-terrorism policy to improve the implementation on a local level. The municipalities could utilize this research to change and maybe improve their implementation of the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’; local governments can learn from each other and adopt best practices in their municipalities. Improving counter-terrorism policy both on a local and national level has societal significance because it is key to the Dutch national security.

It is for these reasons important to look into the implementation of counter-terrorism policy, it has both academic and societal significance. In order to research the implementation radicalization policy this thesis will look into the implementation of the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ in three of the largest Dutch municipalities; Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague. These three municipalities have all put time and effort into the implementation of the Actieprogramma in order to prevent and fight radicalization. The reports on these new municipal policies, published by these three municipalities, will be analyzed in this thesis.

1.5 Reading guide

This thesis is built op as follows. The first chapter contained a short introduction into radicalization policy in the Netherlands, the research question was introduced and the societal and academic relevance were discussed. Chapter two contains the body of knowledge; it will look into the conceptualization of policy implementation and will discuss the theories and

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relevant literature on this subject. The third chapter will provide insight into the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ and will discuss the counter-terrorism policy in Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague. Chapter four is the methodology chapter, this chapter describes the research design, the case selection and the methods used to conduct the research. Chapter five will the contain the actual research; the analysis of the municipal policies. Chapter six is the concluding chapter, it will answer the research question, give practical recommendations and will discuss the restrictions of this research.

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Chapter 2. Theoretical Framework

2.1 Introduction

As was shortly mentioned in the introduction of this thesis; the field of policy implementation has expanded vastly since the publication of Pressman and Wildavky’s seminal work (Hill & Hupe, 2002). Since the 1970’s there have been many theories and definitions of policy implementation (Paudel, 2009, p. 36). This chapter will first discuss those different definitions, then this chapter will explore the different perspectives into policy implementation. After this, theories on successful policy implementation will be discussed. The final part of this chapter will look into the sectoral policy issue coverage; certain policy sectors have been central in the policy implementation literature and other sectors have been left out of the spotlight (Paudel, 2009, p. 48).

2.2 Conceptualization of policy implementation

Over the last 50 years there have been many attempts to define the concept and the purpose of policy implementation. Even though much has been published since Pressman and Wildavsky’s seminal work; the definition and the purpose of this field of research has not really changed (Hill & Hupe, 2002, p. 2). The next two paragraphs will focus on the definition of policy implementation and what the field of policy implementation entails.

2.2.1 Policy implementation defined

Before exploring the different perspectives and policy areas that are central in the field of policy implementation, it is vital to define the concept that is central in this chapter: ‘policy implementation’. One could argue that the concept ‘policy implementation’ is self-explanatory and that clarifying the meaning of such a concept is unnecessary; that is a question of ‘mere semantics’ (Baldwin, 1997, p. 6). However, conceptualization is vital for understanding the concept and to avoid problems of research (Oppenheim, 1975).

Both Carl Hempel and David Baldwin argue that a clear definition is vital when conducting research. Without a clear definition of the concept, no clear hypothesis can be made and could therefore create substantive problems of research (Baldwin, 1997, p. 6).

There have been many attempts by academics to conceptualize ‘policy implementation’. Only the definitions that are used most frequently will be explored in this paragraph. Pressman and Wildavsky state that implementation can be defined as “to carry out, accomplish, fulfill,

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produce, complete” (Pressman & Wildavsky, 1984, p. xxi). Van Meter and Van Horn have a definition that is somewhat more extensive; “policy implementation encompasses those actions by public and private individuals (or groups) that are directed at the achievement of objectives set forth in prior policy decisions” (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 447). Another definition which is regularly used is the definition by O’Toole (1995, p. 43); implementation is “what develops between the establishment of an apparent intention on the part of government to do something or stop doing something and the ultimate impact of world of actions”. Jenkins focusses less on the actors involved in the process but more on the changes that occur: “a study of implementation is a study of change: how change occurs, possibly how it may be induced” (Jenkins, 1978, p. 203).

The definition that will be used in this thesis is another definition which is offered by Mazmanian and Sabatier:

“Implementation is the carrying out of a basic policy decision, usually incorporated in a statute but which can also take the form of important executive orders and court decisions. Ideally, that decision identifies the problem(s) to be addressed, stipulates the objective(s) to be pursued, and in a variety of ways, ‘structures’ the implementation process. The process normally runs through a number of stages beginning with passage of the basic statute, followed by the policy outputs (decisions) of the implementing agencies, the compliance of target groups with those decisions, the actual impacts – both intended and unintended – of those outputs, the perceived impacts of agency decisions, and finally, important revisions (or attempted revisions) in the basic statute” (Sabatier & Mazmanian, 1979).

This definition will be used because it illustrates that implementation cannot be detached from the policy decision. This definition shows that the implementation of a policy decision is part of a cycle. The next paragraph will focus more on this policy cycle.

2.2.2 Implementation and the policy cycle

What is apparent from the definitions that were mentioned above, is that the concepts ‘policy’ and ‘implementation’ are connected. Pressman and Wildavsky argue the following; “We can work neither with a definition of policy that excludes any implementation nor one that includes all implementation. There must be starting point. If no action is begun, implementation cannot

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take place. There must be also an end point. Implementation cannot succeed or fail without a goal against which to judge it” (1984, p. xxii). The starting point is thus a policy decision and from this policy decision, the implementation process follows.

