1
« Nio far, ça veut dire on est ensemble»
African identity through a popular
culture lens: a journey into football,
fashion and music from Morocco to
Senegal
2
« Nio far, ça veut dire on est ensemble»
African identity through a popular
culture lens: a journey into football,
fashion and music from Morocco to
Senegal
Research Master’s Thesis in African Studies
February 10, 2020
Oumaima Derfoufi
S2144018
First Supervisor: Prof. Jan Abbink (Leiden University)
Second Supervisor: Dr. John Shoup (Al Akhawayn University)
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Figure 11: ‘Grottes d’Hercules’ Tangier, Morocco
“Je suis Africain
Non pas parce que je suis né en Afrique Mais parce que l’Afrique est née en moi”2 Kwame Nkrumah
1Zennati, Minya. News, March 31, 2014.
http://www.wanalou.com/en/news/tanger-la-grotte-d-hercule-et-le-parc-perdicaris-en-lifting-136.html.
4 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ... 6 ABSTRACT ... 7 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS... 8 LIST OF FIGURES ... 9 INTRODUCTION ... 11
“You don’t really look African” ... 11
Research Question and Sub-Questions ... 12
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK... 14 Identity ... 14 ‘Continental Identity?’... 14 Plurality of Identities ... 17 Popular Culture ... 19 Football ... 20 Music ... 23 Fashion... 24
CHAPTER I: “BLACK SKIN, UNDERDEVELOPMENT, DICTATOR” ... 26
“L’identité Africaine, c’est avant tout une question de fierté” ... 26
“L’meghrib w l’Afrique, bhal l’Brexit” ... 29
CHAPTER II: “BIENVENUE AU PAYS DE LA TERANGA!” ... 32
“Salam Eleykoum” ... 32
“L’Afrique c’est pas riche” ... 36
CHAPTER III: MORE THAN A GAME ... 38
Football and Identity ... 38
African Cup of Nations and North African Solidarity ... 43
World Cup and African Unity ... 47
CHAPTER IV: YOU ARE WHAT YOU LISTEN TO ... 51
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Contemporary Music Artists... 57
CHAPTER V: YOU ARE WHAT YOU WEAR ... 60
Dakar Fashion Week and the ‘African Dream’ ... 60
Sewing the Relationship between North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa ... 63
CHAPTER VI: MAKE NORTH AFRICA AFRICAN AGAIN ... 66
Discussion ... 66
Implications of the Study ... 67
Limitations and Constraints ... 69
CONCLUSIONS ... 71
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
“Oumaima, can you tell me what this is?” “It’s... a pen?”
“And now can you tell me what do we use a pen for?” “Well… to write?”
I wasn’t wrong but I wasn’t completely right either. Jan-Bart smiles and continues: “Or to tie your hair, or to throw it at someone, or to kill someone, did you hear about this case where a pen was used as a murder weapon?”
First day of class. First course of the program. First teacher I meet. And I couldn’t even answer a question as simple as what is a pen used for. And that is when I realised it. That is when I understood that this master’s program would require me to say more than what a pen is used for. That it would require me to think in the most complex way about the simplest things. And most importantly, that it would require me to question everything. These were probably two of the most challenging years of my academic life but they were also the most enriching. For that, I would like to express my appreciation to all the teachers of the programme, who have pushed us to work hard but also to always think critically about every detail.
I would like to offer my special thanks to my first supervisor, Dr. Jan Abbink, for supporting this topic since day one. You gave me the confidence I needed to pursue my fieldwork till the very last day and the motivation to write this thesis till the very last dot. I am grateful for the assistance of my second supervisor, Dr. Shoup; your knowledge of Morocco is inspiring and your interest in Gnawa music contagious.
I am forever grateful for my family and friends, for their unconditional support throughout these past two years, as well as my classmates, for their useful feedbacks and their constant encouragements. My sincere appreciation also goes to Al Akhawayn University students for making me feel home there again.
Au peuple Sénégalais, “Bienvenue au pays de la Teranga” sont les premiers mots que j’ai entendus en arrivant chez vous. Plus les jours passaient, plus je comprenais le sens du mot “Teranga”. Vous êtes un exemple d’hospitalité, de solidarité, et de générosité, non seulement pour l’Afrique mais également pour le monde entier. Merci de m’avoir fait sentir comme chez moi. Merci de m’avoir fait sentir, plus que jamais, Africaine.
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ABSTRACT
This thesis aims to explore African identity through a popular culture lens. It uses a comparative approach between Morocco and Senegal and focuses on three main components of popular culture: football, music and fashion. This research examines how the latter may or not promote a shared African identity between Morocco and Senegal. This thesis is based on an ethnographic study in Ifrane, Rabat and Essaouira in Morocco and Dakar in Senegal. It relies heavily on qualitative data resulting from seven month’s fieldwork in both countries. The research explores African identity through the stories of the people directly concerned,
Africans. In the first instance, and as a way of understanding one population segment – the
youth – semi-structured interviews were conducted with Moroccan students from Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane, which demonstrated the influence of some aspects of popular culture, but also of education in shaping their identities as Africans. In the same measure, interviews were also conducted with Senegalese students from University Cheikh Anta Diop in Dakar. Furthermore, this research also relies on interviews with older generations in both Morocco and Senegal, as well as participant observations by attending events related to music, fashion and football. Part of the research also relies on surveys conducted during the African Cup of Nations. This thesis showcases how popular culture promotes a shared African identity between Morocco and Senegal by, first, promoting African unity illustrated by football games, second, by promoting African history, through a music - Gnawa - that has traveled from Sub-Saharan Africa to North Africa to recall their stories, and third, by promoting African roots, highlighted by Moroccan young designers who use fashion as a tool to assert their African identity. Finally, this research aims to contribute to a larger academic debate on the separation of North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa, by outlining popular culture as an important factor when studying and comparing the latter. Therefore, on a academic level, it aims to raise awareness with regards to paying more attention to North Africa as part of the African continent - thus part of African studies; and second, on a social level, as a way of promoting African identity and unity through the power of popular culture.
Key words: Identity, African identity, popular culture, football, music, fashion, Morocco,
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
_________________________________________________________________________
AU: African Union.
AUI: Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane. UCAD: University Cheikh Anta Diop. AFCON: African Cup of Nations.
CAN: Coupe d’Afrique des Nations (African Cup of Nations).
CAF: Confédération Africaine de Football (African Confederation of Football). SADR: Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic.
OAU: Organisation of African Unity.
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 13: ‘Grottes d’Hercules’ Tangier, Morocco.
Figure 2: “Time for Africa” Street Art, outside of the Museum of Contemporary Art. Rabat, Morocco.
