Chile’s Demand for Change
Explaining the emergence of massive protests in one of Latin America’s richest
countries
Master’s thesis by Brechtje Moen (12750441)
Amsterdam, June 2020
Supervisor: Second Assessor:
Dr. Said Razaeiejan Dr. Martijn Dekker
University of Amsterdam Graduate School of Social Sciences
MSc Political Science: Public Policy and Governance
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Introduction p.3
2. Literature Review p.6
2.1 Economic System p.7
2.2 Elite Political System p.9
2.3 Abuse of Human Rights p.11
2.4 Cultural Change p.13 2.5 Conclusion p.13 3. Theoretical Framework p.16 3.1 Conflict p.16 3.2 Crisis p.17 3.3 Social Movement p.18 3.4 Relative Deprivation p.19 4. Methodology p.23 4.1 Approach p.23 4.2 Limitations p.26 5. Findings p.28 5.1 Economic Structure p.28 5.2 Political Structure p.34 5.3 Dynamics p.40 6. Conclusion p.46 7. References p.49
1. INTRODUCTION
The year 2019 has brought widespread unrest and anti-government protests across Latin America, as well as in other parts of the world. The region of Latin America saw large protests in countries such as Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Haiti, and Venezuela. The chief of the International Crisis Group in Latin America, Ivan Briscoe, has said that this unrest across the region has been building up for years. The level of social discontent in the region is high, and the ability to know what lies ahead is far from present (Phillips 2019). The quest for finding a way to resolve a conflict starts with understanding the underlying issues. The identification of issues and a deep understanding of how these contributed to the unrest in a country will help policymakers to identify places for action. Due to the complexity of conflict situations, a multitude of aspects need to be examined when analyzing the rise of unrest. This thesis will focus its attention on the conflict in Chile that started late 2019, and how the large protests the country has been seeing can be explained.
Chile, known for being one of South America’s most stable and prosperous countries, has had a tumultuous period of widespread unrest and protests. On October 18, 2019, protests started after the metro fare increased by 30 pesos, an increase of four percent. Exactly one week later, over 1.2 million people went out on the streets to protest long-standing issues in the country, such as the high levels of inequality and elite corruption (Dorfman 2020). “It’s not 30 pesos, it’s 30 years” is one example of a slogan used during the protests. Since the end of the dictatorship in 1990, the Chilean population was promised prosperity and growth, but this was not delivered to them. Throughout the protests, flags and slogans are used to support the protesters, as well as a form of protest called ‘cacerolazos’, where loud noises are made by banging pots and pans together while marching the streets or standing on balconies. Since the start of the protests, a few dozen people have died and thousands have been injured. Among the injured are hundreds who have lost their eyesight due to pellets and tear-gas bombs coming from the national police force. Thousands of protesters have been arrested, which has led to hundreds of alleged cases of illegal detentions and multiple forms of human rights violations during the process (Langman 2019). President Sebastian Piñera has been struggling to keep the unrest throughout the country under control. His response to the protests was harsh, though he proposed several changes when the unrest did not settle down.
Among these changes were a change of cabinet, raising the pensions and minimum wage, and reversing the rise of metro fare. By protesters, these changes were considered a good start but insufficient (Duncan 2019). When people are not marching, the large presence of street art indicates dissatisfaction in the country. The word “evade” is spray-painted on walls, referring to the dodging of important issues. There have also been comparisons made between the current situation and the time of dictatorship under the Pinochet regime (1973-1990). Painted on walls, you can find messages such as “Piñera=Pinochet” and “2019=1973”. “Soldier, don’t commit the same error as 1973 (defend your people)” has also been visible on the walls of Santiago. These messages insinuate a plea to the government to prevent a repetition of history (Gordon-Zolov & Zolov 2019).
From these slogans used in the protests, it can be gathered that the causes behind the protests go much deeper than an increase in metro fare. To understand the situation in Chile there is a need to analyze the multiple aspects that have played a role in the emergence of protests. There are both structural and contingent causes that contributed to the emergence of protests in Chile. Structural causes can be understood as having a long-term presence in society and are often seen as preconditions for the rise of conflict. Contingent causes are more short-term and include the event that triggered the initial protests (Ide 2015: 62). Both these types of causes play a crucial role in the development of the conflict in Chile. The aspects that play a role in the emergence of the protests are not independent of each other. These aspects, or variables, of a case can be seen as pieces to a puzzle (Aus 2005: 11). In the case of Chile, we can see the effect that has taken place, as massive protests have broken out. To explain the emergence of these protests, we need to look at the multiple causes that have contributed to the rise of conflict and how these are related to the outcome. It is important to remember that such large societal situations are complex and that there will most likely remain parts unknown or unclear. This does not mean that it is not possible to find and examine crucial conditions behind the rise of unrest. This thesis will aim to do so by, firstly, analyzing the literature written on the conflict thus far. This will give an overview of the different causes mentioned that contributed to the emergence of protests. This will be followed by a theoretical framework in which related concepts will be conceptualized and existing theories regarding conflict situations and social movements will be explained. Highlighted within social movement theory is relative deprivation theory, which will play a prominent role throughout the thesis to provide a deeper understanding of the discontent
among the Chilean population. The causes will be analyzed to understand the intricate nature and existing relation between the different causes. This will help in recognizing the
underlying issues in Chile that may also be present in other societies.
This thesis aims to provide a new insight into the situation in Chile where the paradoxical situation visible will be analyzed to provide a better understanding of how such situations occur. Academic literature on this conflict thus far provides useful and interesting information, as can be gathered from the literature review, but fails to provide an in-depth understanding as to why the causes present led to the emergence of massive protests. This thesis aims to fill this gap by relating a deeper understanding of the causes to the theory discussed in the theoretical framework. The question that this thesis aims to answer is as follows: How can we explain the emergence of the massive 2019-2020 protests in Chile? There is a unique path in each conflict situation that determines when, how, and why there is a rise of conflict, as well as the level of conflict there will be. Analyzing the emergence of the massive protests in Chile can help in understanding the multidimensional nature of the
conflict, which can, in turn, help with developing useful strategies to improve the current situation and avoid possible future conflict.