The interconnectivity between these two concepts, ‘policy’ and ‘implementation’, has also been the focus of many publications on public policy (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 6). Many ‘phase’ or ‘stage’ models of the policy process have been developed, each with a different focus. Some theories emphasize how issues get on the agenda, other theories focus on the formulation of the problem. Such models show the process or cycle of a policy in a simplified way.

This ‘textbook’ or ‘stagist’ model of the policy cycle is not without its critics; critics argue that this ‘stagist’ model creates an artificial view of policy making (Parsons, 1995, p. 79). They argue that the real world is far more complicated and the policy cycle cannot be divided in clearly defined steps or phases (Parsons, 1995, p. 79). The stagist approach will, however, be used in this thesis in order to illustrate the position of ‘policy implementation’ in the policy cycle. A stagist framework, as can be seen in figure 1, does provide a systematic way in which the complex reality can be depicted. “Each ‘stage’ relates to a specific part of the context in which public policy is being made” (Parsons, 1995, p. 80). Important to note is that the implementation phase of the policy does not commence until the goals and objectives have been established, the implementation process starts after legislation has been passed (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 448).

The different stages in figure 1 can be divided into three main frameworks of analysis; meso analysis, decision analysis and delivery analysis. Meso analysis is the “way in which issues and problems are defined and policy agendas are set” (Parsons, 1995, p. 82). The two stages ‘problem’ and ‘problem-definition’ fall under this category. The second category, decision analysis, deals with how decisions are taken and how policies are made (Parsons, 1995, p. 82). The stages ‘Identifying alternative responses and solutions’, ‘Evaluation of options’ and ‘Selection of policy option’ are part of this second category. The third category, delivery analysis, is the analysis of “how policies are administered, managed, implemented, evaluated and terminated” (Parsons, 1995, p. 82). Policy implementation, the focus of this study, thus falls under the category ‘delivery analysis’. Important to keep in mind is that there is a difference between policy implementation and other parts of the category delivery analysis. This distinction will be discussed in the next paragraph.

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Figure 1: Policy Cycle (Parsons, 1995, p. 77).

2.2.3 Study of implementation vs study of impact

In order to understand the field of policy implementation, it is important to recognize the difference between the study of implementation and the study of impact. This distinction illustrates the importance of a clear definition of policy implementation. Even though the two concepts are different, they are closely related (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 448). The study of impact “searches for the consequences of a policy decision” (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 448). It explores, measures and explains program performance. The study of impact looks at the degree to which the goals of a policy have been met and if a policy has had the indented impact (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 448). The study of policy implementation focuses on whether and to what extent the plan or policy has been executed, it does not focus on the effects of the policy (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 448). In relation to the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’; the study of policy implementation looks at whether and to what extent local governments have executed or carried out the policy of the national government. Whether or not the national policy is effective is not the part of that study.

Problem Problem definition Identifying alternative responses / solutions Evaluation of options Selection of policy option Policy implementation Outcome evaluation

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2.3 Evolution of policy implementation theories

The field of policy implementation has evolved over several decades. According to Hill and Hupe this field of study emerged as a result of an increasing amount of, often ineffective, government interventions to address social problems (Hill & Hupe, 2002, p. 41). When this field of study emerged the execution of political mandates were not taken for granted anymore. Paudel states that (2009, p. 38), the implementation research done over the years can be divided into three generations. The first-generation implementation research was “focused on how a single authorative decision was carried out, either at a single location or at multiple sites” (Goggin, 1990, p. 13). The literature that is part of this generation focusses on the understanding of factors that helped or blocked the implementation of public policies. The critique of this first-generation model is that this research was atheoretical and case-specific. Research that was published was innovative but conclusions could not be generalized across the entire field of policy implementation (Paudel, 2009, p. 38).

The second generation tried to understand the dynamics between policy and practice, “it concerned itself with explaining implementation success or failure and relied heavily on an explicit or implicit model of policy implementation process” (Goggin, 1990, p. 183). The second generation was committed to developing an analytical framework. This led to “a major confrontation between the so-called top-down and bottom-up perspectives of policy implementation” (Paudel, 2009, p. 39). These two perspectives we will be discussed more extensively in the next two paragraphs.

The third generation is different from the first two because it strives to find and use operational definitions of concepts, ‘reliable indicators of implementation and predictor variables’ (Goggin, 1990, p. 19). Goggin suggests that this generation bases its research on comparative case studies and statistical research designs (1990, p. 19).

This research is more in line with the first of the three generations; both that generation and this research look at how one policy, in the case of this research the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’, has been carried out on a local level.

2.3.1 Top-down implementation perspective

During the evolvement of implementation theory, two schools of thought developed: the top-down and bottom-up perspectives. The top-top-down perspective of policy implementation was the first perspective which was developed by Pressman and Wildavsky (Parsons, 1995, p. 464).

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Pressman and Wildavsky published a book about policy implementation in 1973 with an especially long title: ‘How Great Expectations In Washington Are Dashed in Oakland; Or, Why It’s Amazing That Federal Programs Work At All This Being A Saga Of The Economic Development Administration As Told By Two Sympathetic Observers Who Seek To Build Morals On A Foundation of Ruined Hopes’ (Pressman & Wildavsky, 1984). This book looks into the implementation of a federal program in Oakland. In the 1970’s “efforts to develop government interventions to address social problems of various kinds were rapidly increasing, and there was awareness that these interventions were often ineffective” (Hill & Hupe, 2002, p. 40). Pressman and Wildavsky looked into such a federal program in Oakland that experimented with how the provision of public works and building loans can provide incentives for employers to hire minorities (Pressmanm & Wildavsky, 2012). The authors used this case to look into the administrative process between ‘policy formation’ and ‘policy outcomes’, a process which was previously treated as a ‘black box’; irrelevant to ‘policy outcomes’ (Hill & Hupe, 2002, p. 41). Pressman and Wildavky’s work is a seminal piece in the field of policy implementation, they created a distinct approach to policy implementation: the top-down implementation perspective.