Figure 34: “It is strictly forbidden to rent apartments to Africans.” Casablanca, Morocco.
Figure 4: Wall tag at University Cheikh Anta Diop. Dakar, Senegal. “I am African not because I was born in Africa, but because Africa was born in me.” Kwamé Nkrumah.
Figure 5: “Africa Shop, Instrument-Music, Tatouage, Gnaoua Percussion.” Essaouira, Morocco.
Figure 6: Gnawa musicians performing on the stage of Gnaoua and World Music Festival in Essaouira, Morocco. ©Sife Elamine
Figure 75: Gnaoua Artist playing the ‘Guembri’. ©Direction du Patrimoine Culturel, 2015
Figure 86 : Gnaoua Artists playing ‘Qraqeb’ in the streets of Essaouira, Morocco. ©Direction du Patrimoine Culturel, 2015.
Figure 97: Gnawa musicians playing ‘Tbel’. ©Direction du Patrimoine Culturel, 2015.
Figure 10: Two models wearing Zaineb El Kadiri’s designs from the Pan African collection. ©Zainab El Kadiri, Instagram
Figure 118: Model wearing a Moroccan ‘Guendora’ made out of prints from Sub-Saharan
Africa.
3Zennati, Minya. News, March 31, 2014.
http://www.wanalou.com/en/news/tanger-la-grotte-d-hercule-et-le-parc-perdicaris-en-lifting-136.html.
4France 24 - Les Observateurs . Casablanca , July 18, 2013.
https://observers.france24.com/fr/20130718-casablanca-proprietaires-interdire-location-africains-discrimination-raciale.
5 “Gnaoua.” UNESCO. Accessed January 20, 2020. https://ich.unesco.org/fr/RL/gnaoua-01170. 6 Ibid.
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Figure 12: Fashion designer Majdouline El Hichou posing next to one of her models. ©Oummy Afrika - Facebook Page.
Figure 13: Moroccan Djellaba made out of South African textiles. ©Oummy Africa - Facebook.
8 Zine, Ghita. “Zaineb El Kadiri, La Mode Marocaine Aux Couleurs De Toute L'Afrique [Interview].”
Français. Yabiladi.com, August 27, 2019. https://www.yabiladi.com/articles/details/82576/zaineb-kadiri-mode-marocaine-couleurs.html.
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INTRODUCTION
1. You don’t really look African”
This study departs from a childhood-driven curiosity and a passion for writing about people. This thesis does not only constitute a research project but the core reason why I have decided to apply for this programme in the first instance: feeling African. As a Moroccan who has always identified as African and yet grew up hearing her surroundings talk about ‘Africans’ as a way of referring to black people, I decided to dive deeper into this subject through this research.
My interest in identities - including my own identity- emerged three years ago, when I went for a four-month exchange program in Arkansas, in the United States. During orientation days, all international students had to gather in order to better know each other. I started presenting myself: “My name is Oumaima, I am 20 years old and I am from Morocco.” A Rwandan student then interrupted me saying: “That’s great, another student from Africa!” A few hours following the international students gathering, I met a few American students with whom I discussed my identity as a Moroccan, but also as an African. One common remark I was told was: “You don’t really look African”. There I was: considered as African by Rwandan students because of my nationality, but ‘not so much African’ by American students due to their perception of what an African should look like. However, this physical perception of an African person is not common to the United States nor to the West in general, as I grew up with it in my own country. Indeed, countless times, I heard Moroccan people – even amongst my family and friends – referring to Africa as if it were a foreign continent, and to Africans as black people. My curiosity about the matter along with my sense of belonging to the continent, thus constituted the main drive for this research.
From 1912 to 1956, Morocco was occupied by France in the middle region of the country, as well as by Spain in the North and South. Both countries had a tremendous impact on Morocco’s spoken languages and culture, which was illustrated in the post-colonial period. Indeed, Simpson (2008) states that “after obtaining independence, the number of French speakers increased, and various other changes occurred on the linguistic and cultural levels” 9.
In fact, during the colonial period, France attempted to divide the Arabs and the Amazigh people into two distinct ethnic groups as a way of ruling more easily over the country. Therefore, on the one hand, Arabs only spoke Arabic, and Amazigh people only spoke
9 Simpson, Andrew. Language and National Identity in Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
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Tamazight (‘Berber’ language), which made the cohabitation between the two groups more difficult10. Today, several Moroccans speak both Arabic and Tamazight; the latter was recognized as one of Morocco’s official languages along with Arabic.11 As we will examine
further in this research, the historical background of the country as well as its impact on the languages spoken today influence how people identify, but also how they position themselves in the world. In 2017, Morocco has officially re-joined the African Union, which illustrated the country’s shift towards Africa in terms of politics but also investments. We will examine, through this thesis, ways in which this shift may or not have influenced the country on a cultural level as well.
2. Research Question and Sub-Questions
This thesis is based on a comparative approach between two countries: Morocco and Senegal. The choice of Senegal is first, based on the fact that the countries share good diplomatic relations, which results in several Moroccans going to Senegal for the purpose of studies in the same measure that numerous Senegalese also go to Morocco for work or studies. This is particularly important in the context of this research as the aim is not only to explore how Moroccans identify themselves, but also how they are perceived by other African countries. In addition to this, this research aims to contribute to a larger academic debate on the separation between North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa, which thus explains the choice of comparing one country from the former to one from the latter.
This research aims to explore different ways in which popular culture may promote a shared African identity between Morocco and Senegal. We will focus on three main components of popular culture, which will constitute the criteria of comparison between the two countries: football, music and fashion.
This thesis will thus attempt to answer the following research question: Does popular culture
promote a shared African identity between Morocco and Senegal? If so, how?
Furthermore, the following sub-questions will be raised:
● Is there a relationship between popular culture and identity?
● How do Moroccans define African identity? / How do Senegalese define African identity?
10 Ibid.
11 Ennaji, Moha. “Recognizing the Berber Language in Morocco: A Step for Democratization.”
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● How does popular culture (fashion/music/football) promote African identity in Morocco?
● How does popular culture (fashion/music/football) promote African identity in Senegal?
● Is there a shared African identity between Morocco and Senegal?
This research is based on a seven-month fieldwork in Rabat, Ifrane and Essaouira in Morocco and Dakar in Senegal. It relies on participant observation, semi-structured interviews and surveys as the main tools used to collect data. The fieldwork was organised as such: the two first months of research took place in Morocco, more specifically at Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane, where interviews with students were conducted; two months in Dakar, Senegal, where interviews were conducted with students from University Cheikh Anta Diop as well as older generations, and the last three months were spent between Essaouira and Rabat in Morocco, where participant observations and interviews with local people took place.