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
The current social crisis in Chile has made headlines throughout the entire continent of Latin America. Chile, the South American country that is known for being wealthy and
economically stable, is at the same time dealing with dissatisfaction regarding the relatively high level of income inequality (Peña et al. 2019: 415). This literature review will take information from published articles, reports, as well as news media, to determine the main causes mentioned in literature on the reasons behind the massive uprising. As the crisis is very recent and still ongoing, there is a limited amount of academic literature available to analyze. The majority of the published academic literature focuses on the causes and/or possible consequences of the conflict. These articles, such as Somma et al. (2020), Sehnbruch and Donoso (2020), and Garcés (2020), give an overview of multiple contributors to the civil unrest. Other articles focus on one particular aspect of the crisis, such as Navarro and
Tromben (2019), who focus on the political discourse of the president and how the discourse changed after the start of the conflict. Others focus more specifically on the economic situation or the health care system. As time goes on, it is likely that more extensive and detailed literature will become available. Though some articles have a different focus point than others, the information given is generally consistent and mutually compatible. There seems to be a consensus among the writers that the issues Chile is dealing with and that are at the base of the rise of protests are extensive and complex. Apart from academic literature, there is an abundance of news articles available on the crisis in Chile. For this reason, I will examine and critically review the main takeaways from articles from several large news outlets together with information from the academically published literature and reports. I will take the information provided by this literature review to further study and analyze the emergence of the massive protests in Chile.
Somma et al. published an article titled ‘’No water in the oasis: the Chilean Spring of 2019-2020”, making a connection between the current crisis in Chile and the Arab Spring in 2011, a series of pro-democratic protests in throughout the Arab world which has shown the power peaceful demonstrations can have, as well as the influence of social media (Blakemore 2019). What is clear in this article and throughout the published literature on the current crisis in Chile, is that the causes of this conflict go well beyond a single issue (Somma et al. 2020;
Sehnbruch & Donoso 2020; Garcés 2020). This conflict is also being mentioned together with other civil crises across the world and Latin America, such as conflict situations in Ecuador, Bolivia, and Colombia (Sehnbruch & Donoso 2020; Peña et al. 2019). For those observing the situation in Chile closely and seeing these conflicts happening in other parts of the world, the current crisis in Chile should, according to Sehnbruch and Donoso, not have come as a surprise (Sehnbruch & Donoso 2020: 52). This is also mentioned in Fleet’s article on the crisis of neoliberal power in Chile, saying that this level of conflict was predictable since the protests during the student movement of 2011 in Chile. He calls it structural predictability, where the crisis grew out of the relationship between the state and society (Fleet 2019: 1). The mentioned causes of the conflict in the literature have been divided into four sub-groups: the economic system, the elite political system, the abuse of human rights, and cultural change.
2.1 Economic System
Throughout the literature, the majority of causes mentioned are in some way or another related to the economy. The New York Times provided an analysis of the conflict, stating that Chile has ‘woke up’ from years of inequality and the unfulfilled promise of prosperity. For decades, political leaders have promised that the free market would lead to prosperity, which would then lead to the improvement in other areas as well. Though the economy did grow after the transition to democracy in 1990, there remained a high level of inequality where the middle class has to survive with high prices and low wages. The privatized pension system has led to many older people living in poverty (Taub 2019). Somma et al. called the most convincing explanation of the conflict that Chile has a neoliberal socio-economic model that the country inherited from the period of dictatorship led by Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990). According to Somma et al., this economic model is at the base of several economic-related issues in the country (Somma et al. 2020: 2). Fleet (2019) seems to agree as he calls the Chilean crisis a “crisis of neoliberal domination”. The structure of the Chilean neoliberal state lacks legitimacy, as it has its origin in a neoliberal state under dictatorship (Fleet 2019: 1). One of the problems of this neoliberal system is said to be the trend towards privatization in society. In Chile, there is a privatized pension system, as well as segmented education and health care. This results in situations where the rich in
Chile can pay for the more expensive and higher quality private services, whereas the poor have no other choice than the lower quality public services (Somma et al. 2020: 2). These issues seem to worry a large part of the population, as the top three priority concerns among Chileans are pensions (65%), health care (46%), and education (38%) (Sehnbruch & Donoso 2020: 55). Regarding the pension system, Sehnbruch and Donoso add that there is a lack of trust in this system. Due to this lack of trust, people avoid contributing to the system. On top of that, they may not be getting paid enough money to contribute to the pension system, as they need the money for survival (idem: 54). BBC Mundo published an article listing six different causes for the conflict, which included the pension system and health care. They added the privatization of water as a separate cause, as Chile is the only country in the world that has kept its water sources privatized since the dictatorship. Though water is recognized as a national good for public use, the Chilean Water Code allows individuals to buy, sell, or lease water. The remaining three causes mentioned by the BBC are the prices and quality of public transportation, education, and the presence of corruption and abuse (Paúl 2019). The latter will be discussed further on in this literature review. In Chile, education is largely privately financed. Especially when it comes to financing higher education, this results in debt-financing situations for poorer households (Sehnbruch & Donoso 2020: 54). There is an increase in debt among the Chilean population, which goes further than the problem of privatization in pensions, education, and healthcare. It extends to the prices of housing and basic necessities, as well as a reliance on credit cards in poorer households for the acquisition of large purchases such as cars, as well as electronics, clothing, and groceries (Garcés 2020: 3). The privatization in the Chilean society and the growing debt especially in poorer
households shows the unequal access to certain goods and services for Chileans. A large part of the population cannot pay for these goods and services due to low incomes combined with high costs of living. Whereas Chile is known for being a wealthy and stable Latin American country, the country also has, among OECD members, one of the highest levels of income inequality. Von Elm et al. (2019) states this as possibly the most important root cause of the conflict (Von Elm et al. 2019: 35).
An article published by Libertad y Desarollo (LyD) takes a slightly different approach from the previously discussed articles while still focusing on the Chilean economy as a root cause of the unrest. It explains that the reputation of Chile as a strong and growing economy and the expectations of the economic growth in the country are not at the same level as the
actual growth in the country. While there is still economic growth in the country, the level of growth has slowed down over the years (LyD 2019: 3-4). According to this research center, the state of economic growth in Chile is the biggest concern for the country and directly affects the most vulnerable people in society. Pension reforms and an improved price and quality of the health care system are necessary changes to improve the situation for the Chilean population. The cause of the crisis goes beyond dissatisfaction with material needs, but there is a general lack of equal dignity in treatment. The ‘elite’ in society, including politicians, are treated differently than the general population, leading to a strengthening of the dissatisfaction (idem: 5).