The top-down perspective assumes that policy makers create the policy and set the goals of a policy, control and a good chain of command is vital in this perspective. According to Paudel (2009, p. 40) this perspective “emphasizes formal steering of problems and factors, which are easy to manipulate and lead to centralization and control”. The top-down perspective is a rational model, it is imbued with the ideas that “implementation is about getting people to do what they are told, and keeping control over a sequence of stages in a system; and about the development of a program of control which minimizes conflict and deviation from the goals set by the initial ‘policy hypothesis’” (Parsons, 1995, p. 466). Democratically elected individuals make policy choices, these policies are then handed over to a hierarchically structured agency. These democratically elected individuals formulate the policy at the top of the pyramid and pass them down the chain of command to other actors who carry out this policy (Parsons, 1995, p. 464). These other actors, the individuals who carry out the policy, do so without hesitation and reservation. The views of the policymaker are vital (Paudel, 2009, p. 39).

Pressman and Wildavsky posit that a policy is a “hypothesis containing initial conditions and predicted consequences. If X is done at t1 and then Y will happen at t2. (Pressman & Wildavsky, 1984, p. xxii)”. In order for this top-down perspective to be effective, the chain of command cannot fail; communication with and control over actors who are

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involved in the performance of task has to be without flaws (Parsons, 1995, p. 464). Resources, both individuals and organizations, have to be controlled. This is based on the classic Weberian interpretation of relationships within organizations; “the ideal role of subordinates is one of implementing faithfully the decisions made by their superiors” (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 455).

Critics argue that total control over resources is not possible. One of the arguments put forth by critics is that the role of the other actors in the implementation process is not taken into account. These other actors do not always take orders or execute orders precisely as they are meant (Parsons, 1995, p. 468). In this research, the top-down perspective is relevant. The radicalization policy in this thesis has been created by ‘top-level bureaucrats’, these bureaucrats created the policy for implementation on a local level.

2.3.2 Bottom-up implementation perspective

As mentioned in the last paragraph, the top-down perspective of policy implementation has been criticized in several ways. From these criticisms, a new perspective emerged; the bottom-up implementation perspective. “The bottom-bottom-up model is one which sees the process as involving negotiation and consensus-building. These involve two context or environments: the management skills and cultures of the organizations involved in implementing public policy (schools, hospitals, police forces, welfare agencies, armed forces, government departments), and the political environments in which they have to work” (Parsons, 1995, p. 469). This perspective has a problem in society as starting point which is notices by street-level bureaucrats (Paudel, 2009, p. 41). These street-level bureaucrats are considered to have better understanding of what society and citizens need (Paudel, 2009, p. 41).

The bottom-up perspective has Lipsky’s theory about street-level bureaucrats as a basis. Lipsky argues that field workers are the real policy makers because they experience the situation in practice (Lipsky, 1980). In this perspective a problem in society is noticed by a ‘street-level bureaucrat’ and these bureaucrats are central in the solution; in the political process of creating policy to remedy the problem (Paudel, 2009, p. 41). Local networks are vital in the implementation process of a policy, the actors within these local networks can adapt initiatives to local conditions (Paudel, 2009, p. 42).

Besides Lipsky, there have been other authors that published influential books and articles written from the bottom-up perspectives. Since the publication of Lipsky’s “theoretical template for understanding street-level bureaucracies, the field has grown considerably with

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diverse lines of research taking up issues that are central to street-level theory and also extending it in significant ways” (Brodkin, 2016). Other influential authors are, for example, Benny Hjern, Susan Barrett and Colin Fudge and Dunleavy.

This perspective also has some weaknesses. This perspective rejects, for instance, the authority of policymakers. This rejections is questionable in the light of standard democratic theory; actors who were voted into office were granted the powers to create policies (Paudel, 2009, p. 42). The authority of local actors does not derive from voters, they are not elected representatives (Paudel, 2009, p. 42). Another criticism is that this perspective cannot generate a theory or practice that can improve effectiveness of policies at street level (Elmore, 1978, p. 208).

2.4 Successful policy implementation

The literature concerning policy implementation does not only consist of definitions of the concept and the differences between the top-down and bottom-up perspectives, the literature is full of suggestions and advice on how to implement policy in a successful way (Paudel, 2009). Even though much research has been done into policy implementation, academics cannot agree on one set of factors that influence successful policy implementation (Paudel, 2009, p. 48). This is mainly because there are many different policy sectors, all with their own characteristics (Paudel, 2009, p. 48). This paragraph will focus on the conditions for successful policy implementation according to the top-down perspective.