In the first instance, we will explore the theoretical framework upon which this thesis will be based. Then, Chapters 1 and 2 will provide an insight on the first steps of the fieldwork, the former in Morocco and the latter in Senegal. These chapters aim to explore and define African identity through the stories of the people concerned - Africans. Following that, Chapters 3, 4 and 5 will respectively explore the three components of popular culture this thesis focuses on: football, music and fashion. Chapter 5 will then be the stage for discussion but also for placing this research in a larger academic debate, before concluding in the last part.
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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
This chapter aims to explore the main concepts that will be used throughout this thesis:
identity and popular culture. When defining ‘identity’, we will discuss the related concepts of
‘continental identity’ and ‘plurality of identities’, and whether they may or not apply to Africa; whilst for ‘popular culture’ we will for the purpose of this research focus on football, music and fashion as well as on ways in which they intertwine with one’s (perceived) identity.
1. Identity
As complex as identities might be, we are brought to think about them since an early age, and throughout several phases of our lives. Something as simple as someone asking us to ‘present ourselves’ - whether it is in a primary school classroom or for a job interview - already leads us to list a set of criteria that we believe define us. It could be our name, age, nationality, hobbies, educational background, or even our marital status. Nevertheless, identities can’t be
measured nor limited to a definite set of criteria. Leve (2011) defines identity as “a sense of
belonging”12. He explains that identity encompasses “corporate groups” that are “socially
recognizable”, among others: ethnic, religious, racial, national or sexual.13 Törrönen (2013)
describes identities as a “changing discursive constructions that receive their temporary stability and meaning in concrete contexts and situations.”14 He states that identities should be
examined through three different lenses: societal, cultural, and situational. This research will examine ways in which identity is formed on an ‘individual’ level, but also within a societal context - how identities adapt to particular situations, but also how one identity may be ‘prioritised’ over another depending on the context people are put in.
Martin Albo et al. (2013) argue that one of the major consequences of contemporary globalisation is the acceleration of exchanges between different parts of the world, which led to “stable cultural backgrounds” being displaced.15 The authors claim that identity is even
more “intriguing” to study in today’s world, as the only identities that mattered in the past were religious identities.16 Thus, they state that what is particularly interesting about identities lies in their plurality and diversity. We will discuss further in this part the ‘plurality of
12 Leve, Lauren. “Identity.” Current Anthropology 52, no. 4 (2011): 513–35. 13 Ibid.
14 Törrönen, Jukka. “Situational, Cultural and Societal Identities: Analysing Subject Positions as
Classifications, Participant Roles, Viewpoints and Interactive Positions.” Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 44, no. 1 (September 2013): 80–98. https://doi.org/10.1111/jtsb.12029.
15Martin-Albo, Ángel Mateos-Aparicio, and Eduardo de Gregorio-Godeo. Culture and Power:
Identity and Identification. Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013.
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identities’ and how it applies to Morocco. This also relates to the ‘situationality’ of identities; as we will explain further in this research, depending on the context or situation people are faced to, one identity tends to be more ‘primary’ than another.
1.1. ‘Continental Identity’?
We have discussed Leve’s definition of identity as a “sense of belonging”. This thesis will attempt to apply Leve’s definition of the term to a more specific case: African identity. Defining ‘African identity’ tends to be tricky as the latter does neither belong to a ‘national group’, nor a religious one, nor - as this thesis will argue – a racial. Then what do we refer to when we say ‘African identity’? And is there such a thing as a ‘continental identity’?
It is both a daunting and potentially frustrating task to attempt to discuss African identity. It is daunting because African identity is an expansive and nebulous category that can be contextualized in and approached from a bewildering array of ideological and disciplinary positions.
[...]
It is frustrating first because Africa has long been relegated to the margins of global considerations of culture, economics and geopolitics and second because African identity is a category that is always already overdetermined and spectacularly overgeneralised and homogenised.17
Wright (2002) has discussed the difficulty of defining African identity without falling into the trap of categorizing it as one homogenous entity. However, the ‘trap’ can go both ways. Prah (2008) argues that it seems that so far, ‘African identity’ has solely been defined through two contradictory categories, namely: (i) African identity as one homogeneous common entity, (ii) African identity as an endless diversity of cultures.18 According to Wright (2002), one thing
that is crucially missing in the numerous discourses on African identity today is the input of the people directly concerned by the topic - Africans. “Can the African Speak?” Wright (2002) asks, before arguing that even when Africans did attempt to narrate African identities through artistic works, they witnessed their attempts being “appropriated in the West, filtered
17 Wright, Handel Kashope. “Editorial: Notes on the (Im)Possibility of Articulating Continental
African Identity.” Critical Arts 16, no. 2 (2002): 1. https://doi.org/10.1080/02560240285310111.
18 Prah, Kwesi Kwaa. Anthropological Prisms. Studies on African Realities. Cape Town: Centre for
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through and evaluated by Western literary and creative values and standards”.19 Nevertheless,
this “silencing of Africans” - as he describes - is not unique to arts, as it also concerns academic disciplines.20 Wright (2002) claims that if African voices on African identity are not
heard through art nor on an academic level - let alone ‘ordinary’ people in the street - then how is one supposed to discuss African identity?21 This thesis will thus attempt to shed new light on this topic by giving a voice to the so-called ‘ordinary’ people in the street and telling the story of how they - Africans - define African identity.
Furthermore, Rich (2002) discussed the concept of ‘continental identity’ - with a particular focus on North American identity - claiming that continental identities and policies tend to be intertwined.22 In fact, he compares North America to Europe, stating that while in North America we talk about ‘community’ with a small ‘c’, in Europe we refer to ‘Community’ with a capital ‘C’.23 One of the reasons behind this lies in the different policies established Europe
and North America. Indeed, Rich (2002) argues that European identity is symbolized first by common passports, second by a common flag.24 Being European thus entails being part of a space where you can move freely, but also a space where you will - above all identities - be considered as a ‘European citizen’. Another policy would be the establishment of one common currency - Euro - also promoting a common ‘continental identity’. Rich’s argument on the intertwinement of policies and ‘continental identities’ can also be discussed with regards to the case of Africa. According to the African Union, the 2018 Africa Visa Openness Report shows that African countries are now becoming “more open to each other”.25 The
report states that a visa is not required for Africans in 25% of African nations - compared to 22% last year. Even though there has been slight progress, there is still a long path to go as Africans still need a visa to travel to 51% of other African countries.26
For the purpose of this research, we will focus on the case of Morocco and Senegal. The former has a visa-free policy for only 9 African countries, while the latter allows 22 African nations to enter its territory visa-free. Both Morocco and Senegal have a visa-free policy for
all European Union citizens. In both cases, countries are more open and accessible to
Europeans than they are to Africans. This can lead us to question the extent of ‘African unity’ and ‘African solidarity’, both not much promoted through the policies established within the nations. Even though each country is responsible for such policies, one of the core institutions
19 Wright, Handel Kashope. op.cit. p:2. 20 Ibid.
21 Ibid: 3.
22 Rich, Paul. “Policy Studies and Continental Identity.” Review of Policy Research 19, no. 3 (2002):
210–14. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-1338.2002.tb00304.x.