2.2 Elite Political System
The article by Somma et al. mentions the elitist political system in Chile as another important cause to the conflict. The system has become increasingly detached from society, resulting in a decline in turnout rate during elections. When it comes to social movements, the relation between the movement and partisan organizations has weakened. It is not
uncommon for citizens to actively participate in demonstrations but abstain from voting. This is especially visible among young people (Somma et al. 2020: 2). This development has been happening in part due to a low level of trust in elites and institutions. In the last decade, an increase in transparency has exposed multiple scandals concerning economic, political, military, and religious elites. The low level of trust in elites and institutions combined with high levels of inequality have fueled a high desire for change in the Chilean population (idem: 3). The trust in the political elite is low due to cases of corruption and tax evasion in the country. The crisis could be seen as a legitimacy crisis, where there is a sense of
discontent towards the gap between the rich and poor. The slogan “it’s not 30 pesos, it’s 30 years” is often used during protests, implying that indeed, the problem is not the rise of the metro fare, but the ongoing issues in the country in the last three decades since the end of the dictatorship (Taub 2019). Garcés also mentions this lack of credibility and legitimacy in institutions, stating that these are at an all-time low. He states corruption as one of the reasons for this, but even more so the distance between these institutions and the general population (Garcés 2019: 484). Generally, the political elite in Chile has the image of being an isolated
class who does not have a proper understanding of what life is like for the average citizen (Sehnbruch & Donoso 2020: 54).
What has further deepened the crisis is the reaction to the unrest by the political elite. This is mentioned as an important contributing factor in multiple academic articles (Somma et al. 2020; Sehnbruch & Donoso 2020: 53; Garcés 2019; Von Elm et al. 2019; Navarro & Tromben 2019). Somma et al. regarded the reaction to the unrest in the country the moment where the crisis deepened. The increase in police presence on the streets increased the number of non-student protesters and president Piñera’s decision to declare a state of emergency and evening curfew in the greater Santiago area led to an increase in the number of lootings. Piñera ended up giving in to a few of the demands of the protesters, such as the reverse of the increase in metro fare, but many protesters were angered as a result of the president calling the crisis a “war against a powerful, criminal, and relentless foe” (Somma et al. 2020: 3). As the crisis continued, the Chilean government made a promise to make more changes in wages and prices and to suspend the state of emergency, but this was not
sufficient for the protesting Chileans. As a response to the continuation of lootings, Piñera implemented harsh security measures, which included new powers to the police forces. The aggressive and brutal performance of the police forces caused fear, anger, and anxiety among the population and led to the radicalization of protesters (idem: 4). On top of the harsh
handlings of the police forces, Piñera decided to put the military on the streets. This decision brought back unpleasant memories for many Chileans, especially the older generation, as this had not happened since the dictatorship of Pinochet from 1973-1990 (idem: 5; Von Elm et al. 2019: 35). Piñera’s speech in which he mentioned to be ‘at war’ was followed by a
declaration of the Commander of the Zone of Martial Law in Santiago, who stated that he was not at war with anyone. This brought forward a confusing message which made it seem like there was a lack of consensus among the political leaders and armed forces regarding the position to take on in the crisis (Garcés 2019: 490).
Navarro and Tromben (2019) looked at 46 speeches of president Piñera, both before and after the start of the crisis, using a political discourse analysis. They found that where the emphasis in the speeches before the start of the crisis was on international economic and environmental issues, the emphasis afterward was on the endorsement of security forces on a national level. The positive tone he would usually take in his speeches as he talked about family and national unity, as well as the economic prosperity and stability in the country,
disappeared (Navarro & Tromben 2019: 302). As the tone of his speeches changed, his discourse moved into a field of uncertainty and risk. He began to talk about the state of emergency in the country to keep the peace which led to the military on the streets and described the conflict as a “war”, which, as has been mentioned in previously discussed articles, had an enormous impact on many Chileans (idem: 309). This discourse of war during the crisis will most likely have been chosen to justify the use of force in trying to get control over the situation. However, with the passing of time the president and his team recognized the countereffect of this discourse and replaced it with a discourse of empathy and agreement. In this discourse, Piñera not only accepted the legitimacy of the protests, but also the faults in the economic model in the country and the constitution (idem: 321). Navarro and Tromben recognize that in the context of such a complex, dynamic, and multicausal conflict it can be close to impossible to measure the effects that the discourses of the president may have had on the conflict. However, it has been found that discourses indeed have social, cognitive, moral, and material consequences. Considering this, especially in a situation of crisis and instability, it is likely that there is a degree of agency in the political discourse of Piñera and that it is likely to have influenced certain changes in the beliefs, practices, bodies, and assets of society (idem: 322).
2.3 Abuse of Human Rights
Since the start of the conflict news outlets and social media have been reporting on the excessive use of force by the hands of the national police and military. It is argued that this has resulted in increased anger and discontent, ultimately resulting in further escalation of the protests. A report published by the OHCHR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights) provided extensive information regarding the abuse of human rights during the conflict. This report mentioned that protests regarding social rights and the economic situation are not a new phenomenon in Chile, but that previous protests have been on a much smaller scale (OHCHR 2019: 5). Regarding human rights abuses during the conflict, they found that there were violations of international norms and standards
regarding the use of force (idem: 9). Cases of abuse have been discussed amply on news sites such as El País. This site has published articles on the conflict at multiple stages. These articles are, rather than describing causes, informing the readers of ongoing events. One of
the articles by El País focuses on cases where pellets shot by the police caused eye injuries with protesters. They state that there have been two cases where pellets have resulted in complete blindness and another seventeen cases where it has resulted in the blindness of one eye (Montes 2019a). It also reported on the huge amount of arrests during the first month of the conflict, as over 17,000 people were taken into custody during this time. In the same article, it was said that president Piñera admitted that there was excessive use of force during the social outbreak (Montes 2019b). During the protests, there were multiple deaths that were found to unlawfully involve state actors (OHCHR 2019: 11). There were also many cases of injuries, including the mentioned eye injuries as a result of pellets and other devices. The number of injured people during the protests were in the thousands but may have been even higher in reality as these only included those registered at hospitals (idem: 13). As of the publication of this report, there had been 133 cases of torture and ill-treatment, often by the hands of the national police force. Most of these cases happened during the arrest, the transfer to detention centers, or during detention (idem: 16). Other violations of human rights
mentioned in the report include cases of rape and other forms of sexual violence, of which the alleged perpetrators are members of the national police force and the army (idem: 18-9). There have also been cases where there has been a lack of access to health and illegal and/or arbitrary detentions and arrests (idem: 20). According to an article published by Universidad de Desarrollo in Chile, the current crisis in the country is exceptional among cases of civil unrest worldwide. They mention that the GDP per capita is relatively high and the level of inequality has been reduced in the period between 2000-2018, meaning that for a conflict this large to arise, other factors must have played a role (Schmidt-Hebbel 2019: 1). This article specifically focuses on cases of terrorism and violence in the country as a cause for the current civil unrest. It states that there is a structural condition in the Chilean society that tolerates violence on a large scale. With violent acts, Schmidt-Hebbel is referring to violent actions performed by terrorists, drug gangs, and common criminals. The government is not effectively facing the violence, resulting in cases gone unpunished and ultimately the accustoming, weariness, and despair by the majority of the population (idem: 2).