2.4.1 Mazmanian and Sabatier

The authors Mazmanian and Sabatier published an article in the journal of Policy Analysis in 1979. In this article they “identify five conditions conducive to effective policy implementation and then suggest a number of strategies available to legislative and other policy formulators for overcoming deficiencies in one or more of these conditions” (Sabatier & Mazmanian, 1979, p. 481). The authors state that these conditions apply to all governmental programs that seek some sort of change in behavior (Sabatier & Mazmanian, 1979, p. 484). Because the literature in the field of policy implementation relies mostly on case studies, some fragmentation is inevitable; factors in one case cannot necessarily be generalized to the entire field (Sabatier & Mazmanian, 1979, p. 484). Mazmanian and Sabatier developed this framework in the hope of countering this fragmentation in the field of policy implementation (Sabatier & Mazmanian, 1979, p. 484). The fact that these two others developed a framework which is, according to

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them, applicable to the entire field of policy implementations, this framework is a seminal piece (Parsons, 1995, p. 486).

The conditions of effective policy implementation:

1. The program is based on a sound theory relating changes in target group behavior to the achievement of the desired end-state (objectives);

2. The statute (or other basic policy decision) contains unambiguous policy directives and structures the implementation process so as to maximize the likelihood that target groups will perform as desired

a. The policy objectives are precise and clearly ranked, both internally (within the specific statute) and in the overall program of implementing agencies.

b. The financial resources provided to implementing agencies are sufficient to hire the staff and conduct the technical analyses involved in the development of regulations, the administration of permit/service delivery programs, and the monitoring of target group compliance;

c. Implementation is assigned to agencies supportive of statutory objectives that will give the new program high priority;

d. The statute provides substantial hierarchical integration within and among implementing agencies by minimizing the number of veto/clearance points and by providing supporters of statutory objectives with inducements and sanctions sufficient to assure acquiescence among those with a potential veto;

e. The decision rules of implementing agencies are supportive of statutory objectives;

f. The statute provides ample opportunity for constituency groups and sovereigns supportive of statutory objectives to intervene in the implementations process through, for example, liberal rules of standing to agency and judicial proceedings and requirements for periodic evaluation of the performance of implementing agencies and target groups.

3. The leaders of the implementing agencies possess substantial managerial and political skill and are committed to statutory goals;

4. The program is actively supported by organized constituency groups and by few key legislators (or the chief executive) throughout the implementation process, with the courts being neutral or supportive;

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5. The relative priority of statutory objectives is not significantly undermined over time by the emergence of conflicting public policies or by changes in relevant socioeconomic conditions that undermine the statute’s ‘technical’ theory or political support. (Sabatier & Mazmanian, 1979, pp. 484 - 485)

2.4.2 Other theories on successful policy implementation

Besides the five conditions of effective policy implementation that was created by Mazmanian and Sabatier, other authors have attempted to create a similar framework. Some other frameworks will be discussed in this paragraph in order to identify several conditions which overlap in each of these different frameworks.

An example of factors that contribute to effective policy implementation is the theory written by Elmore in 1978. Elmore (1978) identified four main elements of successful policy implementation: Clearly stated tasks and goals that reflect the intent of the policy; a clear plan that delegates and assigns tasks to certain actors; an unbiased way to measure the work of these actors and a system that can hold these actors accountable for their performance. The failure of a policy implementation is a result of the lack of planning and control (Elmore, Organizational Models of Social Program Implementation, 1978, p. 195).

Christopher Hood also published a list with conditions for perfect policy implementation from a top-down perspective. These conditions are: That ideal implementations is a product of unitary ‘army’-like organization, with clear lines of authority; that norms would be enforces and objectives given; that people would do what they are told and asked; that there should be perfect communication in and between units of organization and that there would be no pressure of time.

Lewis Gunn set out ten conditions which provide a framework of question that should be asked about a policy before the start of the implementation process. These conditions are: circumstances external to the implementing agency do not impose crippling constraints; adequate time and sufficient resources are made available to the program; not only are there no constraint’s in terms of overall resources, but also at each stage in the implementation process the required combination of resources is actually available the policy to be implemented is based on a valid theory of cause and effect; the relationship between cause and effect is direct and there are few, if any, intervening links; the is a single implementation agency which need not depend upon other agencies for success. If other agencies must be involved, the dependency

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relationships are minimal in number and importance; the is complete understanding of and agreement upon the objectives to be achieved; an these conditions persist throughout the implementation process; in moving towards agreed objectives it is possible to specify, in complete detail and perfect sequence, the tasks to be performed by each participant; the is perfect communication among, and co-ordination of, the various elements or agencies involved in the program; and those in authority can demand and obtain perfect obedience.

It is apparent from all these conditions that these lists are constructed from a top-down perspective; the chain of command and obedience from other actors involved is vital. Several conditions of successful policy implementation are present in all frameworks discussed. One of those conditions is that the policy or program has to be clearly defined. The frameworks also suggest that it is vital that enough resources are available to implement the policy or program. Another condition is that the actors in positions of authority are clear on what other actors are doing and they that these authority figures have control over the entire implementation process.

2.5 Sectoral policy issue coverage

As was shortly mentioned before, the field of policy implementation is fragmented because the field policy implementation relies mostly on case studies. Even the most seminal pieces in this field, such as Pressman and Wildavsky’s theory, are based on cases of policy implementation (Sabatier & Mazmanian, 1979, p. 484). This means that the conclusions of these seminal pieces are specific to the cases that were studied. Van Meter and Van Horn argue that the implementation process varies depending on the nature of the policy to be carried out (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 458). They suggest that “the probability of effective implementation will depend – in part – on the type of policy being considered, and that the specific factors contributing to the realization or nonrealization of program objectives will vary from one policy type to another” (Van Meter & Van Horn, 1975, p. 461).