23 Ibid: 212. 24 Ibid.
25 “African Countries Are Becoming More Open to Each Other; 2018 Africa Visa Openness Report
Shows.” African Union, November 25, 2019.
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aiming to promote cooperation between African nations is the African Union (AU). The latter defines its first objective as being to “achieve greater unity and solidarity between African countries and their people.”27 The AU included 54 members until Morocco re-joined in 2017
after 33 years of absence, increasing the number to 55. Morocco had left the AU - previously referred to as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) - in 1984 following the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR).28 Morocco and SADR both claim sovereignty over the Western Sahara territory and the issue remains unresolved until today.
“It is a beautiful day when one returns home after too
long an absence. Africa is my continent and my home. I am finally home and I am happy to see you. I missed you all.”29 - King Mohammed VI.
During the 28th AU Summit, Moroccan King Mohammed VI gave a speech describing Africa as “home”. Even though Morocco’s return to the AU was approved by the majority of member states, it also raised questions with regard to the reason behind it. In fact, on the one hand, press headlines in Morocco described the country’s readmission as a “victory”; King Mohammed insisted on not wanting to “divide the continent”30. On the other hand, headlines
in Algeria questioned whether or not Morocco’s return to the AU was synonymous with its recognition of the SADR. However, Nasser Bourita - Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation in Morocco - insisted that the country would always claim sovereignty over the territory. Nevertheless, Morocco’s return to the AU does showcase the country’s recent shift towards Africa. While former King Hassan II was more interested in Europe, Mohammed VI has, over the past few years, shown a growing interest in Africa, which was illustrated through the country’s recent policies.
1.2 Plurality of Identities
Often, when I say that Morocco is an African country, people reply saying that it can’t be an
African country because it is Arab, in the same measure that other people believe that it’s not
an Arab country because it is African. Now two things don’t make sense in these statements. First, not all Moroccans identify as Arabs, as Hart (1999) said: “Scratch a Moroccan, you’ll
27 “About the African Union.” About the African Union | African Union, November 18, 2019.
https://au.int/en/overview.
28 AFRICAN UNION: Morocco Rejoins.” Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural
Series 54, no. 2 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2017.07493.x.
29 Ibid. 30 Ibid.
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find a Berber”31. Indeed, the country’s indigenous people are the Amazigh32, and whether
they do or do not speak Arabic, not all of them identify as Arabs. In addition to this, even Moroccans who do not descend from the Amazigh and who only speak Arabic, do not necessarily identify as Arabs, which will be demonstrated further in this research through the interviews. Second, why would identifying as Arab prevent someone from identifying as African, and vice versa? Why can’t someone simply both?
One of the countries where the ‘Afro-Arab identity’ has been the most subject to debate is Sudan. One the one hand, the government has tried to push the country towards ‘Arabisation’ and skin bleaching products have been used by a part of the population as a way of claiming their Arab ancestry.33 One the other hand, another part of the population - mostly the youth - has been fighting to claim their African identity. Social media was heavily used by millennials in order to celebrate African identity; pictures with the hashtag #ILoveBeingAfrican spread across numerous social media platforms.34 In addition to this, popular culture, as we will
discuss in the second part of this chapter, also contributed in promoting the ‘Afro-Arab’ identity within the country, especially through fashion. Nevertheless, in this case, part of the population that identified as Arab used skin bleaching products to whiten their skins as a way of saying “we are not Africans, we are Arabs”. Therefore, this shows that again that African identity seems to be associated primarily with being black. This thesis will rely on Leve’s definition of identity as a “sense of belonging” but also heavily on interviews with people to argue that African identity is not limited to a race, rather than that, it is a feeling of connection to the continent. In addition to this, Wright (2002) argues that identity is not something fixed, as it is constantly subject to change over time.
[...] first, that identity (especially group identity) does not have a singular point or moment of origin but is always already being constructed and second, that identity is not given and fixed but rather is constantly (re)produced in and as performance.35
As this thesis will demonstrate, identity tends to ‘shift’ over time, or identities may appear (or disappear) along the way - based on the person’s personal experiences, their education, or popular culture (music they listen to, clothing style) they identify with. The plurality of
31 Hart, David. “Scratch a Moroccan, Find a Berber.” The Journal of North African Studies 4, no. 2
(1999): 23–26. https://doi.org/10.1080/13629389908718359.
32 Translates as “free people” and refers to the ‘Berber’ population. However, the term ‘berber’ tends
to be rejected by the Amazigh due its negative connotations; for that reason, I will use the term Amazigh.
33 “Letter from Africa: Sudanese Fight for Their African Identity.” BBC News. BBC, April 18, 2017.
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-39619976.
34 Ibid.
35 Wright, Handel Kashope. “Editorial: Notes on the (Im)Possibility of Articulating Continental
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identities in Morocco is illustrated by the Arab-Amazigh-African identity. As discussed earlier, why should one identity forbid another?
Cantle (2014) argues that plural identities and cultural solidarity can sit along each other.36 He
describes the development of plural identities as an “inherent process” in globalisation and diversity, and claims that it can promote “peace, tolerance and cohesion”.37As Rich (2002)
did, he also discusses the intertwinement between identities - more specifically plural identities - and the policies established within a nation. In fact, he argues that multicultural policies have so far been slow and that identity is “multifaceted and dynamic” and has become a “developing support for a more intercultural model.”38
2. Popular Culture
Popular culture presents us with a vantage point on the world: it is a domain that shapes our sense of self or our identity. Not only is it generally available to a large number of people, it also responds to and creates points of identification among large groups within a community or nation. Popular culture plays an important role in
constituting and representing the public to itself.39
Mankekar (2015) argues that popular culture and identity are intertwined. He states that in order to truly understand the meaning of popular culture, one has to analyse its significance through people - as he describes, the “consumers”.40 He explores popular culture through the lens of Marxist theories of culture, making three important statements. The first one is that popular culture is “tied up” with social relations. The second one is that popular culture allows social groups to “define and realize their needs”. The third one is that popular culture enables to express social struggles and differences.41 This thesis will aim to illustrate these statements through analysing three aspects of popular culture: football, music and fashion, and how they “tie up” not only with social relations but also with one’s identity.