2.4 Cultural Change
Another contributor to the crisis according to Somma et al. is the cultural change that has been visible in Chile over the last years. This cultural change has increased the sense of discontent with inequality in the country. Chileans have become increasingly aware and displeased with the traditional hierarchies regarding gender, sexual orientation, ethnic status, and age. Protesters have been waving flags with emblems of minority groups such as the LGBTQ+ community and indigenous groups as a way to critique the hegemonic power in the country. This was used both by members of these communities as well as supporters of the cause. An example that has not only been prominent during protests in Chile but also during protests in other parts of the world is a feminist flash mob created to criticize the treatment of women by the state. The name of this flash mob is “un violador en tu camino”, meaning “a rapist on your way” and has been reproduced by thousands of women worldwide (Somma et al. 2020: 3). Garcés mentions the cultural shift in the country in relation to the large presence of the youth in the conflict. One of the ways in which this cultural shift is visible is through new forms of digital communication that allows for easy construction of networks in which information can be shared and where there is the possibility for calls to action and discussions on a wide variety of issues. Through these new forms of communication, it is much easier and faster to spread the word and assemble a group of people to fight for a cause (Garcés 2019: 487).
2.5 Conclusion
In this review of the literature on the conflict in Chile, it became clear that the economic system is, in most literature, mentioned as the main cause behind the uprising. News articles such as the New York Times (Taub 2019), as well as academic articles (Somma et al. 2020; Fleet 2019), seem to be in consensus that the unrest and dissatisfaction among the Chilean population can largely be related to the unfulfilled promise of prosperity in the country. Though the Chilean economy did grow after the end of the dictatorship in 1990, there remained a high level of inequality. The free market did not accomplish the prosperity that the political leaders expected it to. Somma et al. (2020) as well as Fleet (2019) hold the neoliberal system in Chile largely responsible, and also mention the negative effects of the
trend of privatization in Chile. The pension system is privatized and the education and health care systems are segmented. Sehnbruch & Donoso (2020) and Garcés (2020) mention the issues the countries have with debt-financing, especially in poorer households. Chilean think tank LyD explains that, though the Chilean economy is growing, it is growing slower than expected. This affects the most vulnerable people in society.
Apart from the general consensus that one of the biggest causes behind the uprising is the economic system in Chile, there also seems to be a consensus on the fact that the conflict has more than just one sole cause. The elite political system is often mentioned (Somma et al. 2020; Garcés 2020) as lacking credibility and legitimacy in Chilean society. There is a lack of trust towards political institutions due to issues such as corruption, but also the general
presence of distance between institutions and the general population. The harsh response to the uprising made matters worse. The presence of police forces and military on the streets brought back unpleasant memories from Pinochet’s dictatorship for many Chileans.
News articles captured incidents of human rights abuses during the conflict. The OHCHR published a detailed report on the large amount of human rights abuses since the protests had started. Excessive use of force by the police and military, many cases of injury, and even multiple deaths. There were also a substantial amount of cases of torture and ill-treatment, as well as sexual violence, often by the hands of national policy and the military.
An increased sense of discontent with inequality, combined with an increase in
transparency and awareness among the general population in Chile has also contributed to the unrest in the country according to Somma et al. (2020) and Garcés (2020). People seem to be increasingly displeased with traditional hierarchies in society. The large presence of youth played a role as well, where digital communication allowed for a fast spread of word.
Most of these articles focus on the underlying causes of the conflict situation. They often give an overview of multiple causes with an exception of Navarro and Tromben (2019) who provided a political discourse analysis and the article published by LyD (2019), who focused mainly on the economic situation in the country. As these articles were published in a time where the conflict was still recent and ongoing, they do not provide an overly in-depth and detailed analysis of each of the causes mentioned. Again, the exceptions here are Navarro and Tromben, as well as LyD. These two articles decided to focus on a specific topic and were thus able to provide a more detailed account. Throughout this thesis, the aim will be to
combine the causes mentioned in these articles and provide a detailed analysis of the intricate causes behind the emergence of the massive protests in Chile.
3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
This thesis deals with the internal conflict in Chile. To be able to provide a clear and structured analysis of the situation, this theoretical framework will provide a
conceptualization of the main concepts and ideas taken from the literature review. In existing literature, the situation in Chile is at times described as a conflict, at times as a social crisis, as well as a social movement. These terms are vague and with it come associations that make it necessary to clearly define and distinguish the characteristics of the concepts. Different theories in social movement theory will be briefly explained to better understand how a movement can come into existence. Special attention within social movement theory will be given to relative deprivation theory, developed by Walter Runciman in 1966. This theory will be beneficial to understanding the paradoxical situation in Chile where an economy that has been doing relatively well over the last decades can also be considered one of the causes behind massive protests. Here, the Tocqueville effect will also be explained to further understand this paradoxical situation.
3.1 Conflict
A conflict arises when two parties see a certain path for the future that cannot function together. This can either be a situation where they want the same thing but cannot have it both, or where they want something different and the desires of one party cannot happen if those of the other party happen. In the latter case you can imagine a couple deciding on an evening activity. One wants to go see a movie while the other wants to go see a local band perform. To resolve a conflict, a solution needs to be found that works for both parties. A conflict can exist in different settings, such as between individuals, states, and nations, and there can be more parties involved than just two (Nicholson 1992: 11). There is a sense of subjectivity in conflict, as it implies certain wants and needs that do not necessarily need to have a rational justification. The actions of groups in a conflict are motivated by their desire to achieve something based on either needs or obligations, justified within this subjective, self-contained system. However, the actual goals that these groups have can be considered an
objective characteristic of the groups, meaning that when analyzing the behavior of people, these desires can be ‘real’ (idem: 12).
Friedrich Glasl (1982) wrote about a model of conflict escalation, which explains the different levels of conflict and strategies to deal with these (Glasl 1982: 119). This model has nine different stages that are divided into three main phases of conflict escalation. In the first phase, the different parties are still cooperating, but there is a presence of tensions on both sides that they are aware of (idem: 124). In the second phase, the situation worsens and the conflict becomes increasingly aggressive. Trust between the parties declines and there is a lack of respect. In this stage, cooperation is not seen as an option anymore and the resolution to the situation is sought while excluding the other party (idem: 127-9). The final phase marks a change in goal for the parties. It seems impossible to find a solution to the conflict and the aim becomes to obstruct the other party. This final stage can lead to the ultimate bleak outcome of destruction (idem: 131).