The next paragraph will discuss what policy sectors have been a popular choice for many researchers in the field of policy implementation. This paragraph will focus on the research that has already been done and what type of cases were chosen. Paragraph 3.5.2. will comment on policy implementation and the field of counter-terrorism.

2.5.1 Popular policy sectors

In 2005, Harald Saetren published an article in The Policy Studies Journal which partly focused on different areas of research that policy implementation scholars studied. He agreed with Hill

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and Hupe, who published a similar book in 2002 (Saetren, 2005, p. 571). Both Hill and Hupe and Saetren looked concluded that there is a “clear bias in research topics among implementation scholars toward a few policy sectors” (Saetren, 2005, p. 571). There are five policy issues which are researched most often: educational, health, environmental, social and economic issues (Saetren, 2005, p. 571). An overview of these is findings is depicted in table 1. Since the publication of these two articles not much have changed, researches still focus on these five policy issues most often (Cerna, 2013, p. 21).

The fact that there is no mention of research into the implementation of counter-terrorism policy is striking. The next paragraphs will focus on this gap in the literature.

Policy Sector Percentage of total publications

Education 38%

Health 15%

Environment 9%

Economic 8%

Social 8%

Civil / Human rights 3%

Criminal Justice 2%

Administrative reform 3%

Agriculture / Forestry / Fishery 3%

Energy 1%

Manpower 2%

Foreign / Military / Defense 1%

Table 1: Policy Areas (Saetren, 2005)

2.6 Counter-terrorism and policy implementation

The next part of the theoretical framework will look into the gap in policy implementation literature; implementation of counter-terrorism policy. Before looking into the implementation of counter-terrorism policy, the concept of terrorism and counter-terrorism will be explored. Because without a clear definition of the concept, no clear hypothesis can be made and could therefore create substantive problems of research (Baldwin, 1997, p. 6).

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2.6.1 Implementation of counter-terrorism policy

Since the attacks in New York on September 11th_{2001 and the following attacks in the subways}

of both Madrid and London, it has become clear that terrorism can dramatically influence the world (Bruce, 2013, p. 26). The occurrence of such attacks has led to an increasing amount of literature and theory about such attacks (Rubin, 2011). When looking at journals, articles and books about terrorism, it becomes apparent that many different definitions of the word terrorism are used. According to Bruce, “a suitable universal definition remains elusive because different bodies, organizations and government agencies have different definitions to suit their own particular role, purpose or bias” (2013, p. 26). There are many different types of terrorism, for example regime terrorism, right-wing terrorism, lone-wolf terrorism and jihadist terrorism, this makes defining the concept even more complex. the European Union’s Framework Decision on Combating Terrorism of 2002 which defines terrorism as: “Criminal offences against persons and property that, given their nature or context, may seriously damage a country or international organization where committed with the aim of: seriously intimidating a population; or unduly compelling a Government or international organization to perform or abstain from performing any act; or seriously destabilizing or destroying the fundamental political, economic or social structure of a country or an international organization” (Council Framework Decision on Combating Terrorism, 2002). Even though this definition is often used, it is not the definition that will be used in this thesis. This is because this definition does not account for “strategic use of raw emotions that terrorists seek to provoke and exploit through their deliberately staged atrocities and norm violations” (Schmid, 2012).

The definition that will be used in this thesis is the definition put forth by Fernando Reinares: “Firstly, terrorism is an act of violence that produces widespread disproportionate emotional reactions such as fear and anxiety which are likely to influence attitude and behavior. Secondly the violence is systemic and rather unpredictable and is usually directed against symbolic targets. Thirdly, the violence conveys messages and threats in order to communicate and gain social control” (Reinares, 2003, p. 309).

As was mentioned above, there have been many publications of journal articles and books in the field of policy implementation. There are five policy issues which are researched most often: educational, health, environmental, social and economic issues (Saetren, 2005, p. 571). The field of counter-terrorism is underrepresented; there are only a few publications that have focused on the implementation of counter-terrorism policy (Saetren, 2005). Counter-terrorism policy itself has, however, been researched extensively. There have been many

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publications about different counter-terrorism policies; these books and journal articles focus on the content of the policy and impact of the policy (Shaffer, 2015). They do not, however, focus on the implementation of these policies.

In 2006, Bures published an article in the journal for Terrorism and Political Violence which did focus on the implementation of counter-terrorism policy. In his article Bures argued that European counter-terrorism policy is a ‘paper tiger’ and that it is not effective because it has not been implemented (Bures, 2006, p. 56). He states that “decisions adopted at the EU level have not been fully implemented by the Member States and there have been cases of different interpretations of the agreed measures” (Bures, 2006, p. 72).This article, written by Bures in 2006, is the only publication available online and in libraries on the topic of implementation of counter-terrorism policy. This shows that there is a gap in the literature.

The fact that there has almost no research been done into the implementation of counter-terrorism policy raises two questions. Firstly, why has no research into this field been done? Secondly, why is this lack of research a problem? The answer to the first question is definitive but could be twofold. No research has been done into field of implementation of counter-terrorism policy because counter-counter-terrorism policy changes regularly; policy changes before it is fully implemented. Another reason why no research has been done into field of implementation of counter-terrorism policy is because counter-terrorism is a topic in which documents or policy decisions might be confidential. Some types of research into this policy area might be impossible because the data cannot be accessed or used. Fortunately, in this research both of these reasons are not applicable.