Rosenberg (2002) has also discussed the relationship between popular culture and identity, with a particular focus on South Africa. The author argues that popular culture and political contexts tend to be intertwined; it is thus useful to be aware of a nation’s historical
36 Cantle, Ted. “National Identity, Plurality and Interculturalism.” The Political Quarterly 85, no. 3
(2014): 312–19. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12101.
37 Ibid.: 312. 38 Ibid.: 313.
39 Mankekar, Purnima. “Popular Culture .” International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral
Sciences (Second Edition), 2015: 528.
40 Ibid. 41 Ibid: 529.
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background and political context in order to analyze its popular culture.42 This also strongly applies to our research. As discussed in the previous part, the recent ‘shift’ in Moroccan politics from Europe to Africa seems to have had an impact not solely on the political level but also on a level of self-perception and self-positioning within the world. The historical background of both Morocco and Senegal is also not to be neglected for the purposes of this research. Both countries were occupied by the French, which already gives them one common language. Morocco and Senegal are also two nations where the majority of the population identifies as Muslim, which - as we will discuss further - has also influenced local popular cultures. Goff (2012) argues in the first instance that religion and popular culture have a two-way relationship. In the same measure that religion can appear through popular culture, popular culture “infiltrates” religion.43 Second, he claims that in some cases, religion is
popular culture. This will be illustrated in particular in Chapter 1, when discussing the first field observations made in Senegal, and Chapter 5, when examining local clothing in Senegal. Furthermore, Martin Albo et al. (2013) explain that on the one hand, globalization has led to what they describe as an “international popular culture”, while on another, by stressing cultural differences around the world, globalization also led to a rediscovery of local popular cultures. Horn (2003) makes a distinction between international popular culture – referred to as “mass culture” - and local popular culture. He argues that while mass culture manipulates people around the world, local popular culture is a way of shaping one’s identity.44 This
research will be analysing and comparing local popular cultures in each of Morocco and Senegal in order to discuss how the latter may or not promote a shared African identity between the two countries. Football is the most prominent sport in both nations, and this thesis will thus examine the role of latter in shaping people’s identity, first as a sport, and second as competition. As for music, we will pay particular attention to local artists, contemporary music bands, as well as Gnaoua music and ways in which it is making Morocco ‘African again’. Finally, we will explore identity through the lens of fashion, comparing local clothing in both countries but also discussing how young designers are putting considerable efforts in the process of uniting North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa through fashion.
We will thus attempt to answer the following questions: What can popular culture teach us about our identities? What can it teach us about African identity? And how does it promote a
shared African identity between Morocco and Senegal?
42 Rosenburg, Scott. “Youth, Popular Culture, and Identity. American Influences on South
Africa and Lesotho.” Safundi: the Journal of South African and American Studies 3, no. 2 (May 8, 2002): 1–14. (https://doi.org/10.1080/17533170200203202.)
43 Goff, Philip. “Religion and Popular Culture.” In The Columbia Guide to Religion in American
History, 295–308. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012.
44 Horn, Peter. “Mass Culture, Popular Culture and Cultural Identity.” Culture, Civilization and
21 2.1. Football
Football is undoubtedly the most popular sport across the African continent, and it owes its popularity to the fact that it is easily accessible for all.45 As discussed earlier, Mankekar (2015) describes popular culture as “available to a large number of people”46, and football
illustrates it perfectly. You don’t need expensive material to play football; all it takes is one ball and enough imagination to create a field out of rocks and stones. It can be played
anywhere, at any time, and involve as many players as you choose to. I could relate to this on
a personal level; first as a passionate fan of the game, and second, as a Moroccan. The first soccer field I have ever known was a parking lot. No need to check the weather beforehand nor how busy the parking was, we knew we would adapt to any circumstances, because we
could. The rain was a test for how well you can view the game without necessarily seeing
everything. The wind was a test for how well you could adjust your shots and passes. And the sun was a test for how far your endurance could go. The weather conditions were not obstacles; they simply became part of the game. Not only did the players adapt to weather conditions, but the field was also, in a way, moving. The number of cars in the parking lot would decide of the size of the soccer field. More cars were synonym of smaller field, less players, and thus teams taking turn; and because rare were the ones who wanted to be goalkeepers, we would take turn for that as well. The referee was not a single person, it was
everyone, which of course led to countless disputes over whether or not there was a foul. This
‘flexibility’ of football has played a crucial role in making it the popular sport it is today, which will be illustrated further in Chapter 3.
Moreover, football and identity tend to be closely related. In fact, Fridy and Brobbey (2009) conducted a study on the relationship between football and identity by analyzing Ghana’s Accra Hearts of Oak and Kumasi Asante Kotoko Football Clubs, and how the latter have a major influence on people’s political identities in Ghana.47 Indeed, they argue that while
Accra Hearts of Oak is the football club of the National Democratic Congress, Kumasi Asante Kotoko is the club representing the New Patriotic Party, and the supporters of each of these clubs belong to their respective political parties.48 The authors claim that in some cases,
football does not only constitute a sport but one’s position in a divided society. Nevertheless, this intertwinement between football and identity is not specific to Africa only. Indeed, Fridy and Brobbey (2009) state that “if you live in Scotland and pull for Celtic, it is assumed that
45 Football (Soccer) in Africa.” Exploring Africa. Accessed October 3, 2019.
http://exploringafrica.matrix.msu.edu/football-soccer-in-africa/.
46 Mankekar, Purnima. “Popular Culture .”, 528.
47 Fridy, Kevin S., and Victor Brobbey. “Win the Match and Vote for Me: the Politicisation of Ghanas
Accra Hearts of Oak and Kumasi Asante Kotoko Football Clubs.” The Journal of Modern African
Studies 47, no. 1 (2009): 19–39.
22
you are Catholic. A Rangers fan? That means you are Protestant. If you live in Spain and root for Barcelona you are a cosmopolitan Catalan”49. Not only does football have an impact on
political and cultural identity, but in some cases such as the ones cited, it can also be
connected to one’s religious identity.
Football thus has its own way of uniting people. Sometimes it is as simple as gathering to watch a late Tuesday Champions League game, other times it is through marking an entire continent’s history. It is important in the context of this research to understand the history and evolution of African football over time. In his book African Soccerscapes: How a Continent
Changed the World’s Game, Alegi (2010) compares football to a form of neo-colonialism,
stating that while Europeans were the ones introducing football to Africa, Africans not only embraced it but also appropriated it, thus disengaging it from the colonial framework and making it ‘African’.50 Indeed, he explains that at first, when colonial officials would organise
football games, the “Africans drafted into participation” saw it more as an obligation than a game.51 However, the so-called obligation rapidly turned into passion, and the passion turned into pleasure.