The term ‘conflict’ can lead to confusion due to these different levels of conflict. At times the term is used to explain a war between states, and at times the term is used to merely explain a form of disagreement by different parties. A disagreement refers to a situation where the conditions of a conflict as explained above are met, but the use of conflict behavior to resolve the situation is avoided by both parties. Conflict behavior is when one or more parties take damaging action, for example through a strike or a war, with the aim to turn the situation in their favor (Nicholson 1992: 12-3).
3.2 Crisis
Seeger et al. aimed to explain the complex and dynamic nature of crises. They happen in many different areas of life, including social, political, and economic (Seeger et al. 2003: 3). The concept of a crisis is explained as a negative event that bears a certain level of risk and threat to further loss. There is often an event that triggers the outbreak of the crisis and the situation often calms down when there is a resolution to the problem (idem: 4).
Historically, the word crisis is associated with the health of a person at the point where a person is close to death but there is still a chance they may recover. In the case of social or political conflict, it refers to a moment in a conflict where one or multiple parties see a certain threat to their interests and there is not much time to react to this threat. Often, it is seen as a
period between peace and war, the way the crisis is dealt with will determine whether or not the situation may escalate into a war or if that scenario will be averted (Griffiths et al. 2014: 59). Analyses of crises tend to focus on developing strategies for crisis management. Being aware of the abstract nature of this, crisis decision-making seems to include four main aspects. The first aspect is based on psychological consequences of the stress that a crisis brings. This increase in stress has consequences for the efficiency of decision-making in the form of an inverted U-curve. This means that some level of stress can show positive effects for decision-making, but if the level of stress increases too much, it will have negative consequences for the efficiency in decision-making and regarding information and policy alternatives. The second aspect focuses on the tendency for decision-makers to base their interpretation of the crisis on personal existing fears and hopes, possibly resulting in flawed analyses. The third focuses on the concept of ‘groupthink’. Policy-making groups may show certain patterns of behavior such as an illusion of invulnerability, the process of rationalizing information that is deemed to be contradictory, as well as the inclination to reach unanimity. The last aspect deals with the complexity of crises in the sense that there often exists an extensive and complicated network of relationships in a crisis that can lead to the
development of crises in a way that is hard to work with for those responsible (idem: 60-1). Identifying what consists of a crisis and what does not is complex. There exists a general lack of consensus on measuring crises, making it difficult to see how they will further develop and how to approach the situation (idem: 61).
3.3 Social Movement
As was the case with the concepts of conflict and crisis, varying definitions of the term ‘social movement’ exist. Mario Diani found that all these definitions share several criteria. Though the field of social movement research may take on very different approaches, at least three aspects of the concept of social movement seem to overlap in the literature. From this, we can gather that social movements are “networks of informal interactions between a
plurality of individuals, groups and/or organizations, engaged in political or cultural conflicts, on the basis of shared collective identities” (Diani 1992: 1). According to Sidney Tarrow, the term ‘social movement’ has had a largely negative image throughout history due to a focus of theorists on aspects of movements that they were most fearful of: extremism, deprivation, and
violence (Tarrow 2011: 8-9). He explains it as a way of making the fundamental
characteristics of social movement come across in a way that is more extreme than how it is in reality. The aspect of extremism is said to be overemphasizing a meaning that is present in all social movements. The second aspect of deprivation is an example of a common
motivation behind movements. Lastly, violence in movements happens when there is a
worsening of the situation and is often a response to confrontations with the police rather than something that was deliberately thought out. Thus, according to Tarrow, it is better to define social movements as ‘collective challenges’ rather than as expressions of extremism,
deprivation, and violence. Actions that are typical within social movements differ from more common collective action such as voting or organized group activities. In movements, the activities are described as contentious collective challenges, which are meant to be causing disruption against the elites, authorities, other groups, or cultural aspects (idem: 9). There can be many different reasons as to why people join social movements. Mostly, people come together to organize common claims against those whom they oppose. At the base of their common actions are common or converging interests. This common interest is necessary to motivate people to get involved in contentious politics, even with a certain level of risk involved (idem: 10-1). It is then the recognition of these interests that ultimately lead to the creation of a movement, rather than just the potential of a movement (idem: 11). In the last few decades, a lot has been written regarding social movement theory, though understanding collective action remains a puzzle and differs in each situation, as even in cases where people have little resources and/or power a movement can occur (idem: 12-3).
3.4 Relative Deprivation
Within social movement theory there are multiple smaller theories that are used to explain the occurrence of social movements. There are different kinds of social movements that are constructed in different ways. Theories within social movement theory include resource mobilization theory, which explains the importance of available resources that can help create successful social movements. Another is political process theory, which assesses social movements as more of political movements and the importance of political
opportunities (Sen & Avci 2016: 126-7). Structural strain theory is a theory developed by Smelser in 1965, which proposes that there are six stages that contribute to turning a
developing social movement into a full-blown one (idem: 128). Many of these stages can be recognized in the developments in Chile, such as the presence of certain structural conditions and structural strain as the first two stages, as well as the willingness to participate in
collective action and the presence of precipitating factors, such as the trigger event of the metro fare rise, that is needed to turn a situation from panic towards an actual social
movement (Smelser 1965: 15-6). Smelser compared the established factors of the theory to the process of turning an iron ore into automobiles. This process goes through several stages, from mining the ores to eventually selling the finished product. Each stage in this process adds a certain value that contributes to the end result. Like the different stages in the
development of social movements, the different stages in the creation of automobiles are all necessary one after the other (idem: 13-4).
All of these theories within social movement theory can help in understanding the development of social movements, as each focuses on different aspects of the occurrence of social movements. This thesis will put extra attention on a theory called the relative
deprivation theory, as written about by Walter Runciman in 1966. This theory is chosen as it can help explain the unique situation in Chile where there is a relatively strong economy in comparison to other countries in the region, but still the presence of the large unrest that has been visible. For relative deprivation to occur, there are four requirements. This phenomenon is usually explained as a person feeling relatively deprived in comparison to other
people/groups in society. It starts with a person not having ‘X’. They know of other people having ‘X’ and want to have it as well. The last requirement is that they believe that acquiring ‘X’ is realistic (Runciman 1966). On the basis of this is the belief that social movements are joined because of what people think they should have in comparison to what they see that others have. This can also be in comparison to what they expected to have in the future, or what they used to have in the past. Situations where conditions have improved but are not yet at the expected level are considered likely to cause feelings of wanting even better conditions than the improved ones they are currently experiencing, especially if the improvements have reached a point of stagnation or even reversal. This phenomenon can also be explained as ‘unfulfilled rising expectations’. The notion of relative deprivation is likely to continue happening as long as there is a presence of social inequality. It is important to understand that relative deprivation theory on its own is generally not considered to be a sufficient
can help to explain the feelings of discontent and deprivation among the population, and its contribution to the actions undertaken by citizens (Kendall 2012: 555).
