The low-hanging fruit? : a case study of mother tongue based multilingual education in Myanmar and its relationship to peacebuilding in educational reforms

The Low-Hanging Fruit?

A case study of Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education

in Myanmar and its Relationship to Peacebuilding in

Graduate School of Social Sciences (GSSS) MSc International Development Studies

Caius Nijstad 10456368

Supervision: Elizabeth J. Tregoning Maber Second Reader: Drs. Courtney L. Vegelin Date: 21-08-201

Acknowledgements

Writing this thesis has been an amazing, though intense experience and it would not have been possible without the help of a number of people. First of all I would like to thank my supervisor, Elizabeth Maber. For helping me structure my work and opening my eyes to possibilities, but most of all for supporting me in few hectic last weeks. I also want to thank my local supervisor Zin Mar Oo and all the people at Thabyay Education Foundation, without whom I would not have been able to execute this research.

Special thanks go out to Than Aung in Hpa-An. Thank you for showing me around town and introducing me to your wide network of people in education. Without your endless help my research would have missed out on so many important stories.

I also want to thank everyone that participated to this research in any way. It is through your stories, ideas and experiences that this thesis is constructed. Without you this research could not have existed.

Abstract

Myanmar is reforming its education and it seeks to address the issue of a multilingual society. This research focuses on the implementation of mother tongue based multilingual education and how this can be linked to sustainable peacebuilding. This is conceptualized through the 4R framework: Redistribution, Recognition, Representation and Reconciliation.. As previous study have shown, learning in their native language benefits students throughout their

education. Most literature focuses on the link between mother tongue and peace building . There is a gap in the literature concerning the link between mother tongue education and peacebuilding. The research focuses on this link and how it is addressed within different education systems. The data for this research has been collected through a two-month fieldwork period. The data shows that from a macro perspective things cannot change on a larger scale yet. There is a lack of capacity to improve the education at government level. The policies that shape the educational reforms also lack dedication and clarity concerning

multilingual education. However, there are educational programs that are not regulated by a larger body. Within these programs education providers are free to teach in a way that they see fit. Even though most of these programs focus on teaching English, they are a good example of what a multilingual mother tongue based program can look like These micro initiatives could be a bottom up approach to tackling the issue of multilingualism, however in order see change happen on a larger scale the government still needs to work towards fixing major issues

Key words: Myanmar, education, mother tongue based multilingual education, peacebuilding, reforms.

Table of Content

Acknowledgements ... 2

Abstract ... 3

List of Acronyms ... 6

1 Introduction ... 10

1.1 Educational Reforms and Ethnic Grievances ... 10

1.2 MTB-MLE and Peace Education ... 12

1.3 Rationale and Relevance ... 12

1.4 Research Questions ... 13

1.5 Thesis Outline ... 13

2 Theoretical Framework ... 16

2.1 Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education. ... 16

2.2. Constructing Multilingual Education ... 18

2.3 Designing and Planning MTBE-MLE Programs ... 20

2.4 The Role of Education in Peacebuilding ... 24

2.4.1 Social Justice and Transformative Peacebuilding ... 24

2.5 The 4R Framework ... 26

2.6. Connecting the 4Rs to MTB-MLE. ... 27

2.6 Conceptual Framework ... 30

3. Research Framework ... 31

3.1 Ontological and Epistemological Stance ... 31

3.2. Research Design ... 31 3.2.1 Unit of Analysis ... 32 3.2.2 Sampling ... 32 3.3. Methods ... 33 3.4 Data analysis ... 36 3.5 Limitations ... 36 3.6 Ethics ... 37 3.7 Methodological reflections ... 37 3.8 Research Location ... 39 4 Empirical context ... 42