And as Africans wrested control of football from the hands of those European officials who had first seen the fame as a means to inculcate the values of colonial capitalism and empire, they also turned the game an activity that was distinctively African.52
Alegi (2010) argues that football played a role in building local cultures beyond the one imposed by colonials. He states that even though the games still followed international rules, the embodiment of magicians and healers, but also the playing styles that emerged made the game distinctively ‘African’.53 In addition to this, Nauright (1999) - who discusses football in
urban South Africa - argued that even though in the first instance football was only played by white people, it did not later on develop a “white elite”, which left room for everyone to play it.54
This thesis will not only explore football as a sport, but also its context of worldwide competitions, namely the African Cup of Nations (AFCON) and the World Cup. We will
49 Ibid.
50 Alegi, Peter. African Soccerscapes: How a Continent Changed the Worlds Game. London: Hurst,
2010.
51 Ibid. 52 Ibid. 53 Ibid.
54 Nauright, John. “Bhola Lethu: Football in Urban South Africa.” In Football Cultures and Identities,
23
examine how both Moroccans and Senegalese position themselves with regard to their national teams but most importantly to other African teams. In addition to this, we will also discuss whether or not there is a distinction between a ‘North African team’ and ‘sub-Saharan team’ when it comes to football tournaments.
2. 2. Music
Music, like numerous forms of popular culture, is a way of “self-assertion” - shaping people’s identity from a young age.55 This thesis will be exploring different kinds of music - from contemporary music bands, to rap, to Gnaoua music – and the ways in which they shape people’s identity, and most importantly, ways in which they promote African identity.
Frith (2011) uses Marxist theories to describe how we can move from the ‘cultural’ to the ‘material’ in order to “interpret culture to read it ideologically, to assign it social conditions”.56 He strongly argues that when discussing music and identity, one should not
focus on how music reflects people; rather than that, the focus should be on how it produces people. His argument relies on two premises. First, as Wright (2002) also argues, that identity is not fixed, it is constantly changing; identity is thus a “process” - it is a “becoming” rather than a “being”.57 Second, in the same measure that identity is a “process”, our experience with
music should also, in that sense, be considered as a “self in process”. He states:
Music, like identity, is both performance and story, describes the social in the individual and the individual in the social, the mind in the body and the body in the mind; identity, like music, is a matter of both ethics and aesthetics.58
As an echo to Marxist theories, he uses music as a metaphor for identity and argues that “the self is an imagined self”. In that sense, the author claims that identity is an experience - or a way of dealing with an experience - and the best way of grasping it is through music. He justifies this by stating that not only music gives us a sense of our own person, but it also gives us a sense of ‘the others’.59 Chernoff (1980) also discusses this sense of ‘others’ with a
particular focus on African music. He argues that music acts as a “mediator” to communities,
55 Rosenburg, Scott. “Youth, Popular Culture, and Identity, p. ? .
56 Frith, Simon. “Music and Identity .” In Questions of Cultural Identity, 108–27. London : SAGE
Publications Ltd, 2011.
57 Ibid.: 109. 58 Ibid. 59 Ibid.
24
and that African music is centered around values.60 Frith (2011) draws upon Chernoff’s argument to state that music - in a more general way - promotes a sense of belonging to a particular community. He argues that even though different kinds of music may promote different kinds of identities, the way it is done remains the same.61
This research will aim to explore ways in which music shapes people’s identity and - in the context of this thesis - how it shapes African identity. We will pay particular attention to Gnaoua music. The latter originates from Sub-Saharan Africa and was composed and played by communities of slaves to enter a trance with spirits. 62 Lapassade (1998) describes Gnaoua musicians as the “therapists of difference.”63 He argues that Gnaoua is at the center of cultural
origins with a “Maghrebin” integration. He describes the city of Essaouira as exceptional in the sense that it values Gnaoua music, its roots and its musicians.
Gnaoua music has become more popular in recent years, especially among the Moroccan youth. In fact, every year, thousands of people gather to attend the Gnaoua Music Festival in Essaouira - where part of the fieldwork was conducted. Throughout this thesis, we will dive deeper into different sorts of music people listen to in each of Morocco and Senegal, how they have shaped their identities over time, and how particular kinds of music - namely Gnaoua - play a crucial role in promoting African identity.
2.3. Fashion
Fashion is part of our daily lives. Whether or not someone is interested in the latest trends, the choice of clothes we make every morning is part of ‘fashion’. Cunningham (2016) argues that it is impossible to separate fashion from popular culture.64 It is part of a “visual culture” that is
promoted through media industries such as films and television shows.65 If we go back to the example of Sudan, popular culture is extremely intertwined with identity, especially in Khartoum. The film industry is considerably dominated by the Middle East, which contributes to the growing push towards ‘Arabisation’ as it directly influences people’s way of dressing.66
60 Chernoff, John Miller. African Rhythm and African Sensibility. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1980.
61 Frith, Simon. “Music and Identity .” In Questions of Cultural Identity, 108–27. London : SAGE
Publications Ltd, 2011.
62 Ulaby, Laith, Francesca Recchia, Lelloucha Hamadache, and Owais Arshad. “How the Gnaoua
Music Festival Is Making Morocco ‘African Again.’” Muftah, July 21, 2012. (https://muftah.org/gnaoua-music-festival-morocco/#.WteAsi5ubIU.)
63 Lapassade, Georges. “Les Gnawa, Thérapeutes De La Différence.” Africultures, November 30,
1998. (http://africultures.com/les-gnawa-therapeutes-de-la-difference-570/.)
64 Cunningham, Patricia A. “Fashion in Popular Culture.” In A Companion to Popular Culture , 361–
80. 2016. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 2016.
65 Ibid.
66 “Letter from Africa: Sudanese Fight for Their African Identity.” BBC News. BBC, April 18, 2017.