An interesting paradox that is visible in the situation in Chile is that there are high levels of unrest in a country that is, compared to the rest of the region, economically strong. Hypotheses to explain the rise of mass protests in countries such as Chile have included discontent with the income inequality, but the level of income inequality in Chile has actually been, albeit still high, on the decline. The Tocqueville effect, or Tocqueville paradox, was thought out some 180 years ago by Alexis de Tocqueville, who used this to explain the French and American revolutions. Tocqueville argued that these revolutions started not from a failed government, but from incomplete progress (Ferreira & Schoch 2020). It is a
phenomenon where societies can show an increase in social frustration in a time where social conditions are improving. For example, when conditions and opportunities improve,
dissatisfaction will grow even for smaller injustices. This is, comparably to relative deprivation theory, based upon an increase in expectations (Swedburg 2018: 260).
Tocqueville gathered that this sense of relative deprivation on its own is not sufficient for groups in society to rebel. The belief that there is a chance for the situation to improve needs to be present for groups of people to take action, as the current situation becomes unbearable when there is the idea that it could be improved (Davies 1971: 135).
Over the last few decades, the concept of relative deprivation has acquired new life, as a result of studies conducted on happiness. In the realm of relative deprivation this means that happiness is not only affected due to comparisons made between people, but also whether or not there is progression visible in our own happiness and what the prospects seem to be for the future. Thus, relative deprivation consists of a web where a person or group looks at their relative position in society, as well as progress made and prospects for how things will turn out to be. The perceived inequality in a society often factored as a cause behind uprisings is often pointed at a feeling of injustice. This feeling is generated by differences in what people have, how this has changed over time, and what people expect there to be in the future. In conflict situations, relative deprivation captures the feeling of discontent towards the leaders, as the population feels as if they are being let down (Verme 2013). There is clearly a
complexity visible when looking at the development of conflict situations, crises, and social movements. By analyzing the emergence of the massive protests in Chile, the collective goals of the Chilean population to improve quality of life and stand up against inequalities and
mistreatment by the political elite will be understood more thoroughly by applying the theory above. In the next part the approach to analyzing the conflict in Chile, as well as limitations present in this research will be discussed.
4. METHODOLOGY
This thesis will have as primary goal the analysis of the emergence of the massive protests of 2019-2020 in Chile. This is done with the understanding that the high level of complexity of conflict situations makes it likely that certain parts and conditions to the rise of unrest will remain unclear. The aim is to provide an in-depth analysis of the main causes provided by existing literature, and building this into an understanding of the intricate nature of this conflict, as well as how these separate factors are a part of a multidimensional web that has resulted in such large protests. In order to do so, a qualitative case study will be carried out using primary and secondary data to investigate and analyze how the protests emerged. Data will be gathered from sources such as academically published articles, news articles, and reports published by government agencies and think tanks. Research will be conducted on both structural and contingent causes. The theories explained in the theoretical framework will give a deeper insight into the reasons for discontent and unrest in Chile. The main causes gathered from the literature review will be further analyzed in a more detailed manner, which will eventually help in understanding how these different factors combined played a role in the emergence of the protests.
4.1 Approach
A qualitative case study is used to research the complexity of the conflict situation in Chile. This method allows for the recognition of factors that relate and interact with one another. A real-life situation is observed to provide a deeper understanding of how such a situation comes to be (Debout 2016). Looking at the structural factors contributing to the emergence of protests will help to understand the long-term issues the country has been facing. The main structural issues gathered from the literature review seem to be the economic and political systems. Relative deprivation theory will be used to explain the researched matters and to provide a way of understanding the discontent in society and how this contributed to the rise of unrest. Data from the OECD, BTI, World Bank, as well as Chilean think tanks such as Libertad y Dessarollo (LyD) and Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), can help with gaining a clear overview on the situation in Chile regarding these
factors. This information will be used in the analysis to form a better understanding of the economic and political system and the existing issues within Chile.
The first part of the findings will provide an elaboration on problems the country is facing regarding the economic system. This will be done by looking at legitimacy issues, the role of the neoliberal system present in Chile, as well as the role of economic growth.
Regarding legitimacy issues, attention will be given to the presence of equal opportunity and social inclusion. This will be analyzed by looking at the level of poverty, income inequality, and the level of unemployment. Information will be gathered from sources such as reports from the World Bank (Inchauste 2020), as well as reports and data generated by the UNDP (2019) and OECD (2020). In regards to the neoliberal system in Chile, special attention will be given to problems with privatization and trade liberalization. This will be done by
discussing the relation between these factors with the level of inequality and relating this to the situation in Chile. Lastly, the paradoxical situation in Chile has been mentioned earlier, as protests arose in a country that has been experiencing economic growth. This phenomenon will be further analyzed by looking at the GDP, the slowing down of economic growth, and the consequences this brings. Information will be gathered from academic literature, think tanks (LyD), and data from Trading Economics and Country Economy.
What follows is the analysis of the elite political system in Chile, which was
mentioned as another important contributing factor to the unrest. It was mentioned that there is an increasing detachment visible between the political elite and the general population in Chile. This thesis will examine the discontent towards the political system by looking at the lack of credibility and legitimacy of the political arena. The lack of credibility and legitimacy will be analyzed by looking at the level of trust towards the political elite, the level of
political participation in society, and the role of human rights abuses by the hands of the national police force and military in the past and present. The level of trust will be analyzed by looking at the level of corruption in society, which was mentioned to be an important contributing factor. To determine the level of corruption, the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) will be used. Reports by Transparency International will give insight into the level of corruption currently as well as how it has evolved over the past years. It will also be
discussed how this influences the level of trust in the government. The lack of trust in the political elite will be further analyzed by using data provided by the OECD, BTI, and academic literature. Changes in the level of political participation will be explained by
looking at the voter turnout over the years, as well as at the presence of party identification in Chile and the changes over time. Data will be gathered from Chilean think tanks and
intergovernmental organizations, as well as academic literature. The last point mentioned is the role of human rights abuses by the hands of the police and military. Here, the focus will be on what a successful human rights policy consists of and what the case is in Chile. Research on this will be done using academic literature, news articles, as well as data gathered by the OHCHR.