The second question that can be asked is: why is this lack of research a problem? Why is it a problem that there is almost no research been done into the field of implementation of terrorism policy? When no research is done into the implementation of counter-terrorism policy this could have effects on both national and international security. Only when it becomes clear, through extensive research, how national policies in this policy area is implemented, one can evaluate the situation and develop a protocol or way of successfully implementing policies in the area of counter-terrorism. When these policies are implemented correctly, the policy in question might be more effective.

2.7 Policy implementation and the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’

The theories on both policy implementation and counter-terrorism policy assembled in this theoretical framework suggest that the implementation of the national policy, the

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‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’, will be difficult and it can be expected to be different in each case. Every city might approach the national policy in a different manner and the implementation of this policy could have a different priority in each case. The extent to which the national policy has been implemented can be expected to differ in each city, based on the theory discussed in this chapter.

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Chapter 3. Case description

3.1 Introduction

This chapter will first discuss Dutch counter-terrorism policy, this chapter will also explain the key factors of the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’. Next, this chapter will look into the cases and case selection process. For each case the former and current counter-terrorism policy will be discussed.

3.2 History of Dutch counter-terrorism policy

At the start of the 21st_{century the world was shocked by several acts of terrorism; the attack}

on the World Trade Center and on the underground system of Madrid. These events led to the revision of safety and counter-terrorism policy in many countries (Wittendorp, de Bont, de Roy van Zuijdewijn, & Bakker, 2017). Counties such and Denmark, the United States of America and Germany all created new counter-terrorism policy after the attack on the World Trade Center in 2001 (Wittendorp, de Bont, de Roy van Zuijdewijn, & Bakker, 2017).

However, the event that triggered the Dutch government to act and create a specific policy to deal with radicalization and counter-terrorism was not a big terrorist attack but the murder of Dutch film producer Theo van Gogh. Theo van Gogh was murdered in November 2004 by a member of the Islamic terrorist cell the ‘Hofstadgroup’ (Bakker & Grol, 2017). The Dutch government indented to improve the coordination of counter-terrorism policy by creating a new actor; the national coordinator of counter-terrorism (NCTb) (Wittendorp, de Bont, de Roy van Zuijdewijn, & Bakker, 2017, p. 19). The Dutch government also set up an alert system which was to inform important business sectors about the risk of terrorist attacks (Wittendorp, de Bont, de Roy van Zuijdewijn, & Bakker, 2017, p. 19).

However, no major changes had taken place until June 2005. In June 2005 the Dutch government released the first DTN.1_{This DTN suggested that the main terrorism threat in the}

Netherlands is coming from individuals active within local Islamic networks (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 17). In this DTN it was stated that the terrorist threat was related to radicalization of Dutch citizens. In the same year, the Dutch government created counter-terrorism policy which

1_{DTN is Dreigingsbeeld Terrorisme Nederland. This is a report from the Dutch government in which the threats}

concerning radicalization, terrorism and counter-terrorism are assessed (De Roy van Zuijdewijn & Bakker, Barometer van de dreiging: Tien jaar Dreigingsbeeld Terrorisme Nederland 2005-2015, 2016).

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was specifically aimed to prevent and to fight radicalization in order to contain the terrorism threat (Wittendorp, de Bont, de Roy van Zuijdewijn, & Bakker, 2017, p. 19). This policy was later converted to a four-year long approach in which focused on stimulating and aiding local governments, municipalities, to create local policy (Wittendorp, de Bont, de Roy van Zuijdewijn, & Bakker, 2017, p. 19). Two years later, in 2007, a new action plan was created. This action plan was called ‘Actieplan polarisatie en radicalisering 2007 – 2011’ and focused mainly on fighting Islamic and right extremist radicalization (Wittendorp, de Bont, de Roy van Zuijdewijn, & Bakker, 2017, p. 19).

In 2011 a new counterterrorism policy was created, ‘Nationale contraterrorismestragie 2011-2015’. This new was policy aimed to gathering intelligence about threats, preventing terrorist attacks, guarding against such attacks and preparing for the possible consequences of an attack (Wittendorp, de Bont, de Roy van Zuijdewijn, & Bakker, 2017, p. 20). This policy was later evaluated and it was concluded that attention and capacity given to this policy was fluctuating, because of changing political priorities (Wittendorp, de Bont, de Roy van Zuijdewijn, & Bakker, 2017, p. 20).

3.3 ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’

As was shortly mentioned in the introduction of this thesis, the Dutch counter-terrorism policy has changed as a result of the Arab Spring. The civil war in Syria and political unrest in the region has attracted many radicalized individuals from all over the world. Many countries have seen an influx of people leaving for the Middle East to join the jihad; a struggle for the sake of Allah against the regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria (De Roy van Zuijdewijn & Bakker, 2014, p. 1). In response tho this influx of foreign fighters and the fear that these foreign fighters might return and carry on with jihad at home, the existing Dutch counter-terrorism policy changed.

The goal of the Dutch counter-terrorism strategy is to counteract the terrorist and extremist threat in the Netherlands. The national counter-terrorism strategy focusses on preventing this extremism and terrorism ( Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2016). This threat is based on different developments such as operatives who are trained to execute an attack in Europe and possibly the Netherlands, foreign fighters who return from Syria and Iraq and might attempt to continue the jihad at home. Another development that increases the terrorist threat in the Netherlands is radicalization of Dutch citizens ( Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2016).