25
Fashion does not only constitute a piece of clothes, as many times, it reflects people’s identity. Akdemir (2018) describes clothing as a “visual representation of social identity”.67
She argues that our clothes carry signs of identity aspects via their shape, colors, or embroidery. Whilst some clothes - or way of dressing - can reflect people’s religion, others can tell about their ethnicity, age, or social class. It is also important to bear in mind the distinction between ‘fashion’ and ‘clothing’; the latter mainly describes the “raw material” used to cover our bodies, the former is more about the meaning - in terms of social identity - behind the clothes we choose to wear.68 Fair (1998) defines fashion as an “expressive culture”, arguing that it gives shape to what she describes as “social bodies”.69 In the case of
Africa, Dosekun (2016) argues that fashion is to be taken at a ‘personal level’. The author classifies the choice of clothing in four categories: global, local, colonial and neocolonial.70 This thesis will focus on local clothing and fashion in each of Morocco and Senegal, we will also compare how different generations in each of the countries tend to dress up differently; while the elderly seems to be more attached to ‘traditional’ ways of clothing, the youth is more likely to prefer ‘Western’ clothes, which will be discussed further in the research. Furthermore, fashion is not reflected through clothes only as it encompasses everything we choose to ‘decorate’ - or cover - our bodies with; namely jewelry, accessories or tattoos. As discussed earlier, the youth in Sudan has been fighting to claim its ‘African identity’, but also to promote the ‘Afro-Arab identity’, and one way of doing so was popular culture, more specifically fashion. Indeed, fashion designers - amongst them jewelry designer Nawal Kamal - have explored this ‘Afro-Arab’ identity by displaying photos of women wearing both ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ prints.71 This practice of combining two ‘traditional’ ways of dressing in order
to promote a plurality of identities is not common to Sudan only. As this research will demonstrate, numerous designers in Morocco - especially amongst the youth - are using fashion as a tool of uniting North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa. One common practice is to design Moroccan traditional dresses using prints from Sub-Saharan Africa. Not only is fashion a reflection of one’s identity, but it can also be a tool of creating, uniting and
celebrating a plurality and diversity of identities within a society.
67 Akdemir, Nihan. “Visible Expression of Social Identity: the Clothing and Fashion.” Gaziantep
University Journal of Social Sciences 17, no. 4 (2018): 1389 (https://doi.org/10.21547/jss.411181.
68 Ibid: 1390.)
69 Fair, Laura. “Dressing Up: Clothing, Class And Gender In Post-Abolition Zanzibar.” The Journal of
African History 39, no. 1 (1998): 63. (https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021853797007111.)
70 Dosekun, Simidele. “The Politics of Fashion and Beauty in Africa.” In Feminist Africa, 21:1–6.
Cape Town: University of Cape Town, African Gender Institute, 2016.
26
CHAPTER I
“BLACK SKIN, UNDERDEVELOPMENT, DICTATOR”
“If you could name three things that remind you of Africa, what would they be?”This was amongst the list of questions asked to students from Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane (AUI), Morocco, where the first phase [?] of my fieldwork began. A first phase where I re-explored and re-defined African identity based on what it meant to people who either did or did not feel African. A first phase where I witnessed the crucial role education as well as work play in building one’s perception of the world, of one-self, but also of ‘the others’. And finally, a first chapter where I could analyze the impact of popular culture on people’s sense of belonging to a particular identity.
Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane is one of the few higher-level educational institutions in Morocco that offer an African studies programme. Students can choose African Studies as a minor, and the programme offers courses that explore a plethora of fields within the African continent: politics, economy, history, culture and literature.
The interviews with AUI students were conducted on a voluntary basis. In order to reach as many students as possible, a post was shared on a social media group gathering the university’s students in which I explained the aim of the research and asked if there were any students who would be interested in answering questions and discussing this subject. I was very pleased by people’s positive reaction to the topic and how motivated they were to talk about something they felt that they could relate to. The questions asked concerned their identity as Moroccans and as Africans, their perception of Africa and African identity, but also the three aspects of popular culture this research examines (football, music, fashion), and how each of them might or might not have influenced their identities. I conducted interviews with a total of 15 students. Even though opinions diverged regarding identities (Arab, Amazigh, African, North African), most of the answers demonstrated the fact that popular culture plays a considerable role in shaping one’s identity. Whether it was through music, sports, fashion, sometimes also food, students felt like part of their identity and their personality was influenced by the popular culture they grew up with.
I. 1. “L’identité Africaine, c’est avant tout une question de fierté"72
27
Figure 2: “Time for Africa” Street Art, outside of the Museum of Contemporary Art. Rabat, Morocco.
In a café along a corner of one of the busiest streets in Rabat, I started my first interviews with two former students from Al Akhawayn University, Khaoula and Tasnim. Both of them studied International Studies, the former minored in African Studies and the latter in Business Administration. The questions asked were in English and the answers and discussions were a mix of French, English and Arabic. Khaoula started talking first:
“Oui je m’identifie comme Africaine. Etre Africaine pour moi c’est assumer son identité. Assumer l’Afrique de part son histoire, sa culture et ses gens. L’identité Africaine c’est avant
tout une question de fierté.”73
I asked Khaoula if there were any particular moments or events in her life that made her feel African, or that made her feel more connected to the African continent, to which she answered “Yes, the United States.” Khaoula explained that the first time she really felt African was during a trip to the United States. As she described, it’s a country where races and ethnicities
73 (French): “Yes I identify as African. For me being African is assuming your identity. Assume
28
are really stressed. “Before going there, no one ever directly asked me ‘what is your race?’ or ‘what is your ethnicity’.” The fact that people looked at her differently when she said Morocco was in Africa also played a role in her forging her identity. A second reason Khaoula gave is her studies. Learning about African history and cultures through her minor at AUI made her connect with the continent on different levels. Finally, she mentioned a class field trip to Côte d’Ivoire that made her identify as African, but for particular reasons. “People there didn’t see me as African, and this made me insist even more on the fact that I am, I felt like I had to defend myself and my identity.”
“It was the opposite for me actually” Tasnim reacted. “I mean, I always felt African and I didn’t feel like a complete stranger when we went to Côte d’Ivoire, I really felt like I… belonged, I’d say? But the fact that they didn’t see us as Africans or that they called us “les
blancs”74 made me feel less African at some point.”
The same experience, namely a field trip to Côte d’Ivoire, influenced their identities - and perception of African identity - in two different ways. While on the one hand, the fact that other people did not see her as ‘African’ made Khaoula feel the need to assert her identity as such, it impacted Tasnim in the opposite way as she questioned an identity she always felt connected to. This can be related to Wright’s argument - discussed in the previous chapter - on the ‘shift’ of identities based on a person’s personal experience. It also perfectly illustrates Frith’s definition of identity, namely, that identity is an experience - or a way of dealing with an experience.
Another student, Oussama - also minoring in African Studies - strongly identified as African. He mentioned some of his trips to Sub-Saharan countries (Côte d’Ivoire, Central Africa, Congo) as one of the reasons why he felt considerably attached to an African identity. As Tasnim and Khaoula did, he recalled being named ‘le blanc’; however, as soon as he would mention coming from Morocco, the discourse would change to ‘notre frère Africain’75.