The third and final part of the findings will focus on dynamic factors contributing to the emergence of protests. The dynamic factors that will be discussed are the role of the youth in the conflict, the changing organizational dynamics, trigger events, and the role of the response by the political elite. The youth has played an important role in the current conflict, as well as in large protests in the past. This part of the thesis will discuss past student
movements in Chile as well as a visible change within the organizational dynamics of these protests. This will be done by taking into account the role of new forms of communicative strategies, including the use of social media, used to reach and inform large numbers of people. Information will be gathered through news articles as well as academic literature. Following the role the youth has played in the emergence of protests, this part will discuss the main trigger event starting the initial protests, which was the metro fare rise. This will be done by looking into literature on trigger events and how these play a role in movements and what the science behind a trigger event is. The focus will be on the change of behavior visible in the Chilean population after the trigger event took place. This will lead to the discussion of the role the tactics used by the political elite in response to the protests have played in the further escalation of the protests.
At the end of each part of the findings, the analysis of the mentioned factors will be discussed in relation to relative deprivation theory. For understanding the feelings of discontent among the Chilean population, relative deprivation will be especially useful in relation to the structural issues present in Chile. The structural issues are long-standing issues that have contributed to the rise of unrest. In order to understand the conflict in relation to relative deprivation theory there is a need to look at the sentiment of Chileans since the end of the dictatorship, due to the presence of expectations playing an important role in this theory. Relating relative deprivation theory to the analyzed causes behind the conflict will
give insights as to how the existing situation in Chile contributes to the rising unrest and discontent throughout society.
4.2 Limitations
By providing an in-depth analysis of the above-mentioned aspects, it will be possible to provide a thorough and clear understanding of the emergence of massive protests in Chile. However, certain limitations that are present should be acknowledged. As mentioned, the intricate nature of conflict situations may lead to the inability to encompass every small factor that may have contributed to the emergence of the protests. The goal is to provide a detailed analysis that will enhance the understanding of this specific conflict situation. This is not to say that factors that are not mentioned in this thesis have not played part in how the situation turned out to be. This thesis takes the most-mentioned causes from literature and news articles to analyze with the hope and expectation that these form the groundwork for understanding the conflict in Chile. The information provided cannot mindlessly be used to compare to situations in other countries without taking into account the independent and unique circumstances that are present in each society. In combination with continued monitoring of further developments in the conflict situation, this analysis could provide useful information that can be beneficial as a tool for those involved in conflict resolution.
The novelty of the conflict is another factor of difficulty for this thesis. As this
conflict is very recent and still ongoing, the information available is limited. Combining both Spanish and English articles proved helpful to find sufficient information to write the
literature review. News articles are valuable in providing information that is up-to-date with the latest developments. Being physically present in Chile as the conflict unfolded could have provided useful insights into the situation. Due to limitations of time and place, it is not possible to experience the situation first-hand or to be able to conduct in-depth research with more direct contact with those involved in the conflict. The ability to do this would have provided a more thorough understanding of the conflict and the sentiment of citizens during this time. By solely focusing on the emergence of the protests and making use of
academically published literature as well as news articles, this thesis aims to provide an analysis that works around the limitations of time, place, and novelty of the conflict and is
able to provide information that can be beneficial to understanding how such a conflict emerges.
5. FINDINGS
5.1 Economic Structure
The economic system adopted by Chile has been considered successful due to the economic growth it has generated. However, it is also regarded as lacking legitimacy, as it is not able to guarantee equal opportunity and social inclusion. The current economic-political model of Chile protects the freedom of entrepreneurship and property rights. It is a market economy with a social emphasis, building on past models during previous presidencies. An important aspect of the current model is the strength of basic institutions, both on an economic and political level. The role of the Chilean state is to work as regulator and corrector in the case of market failures, as well as social failures, such as poverty and inequality (Saavedra 2014: 117). During Salvador Allende’s presidency (1970-1973), the country had a socialist model in which there was an emphasis on controls. Price controls, capital control, as well as control on international trade. During the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990), a neoliberal model took over and the focal point became the liberalization of markets and privatization of several sectors. There was less emphasis on social policy and a weaker regulatory role of the state (idem: 118). The goals for neoliberalism in Chile were to increase competition by deregulating and opening up the markets internationally. The state was to be less present than before by privatizing several sectors and limiting the state power to have fiscal deficits or building up debt. Through this neoliberal system, poorer nations have been seen to grow their economy and often will be able to gather technological information from stronger economic countries through foreign direct investment. The privatization of sectors can have several benefits, such as an increase in efficiency and the decrease of the fiscal burden on the government. However, it has also been found that this system can increase the level of inequality in a country (Ostry et al. 2016). The positive correlation found in previous studies between privatization and income inequality was also visible between trade liberalization and income inequality. Much of this has to do with tougher competition leading to an increase in unemployment as job candidates are screened out. The level of inequality is further expanded as large firms increase their wages to attract better quality workers who will help improve the productivity of the firm, allowing for the firm to enter the foreign market (Bellon 2016: 54).
This creates a situation where part of the workers will remain or become unemployed, and another part will see their wages increase, ultimately leading to an increase in inequality (idem: 55). With this being the case, it needs to be gathered whether the economic growth generated from the neoliberal model is put before the losses generated as a result of an increase in inequality. In the long-term, this increase in inequality can also be a damper on continuing growth, as it can have negative consequences for the level and sustainability of growth (Ostry et al. 2016). After the end of the dictatorship, the coalition of political parties decided to maintain and correct this neoliberal model, rather than changing it (Saavedra 2014: 118). Despite the economic growth generated after the implementation of neoliberalism, analysts have been clear on that the positive effects of this growth have been mainly collected by those that were already wealthy, and that the distribution of income remains highly
polarized, continuing after the transition back to democracy (Richards 1997: 145-6). There have been those that have seen Chile as a positive example of the neoliberalist system, with even the term ‘the Chilean Miracle’ gaining popularity. In some ways this is understandable, as Chile has experienced economic growth since the implementation of this model. As we will see later on, Chile has been seeing improvements across several sectors. However, in other areas the country has continued to lag behind, especially for the poor in society.
Ultimately, though the economy did experience growth in the years after a neoliberal system was put in place, it also continued to experience huge levels of inequality and unemployment, an issue still not resolved today (Newman 2013; Jeter 2009).