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Radicalization is the process of being increasingly prepared of accepting the most extreme way of thinking and turning these ideas into the (violent)actions ( Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2016, p. 6). It can be seen as process from activism to extremism to terrorism. The Dutch government therefore focusses on preventing radicalization of Dutch citizens. The prevention of radicalization is a large part of the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ (‘Action program Integral Approach Jihadism’).

In order to fight jihadism and prevent the terrorist attacks that might be performed by jihadists, the Dutch government created a strong, offensive and broad approach (Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie, 2014). Fighting against jihadism entails preventing new participants of the jihadist movement by counteracting radicalization and by taking away the breeding ground of this radicalization (Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie, 2014).

In order to do this, the Dutch government has created the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’. This program consists of several measures that are divided into five parts. The first group is called ‘risicoreductie jihadgangers’ (risk-reducting jihadists), this set of measures is aimed at limiting the risks that jihadists post (Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie, 2014). These are criminal, administrative and societal measures to make sure that jihadists cannot inflict more damage. An example is revoking passports and other travel documents of individuals who have joined Islamic terrorist organizations such as ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) and starting a criminal investigation against these individuals (Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie, 2014).

The second group of measures is called ‘interventies uitreis’ (interventions exit), these measures are aimed at preventing or impeding individuals who attempt to travel to Syria or Iraq to join the Jihad (Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie, 2014). An example is close contact with the family of the individual, revoking passports and other travel documents and paying special attention to children who might be forced into travelling to Syria and Iraq by their parents (Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie, 2014).

The third group of measures is aimed at radicalization. This group of measure is made up of three parts:

1. Focus on stopping recruiters and disseminators of the ideology. Preventing these recruiters and individuals who spread the extremist ideology could reduce radicalization.

2. Signaling radicalization and preventing the creation of new followers of the jihadist movement. This will be done by, for example, creating a clear opposite message.

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3. Counteract societal tensions that feed the ideology of extremist groups.

The fourth group of measures focusses on social media. These measures are aimed at counteracting radicalizing, hatred sowing and violent jihadist messages. Specialized teams will be set up and there are opportunities where people can report ‘worrying’ messages.

The fifth and last group of measures is aimed at the exchange of information and cooperation between organizations such as police and mental health organizations and the local government (Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie, 2014). In order to improve the effectiveness of organizations dealing with jihadism and radicalization, it is important to share challenges and best-practices. This way individuals and organizations can learn and improve cooperation on a local, national and international level. In example is financial support of local initiatives to fight radicalization and create courses for social workers and teachers (Ministerie van Veiligheid en Justitie, 2014).

3.3.1 ‘Handreiking aanpak van radicalisering en terrorismebestrijding op lokaal

niveau’

In addition to the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ a guide was published by the Dutch government in order to support municipalities with the development of a local counterterrorism policy (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 7). The national policy, the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’, contains measures and actions intended for implementation both by the local and national government (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 7). The guide, ‘Handreiking aanpak van radicalisering en terrorismebestrijding op lokaal niveau’ (‘Guide approach radicalization and counter-terrorism on local level’), focuses on the measures that should be implemented by the local government. The measures that are meant for implementation on a local level a discussed in detail in chapter 5. This guide consists of five chapters, each of these chapters explains certain aspects of the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 7).

The first chapter is called ‘Preparation’ and is based on gathering intelligence, detecting and recognizing radicalization, the organizing of information, effective networks and enhancing expertise (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 11). This chapter explains that is vital for municipalities to start with gathering intelligence about the necessity and feasibility of a broad approach to radicalization and extremism (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 12). Detecting and recognizing signs

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of radicalization is the next step; intervention is only possible when the municipality is involved in an early stage (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 13). It is also necessary for municipalities to organize certain local structures where signals of radicalization can be reported (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 14). An effective network is also important; cooperation between different institutions such as police, civilians and social workers. Enhancing the expertise of actors should also be considered a priority, only when professionals are trained and educated about radicalization can they be expected to notice signals early on (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 17).

The second chapter is called ‘Prevention’ and is based on reducing the ‘breeding ground’ for radicalization and terrorism and increasing resilience, offer alternatives to extremism and deradicalization. reducing the ‘breeding ground’ for radicalization and terrorism and increasing resilience should be attempted through cooperation with key figures in Islamic community such as mosques and youth workers (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 23). The offering of alternatives to extremism should be done by key figures in the community Islamic community and local politicians. If, after these efforts, individuals radicalize, deradicalization should be attempted. In order to achieve deradicalization, disengagement of the individual from extremist influences should be attempted (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 25).

The fourth chapter is called ‘Address terrorist activities’ and it based on tracing terrorist activities, arrest terrorism suspects, signaling preparatory actions, legal approaches against foreigners and case-oriented approaches. The tracing of terrorist activities will be done by local governments in cooperation with national networks (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 29). When suspects of terrorist activities are arrested, this should be done with care and consideration of other citizens. In some municipalities there might be signals of preparatory actions, these signals should be reported to the police (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 31). There is the possibility that foreigners, individuals who live in the Netherlands but who do not have a Dutch passport, are radicalized. In this case it is vital to consult with the Dutch immigration services and these individuals might be deported (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 33). A case-oriented approach is often required in dealing with individuals who are radicalized. Cooperation and consultation is required in order to create a case-oriented approach (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 33).