Oussama also explained that whenever he talked about Morocco - especially in Côte d’Ivoire - people would automatically bring up King Mohammed VI, more specifically the latter’s initiative to re-join the African Union.
“ ‘Le roi des Africains’, c’est comme ça qu’ils l’appelaient!”76 (Oussama)
As explained in the previous chapter, the recent shift in Moroccan policy towards Africa - by for instance re-joining the AU - has played an important role in ways in which some Moroccans now position themselves, but also how - as seen in Oussama’s testimony - other
74 (French): “the whites”
75 (French): “our African brother”
29
African nations perceive Morocco. By re-joining the AU and by insisting in his speech on being back home, King Mohammed VI has delivered a strong message of belonging to the continent.
Almost all other students - except two - also identified as Africans for numerous reasons. Amongst the most prominent ones were education and work environment. All students who were enrolled in African Studies or who took classes related to Africa identified as Africans. Another student who had graduated only identified as African when she started working. She explained that she was part of the project management office of the African Entrepreneurship Award and that dealing constantly with issues related to the continent, or with other African entrepreneurs, made her feel like she belonged to a “part” she was not aware of before.
In addition to this, and for what concerns popular culture, most of the students mentioned music - especially Gnaoua - as the main component of popular culture that makes them identify as Africans, but also proud of being such. Several students also mentioned football describing the African Cup of Nations as a ‘reminder’ of being part of Africa. As for fashion, however, students felt like it illustrated more their ‘Arab identity’ than the African one. When talking about African identity, one of the words that came up the most was pride. Students who identified as Africans - whether it was through music, football or education - took pride in doing so and in saying it out loud, whilst, as we will discuss in the next section, those who did not identify as Africans described it as an identity related to poverty, dictatorship or underdevelopment - thus, an identity one should not take pride in.
I. 2. “L’Meghrib w l’Afrique, bhal l’Brexit”.77
Figure 378: “It is strictly forbidden to rent apartments to Africans.” Casablanca, Morocco.
30
Even though out of the 15 students interviewed, the majority identified as African, two students didn’t, giving quite similar reasons.
When being asked “can you name three things that you believe describe Africa?” one student answered: “black skin, underdevelopment and dictator”. The second student replied “colorful clothes, black skin, African music”. Both students defined ‘African identity’ as being black. Furthermore, when being asked “why do you think some Moroccans don’t identify as Africans?” the two prominent answers amongst the 15 students were racism and the feeling of ‘superiority’ to other Sub-Saharan. One student stated that Morocco has a “complex of inferiority” towards Europe that leads to a “feeling of superiority” towards Sub-Saharan African nations. However, the two students who did not identify as Africans did not mention racism as a reason. They both argued that calling black people ‘Mamadou’ or diminishing words was not racist, one of them stated: “c’est juste une blague, faut pas le prendre aux
sérieux”79. He then compared Morocco and Africa to Britain and Europe, stating that it was a
sort of African ‘Brexit’, and that Morocco does ‘its own thing’.
One thing that is quite surprising in both of these interviews is the lack of awareness with regards to racism. It is one thing to not connect with a particular identity but it is another to not acknowledge racism or discrimination towards Sub-Saharan Africans.
The second student stated that he never grew up learning that he was African, then why would he be? This demonstrates the crucial role education has to play, not only with regards to identity, but also with regards to the perception of ‘others’. Students who actually learned about Africa - at university or at work - identified as Africans. Learning about the continent through its history, literature, popular cultures, or politics, has made it less ‘strange’ or less ‘foreign’ to them. Education may not always have a direct impact on students’ identities, but it is at least a way of knowing their own continent and perhaps raising awareness on issues such as racism for students to stop normalising discriminatory words against Sub-Saharans. In this chapter, we have explored ‘both sides of the story’. First, the sense of belonging to the continent that is accompanied by a pride of being so, which is growing in a tremendous way among the Moroccan youth - especially with the impact of education. Second, the stereotype entailing that Africa is ‘poor’, ‘underdeveloped’, and a ‘land of dictatorship’, which not only makes student not identify as Africans, but is also nourishes a feeling of superiority that may tend to lead to racism and/or discrimination against Sub-Saharan Africans. In the next chapter, we will explore African identity through a Senegalese lens, analysing once again ‘both sides of the story’.
78France 24 - Les Observateurs . Casablanca , July 18, 2013.
https://observers.france24.com/fr/20130718-casablanca-proprietaires-interdire-location-africains-discrimination-raciale.
31
As I was getting ready for the second phase of the fieldwork, in Dakar, I went to get the required vaccines two weeks prior to my flight. Once my turn came, I asked what were the required vaccines to travel to Senegal. The man gave me a ticket, pointed to a corner of the waiting room and said:
32
CHAPTER II: “BIENVENUE AU PAYS DE LA TERANGA”
“Bienvenue au pays de la Teranga!”80, the man said while I was taking my first steps
in Dakar. Little did I know in that moment that it was far from being the last time I would hear that sentence.
“Teranga?”
“Hospitalité! Ici tu es comme chez toi!”81
And he was right. It did feel like home.
II. 1. Home away from home
My fieldwork in Dakar was also my first time in a Sub-Saharan African country. As a researcher, I was beyond excited to talk to people, attend events, visit new places, and learn about Senegalese perception of Africa and what African identity means to them. As a Moroccan who identifies as African, I felt curious about knowing how I would be perceived, but also a bit apprehensive about not being considered as African. Prior to starting my fieldwork, this was an option I never really thought in depth about. I was so certain of my own identity that I didn’t really took into consideration the fact that other people may influence it. It was only after interviewing Tasnim in Morocco, and hearing about how her fieldwork in Côte d’Ivoire made her feel ‘less African’ at some point (see Chapter 1) that I started apprehending mine before it even started.
On my way from the airport to my host family’s home, some things started to look and sound extremely familiar.
We stopped at a toll. “As-Salam Aleykoum”82
I looked at the driver, surprised.
“Vous dîtes aussi As-Salam Aleykoum?”83
“Oui les sénégalais la plupart c’est des musulmans, le Maroc aussi non?”84
That was it. That was why so many things looked familiar. That was why so many things
sounded familiar. It was the omnipresence of religion; its presence in the language but also its
80 (French): “Welcome to the country of Teranga”. ‘Teranga’ is a Wolof word meaning hospitality. 81 “Hospitality! It’s like home here!”
82 From arabic ملاسلا مكيلع” meaning “peace upon you” and used to greet one another. 83 “You also say As-Salam Aleykoum?”