Regarding poverty, Chile seems to be doing quite well. The country has one of the lowest rates of poverty in the Latin American region. The level of poverty fell from 10.1% to 6.4% between 2013 and 2017. The reason for this reduction is mainly the growth of labor income, rather than the distribution of income (Inchauste 2020). As visible in the graph below, the national minimum wage (NMW) has increased over the years. In 2019, the NMW increased by 6.73% in comparison to the year before. To determine whether or not this has also led to an increase in buying power, this number needs to be compared to the Consumer Price Index, which measures changes in the price level of goods and services in a society. The increase in NMW of 6.73% was higher than the growth of CPI, which was 2.6%. Thus, buying power from 2018 to 2019 in Chile has increased (Trading Economics 2020a; Country Economy 2019).
Figure 1: National Minimum Wage (NMW) in Chile (Trading Economics 2020a)
Regionally, Chile is doing well when it comes to human development. Of all Latin American countries, Chile takes the lead on the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) ranking, at rank number 42. The country’s HDI value is 0.847, on a scale where a score above 0.8 is considered ‘very high’. The HDI takes into account data such as life expectancy, education, and per capita income. However, this score does not take into account the level of inequality. According to the Inequality-adjusted Human Development Index (IHDI), Chile only scores a 0,696, which would be considered a ‘medium’ score on the HDI ranking. This difference in scores shows the loss of human development in Chile as a result of the existing inequality in society (UNDP 2019).
In 2010 Chile became an OECD country (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). As an OECD country, Chile can benefit from sharing eco-social issues and the collaborative search for solutions. From data collected by the OECD, it can be gathered that Chile is one of the OECD countries with the highest level of income inequality. This is based on the Gini coefficient, which measures income inequality on a scale from 0 to 1, with 0 meaning perfect equality and 1 meaning perfect inequality. Generally, the Gini coefficient is seen to range from 0.24 to 0.63 (OECD 2020a). The graphs below show the Gini coefficient in Chile in comparison to other OECD countries, as well as how it has evolved over time. A decline in income inequality is visible over the last 25 years. The latest
available data on the Chilean Gini coefficient is from 2017 and states that the country scores 0.46 (Trading Economics 2020b).
Figure 2: Gini Coefficient of OECD countries - Chile highlighted (OECD 2020a)
Even though Chile’s Gini coefficient has decreased over the years, the number remains high. The Chilean labor market has undergone drastic changes since the 1960s. During the 1960s, the Chilean economy was heavily regulated with a low level of productivity. In about 30 years time, Chile became one of the world’s most dynamic growing economies. Changes that were made to increase productivity in the country include market and financial reforms, privatization in several sectors, and trade liberalization (Naudon & Pérez 2018: 4). During the Pinochet dictatorship, Chile adopted labor reforms that have generally been advocated by large international financial institutions, and the country has largely maintained these. However, the expected decrease in unemployment and income inequality coming with an increase in economic efficiency has been disappointing. In the graph below it can be seen that in the years leading up to the current unrest, the rate of unemployment has increased. And inequality has only marginally shown a decrease (Posner 2017: 238; Trading Economics 2020c).
Figure 4: Rate of Unemployment in Chile (Trading Economics 2020c)
For developing nations, economic growth can be a powerful tool in decreasing the level of poverty in a country and improving the quality of life. It can start up a cycle of developments leading to more prosperity and opportunity. Economic growth can lead to an increase in job availability, in turn leading to an increase in financial security for the population. This
financial security can lead to other opportunities, such as better educated children as there is more money available to put in their education. This advancement in human development will ultimately have positive effects on continuing economic growth (DFID 2008: 2). Measuring the GDP of a country is often used to determine economic growth. With fast growth of GDP, the overall size of the economy is expanding. However, it is important to realize that this captures the changes in market activity and that it is not a sufficient way of measuring the level of economic welfare in a country (Stone 2017). In Chile, GDP has been growing over the last decades, but this growth seems to have slowed down over time as visible in the graph below (Trading Economics 2020d).
Figure 5: GDP annual growth rate Chile (Trading Economics 2020d)
The Chilean think tank Libertad y Dessarollo, as discussed in the literature review, mentioned this slowing down of economic growth as one of the reasons behind the unrest in the country. This slow-down of economic growth contributes to the dissatisfaction in the country as people’s general expectation of economic growth is higher than how it is in reality (LyD 2019: 3-4). Where Chileans were promised a future of prosperity and economic
improvements as a result of the neoliberal system, the extent to which this improved the condition for the workers in society was no more than disappointing. For many Chileans, life did not improve much after this system was adopted. The inequality and insecurity did not disappear. Even if the situation of the poor in society does improve slightly, the unequal distribution of the country’s wealth gain will not go unnoticed (Schrager 2019; Kendall 2012:
555). As mentioned, fast growth of GDP does not necessarily also indicate an improvement in economic welfare. This depends on the extent to which the poor in a country are a part of this growth process and the ability for them to share in the positive outcome. Thus, to promote economic welfare, there should not solely be a focus on GDP growth, but also on policies related to improvements in the labor market, eliminating gender inequalities, and allowing for financial inclusion (DFID 2008: 2).
As explained in relative deprivation theory, the gap between high expectations and the reality not living up to this can be a big contributing factor in the rise of discontent and
ultimately lead to the creation of social movements. The slowing down of economic growth explained above has resulted in economic progress that did not happen at the same level as citizens expected it to and as was promised to them after the end of the dictatorship. The large difference between the score of the HDI and IHDI shows the influence and presence of inequality in Chile. For a country being internationally known as being stable and
economically strong, the unresolved issues with inequality in society do not live up to that name. Data shows that buying power for Chileans has gone up, but economic growth is largely enjoyed by those already wealthy. According to relative deprivation theory, person or group X can feel a growing discontent in a situation where they either compare their situation to the situation of another, or they compare their situation to what they expected to have in the future or what they used to have in the past. Here, it seems as if the discontent is largely built on frustration regarding what many Chileans expected to have in the future. Promises that were made after the transition back to democracy were not lived up to and progress made either slowed down or did not reach those that needed it most. Thus, even though Chileans may be experiencing slightly improved conditions, relative deprivation theory tells us that the heightened expected level of even better conditions is often at the cause for feelings of
discontent.
5.2 Political Structure
Gathered from the studied literature, there seems to be a lack of credibility and legitimacy in the political structure in Chile. There is a distance present between the political elite and the general population, where citizens feel as if the political elite is an isolated class who lacks understanding of what life is like for the average Chilean (Sehnbruch & Donoso 2020: 54). A