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The fifth and last chapter offers advice to municipalities for when a terrorist attack has taken place. This subject is not explicitly part of the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ and will therefore not be part of this thesis (Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid, 2014, p. 37).

3.4 Local policy in Dutch cities

This thesis will look into the way this ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ has been implemented on a local level. The cases that will be analyzed in this thesis are Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague. The next paragraph will clarify why these case were selected for this thesis.

Because of limited time and access to documents, three cases were selected; the implementation of the Actieprogramma in Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague. These cases were selected for pragmatic reasons: all three municipalities have extensive radicalization policy and the policy documents are available to the public (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 7). Case selection will be discussed in more detail in chapter 4. The implementation of the Actieprogramma will be analyzed in these three municipalities. In all three municipalities, documents about the implementation of the Actieprogramma were available and this data can be used for analysis. The next paragraphs will look into the policy in each municipality before and after the adaption of the local policy based on the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’. Rob Witte and Menno Jacobs have written a report that describes the policies of Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague at length. This report will be used to describe the policy of these municipalities before they were revised.

3.5 Amsterdam

Since the murder of Theo van Gogh in November 2004 the concept of radicalization has received more attention in the municipality of Amsterdam (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015, p. 4). A broad strategy was developed to counteract polarization and radicalization and it was the basis for more extensive radicalization policies that would develop over the years (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 40). It was called action plan ‘Wij Amsterdammers’ (‘We Amsterdammers’) and it contained three main focus points:

1. Fighting acts of terror.

2. Counteracting radicalization by preventing discrimination and exclusion.

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The main goal of this action plan was counteracting hate and fear between populations in Amsterdam (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015). In order to realize this goal, a centrum of expertise on radicalization was created, the ‘Informatiehouding Radicalisering’ (‘Information position Radicalization’) (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 41). In 2006, the action plan ‘Wij Amsterdammers’ was altered and the action plan ‘Wij Amsterdammers II’ was developed (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015). In this revised action plan there was less focus on the first focus point of the plan, fighting acts of terror. The focus shifted more towards resilience by creating more social capital (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 42).

The municipality of Amsterdam is divided in several districts. Some of these districts, such as Slotervaart, excelled in counteracting radicalization in this period (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 42). This was mainly because of the attention that was given to the action plan ‘Wij Amsterdammers II’ and the personal touch that was added in these districts (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015). Interaction and communication with both radicalized individuals and their families and other citizens was part of the action plan. According to several evaluations, the interaction and communication with citizens paid off (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 43).

3.5.1 Policy before ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’

In 2012 the municipality of Amsterdam worked, in collaboration with the police and the Public Prosecutor on an evaluation report about the approach of radicalization and terrorism (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 47). This report concluded that even though the Dutch threat level was at that point ‘only’ limited, the threat is higher in Amsterdam because it is the capital of the Netherlands (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015). This report also noted that there were several positive elements to the policy on radicalization and terrorism at the time, such as several positive results of certain deradicalization projects. The report did, however, also note some problems and the policy was adjusted accordingly (Witte & Jacobs, 2015, p. 48).

A reorientation of the existing radicalization- and polarization policy took place. The revised policy was mainly risk based (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015, p. 4). This means that the policy is aimed at the forms of radicalization that pose the highest threat. In 2012, Islamic radicalization posed the most threat and the policy was mostly aimed at preventing Islamic extremism (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015, p. 4). This also means that there is no widespread action preventing radicalization but most effort is aimed at specific radicalization cases (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015, p. 4). When case of potential radicalization was reported, the threat and the possible solutions were examined.

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3.5.2 Revised policy

In 2015 the municipality of Amsterdam changed its radicalization and polarization policy again. The municipality did so in response to the ‘Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme’ (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015). This adapted policy is called the ‘Aanpak Radicalisering en Polarisatie Amsterdam’. This policy is based on three pillars:

1. Protection: activities aimed at protecting vulnerable groups and individuals.

Measures that are part of this pillars are: setting boundaries and enforcing them through judicial actions, protecting individuals who are critical of their own environment and protecting minors from radicalizing by discuss certain difficult subjects in school (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015).

2. Connection: activities aimed at reducing contrasts. Measures that are part of this pillar consist mainly of opening dialogue about subjects of radicalization and conflicts such as the Jewish-Islamic and the Turkish-Kurdish dialogue. Important in this pillar is the involvement of religious institutions (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015).

3. Efforts on risks: activities aimed at individuals and groups that pose the highest risk Measures that are part of this pillar are risk-based measures. The municipality will look at individuals who pose the largest threat and these cases will get the highest priority. These are individuals who have returned from Syria or Iraq, recruiters and potential terrorists. (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016).

In the center of these approaches is the ‘Meld en Adviespunt Radicalisering’; a central institution where cases of radicalization can be reported and which also contains knowledge and expertise on the subject (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016).

3.6 Rotterdam

Almost half of the citizens of the municipality of Rotterdam have a migration background. The municipality has long focused on integration and participation of immigrants (Gemeente Rotterdam, 2015, p. 10). Since the murder of Theo van Gogh, however, the municipality focused more on those who were interested in integration and participation. A new action program was developed in 2005 in response to the murder of Theo van Gogh and other terrorist attacks around the world (Gemeente Rotterdam, 2015, p. 10). This new policy was called ‘Meedoen of achterblijven’. This new program is based on the ‘old’ values; integration,

Implementation of counter-terrorism policy in Dutch municipalities