4.1 A History of Conflict and Education in Myanmar: pre-colonial - 2011 ... 42

4.2 Contemporary Myanmar: 2011-2015 ... 44

4.3 Peace? ... 49

5 Current MTB-MLE practices ... 51

5.1.1 Government School Curriculum and Examination ... 51

5.1.2 Government School Pedagogy ... 54

5.1.3 Government School Teachers ... 55

5.2 KED schools... 57

5.3 Alternative Education Providers ... 60

5.4 Comparing different models of education ... 61

5.5 Concluding Remarks ... 64

6 The Future of Government Education ... 66

6.1 Major Improvements in the NESP ... 67

6.2 The NESP and MTB-MLE ... 70

6.3 Concluding Remarks ... 71

7 The Two-Way Street of Education and Peace ... 75

7.1 From Peace to MTB-MLE ... 75

7.2. Making Education Policy a Force for Peace ... 76

7.3 Seeing Change Through the 4Rs ... 79

7.4 Concluding Remarks ... 80

8 Conclusion ... 83

8.1 Main Findings and Answers to the Research Questions ... 83

8.2 Advice for Policy and Research ... 85

10. Literature ... 87

11 Appendixes ... 91

11.1 Appendix 1 Reflections on Theoretical and Methodological approach ... 91

11.2 Appendix 2 Maps of Myanmar and Karen State ... 93

11.3 Appendix 3 Transparency Report ... 95

11.4 Appendix 4 Workshop Program ... 97

List of Acronyms

BICS Basic Interpersonal Communicative Skills

CALP Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency

CESR Comprehensive Education Sector Review

CUP Common Underlying Proficiency

FGD Focus Group Discussion

EAG Ethnics Armed Groups

EED Ethnic Education Departments

EFA Education for All

EGG Education Gathering Group

KKEC Kant Kaw Education Center

KNU Karen National Union

LOI Language of Instruction

LOL Language of Literacy

MOE Ministry of Education

MT Mother Tongue

MTB Mother Tongue Based

MTBE Mother Tongue Based Education

MTB-MLE Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education

NCA Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement

NEBC New Education Basic Curriculum

NEL New Educational Law

NESP New Education Strategic Plan

NGO Non-Governmental Organization

NNER National Network for Education Reform

SEAMEO Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization

SCP Student Centered Pedagogy

SUP Separate Underlying Proficiency

TEF Thabyay Education Foundation

UN United Nations

YEC Yankin Education College

“All the language are really important if I can speak Karen I can

go in Karen state. If I speak Burmese I can go around the country.

If I speak English I can go around the world”

1 Introduction

“States shall, in conjunction with indigenous peoples, take effective measures, in order for indigenous individuals, particularly children, including those living outside their communities, to have access, when possible, to an education in their own culture and provided in their own language.” - United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples – Article 14.3

Southeast Asia is one of the world’s most ethnically diverse regions. The numbers vary, but estimates indicate that over 1500 languages are spoken within Southeast Asia (SAMEO, 2009). Myanmar is home to around 135 ethnicities and 110 different languages, although this number is contested (Jolliffe and Speers Mears, 2016; Maber 2016). The United Nations (UN) recognizes the right to education that is culturally relevant and mother tongue based (MTB) for all ethnicities, as demonstrated by the above quote. However within the region, including Myanmar, language and education policies do not always respect minority rights (Malone, 2005), which has had a significant impact on Burmese society.

1.1 Educational Reforms and Ethnic Grievances

For decades Myanmar has been, and continues to be, a site of conflict. However, over the past several years, the country has been going through transformations. Since the 2010 elections, the government has initiated multiple peace talks and signed ceasefire agreements with Ethnic Armed Groups (EAG) (Higgins et. a. 2015). Despite the government’s attempts at peace, local newspapers report on clashes between the military and EAG on a near daily basis. Though conflict continues, the government has embarked on a road to change. As the country continues to open up, Myanmar has seen an increase in international cooperation and an influx of development and humanitarian actors. Economic sanctions have been partly lifted and the country is preparing itself to participate in a global world (Maber, 2016). Over the past years the government has initiated a number of reforms. Among these reforms are new educational laws and curricular reform. These reforms have a socio-economic purpose as they aim to achieve: “reform of the education sector as part of a broader package of reforms that aimed to

herald the country’s transition to a liberal democratic state” (Higgins et. al., 2015: 66).

As a result of the authoritarian military regime, education in Myanmar has been structurally underfunded over the past several decades. The education system faces challenges in finance,

governance and management, pedagogy, equity and quality (Hayden and Martin, 2013). Over the past years the government has acknowledged that the educational system in Myanmar is lacking, especially with regard to integration and preparing its citizens for a the new possibilities that globalization brings to the country (Jolliffe and Speers Mears, 2016). In the 2015 Education For All (EFA) report, the Ministry of Education (MOE) states their vision on education as: ‘to create an education system that can generate a learning society capable of

facing the challenges of the Knowledge Age.' (MOE, 2015: 5). Education in Myanmar has

however not truly been for all.

Governments have globally been accepted as pivotal actors in providing education (Tomasevski, 2001; Tomasevski, 2004; Lall, 2008). It can however be argued that the education that the Burmese government has provided does not benefits all the citizens of Myanmar equally. Education in Myanmar, as in many other countries, has been used to define and establish a national identity for the Burmese people (Baker, 2015). As Myanmar counts around 135 recognized ethnic groups, the creation of a single identity has been a problematic process. The dominant ethnic group are the Bamar, which account for around 68% of the population (Hayden and Martin, 2013). While the Burmese government was in control for over 50 years, ethnic groups have been forced to assimilate into Burmese culture, also known as Burma- or Bamanization (Lall, 2008; Jolliffe and Speers Mears, 2016) . This is part of what drives conflict in Myanmar and some of these grievances are the result of the education system (Lall and South, 2014). Therefore, the reform process itself is highly contested and politicized (Higgins et. al., 2015).

A major grievance has been the exclusion of ethnic languages in education, therefore one of the main issues surrounding the educational reform is the use of mother tongue (MT) for ethnic groups in schools. Currently, the government issues Burmese as the main language of instruction and curriculum, which means that many ethnic, or non-Bamar, children start their education disadvantaged (UNESCO, 2006; Jolliffe and Speers Mears, 2016; UNICEF, 2016). Research has shown how multilingual education (MLE) can not only contribute to peacebuilding processes but also to student achievements (Benson, 2004; Malone, 2005; Lall and South, 2014; Higgins et. al., 2015).

1.2 MTB-MLE and Peace Education

This research focuses on how mother tongue based multilingual education (MTB-MLE) can be implemented in Myanmar. However, within the conflict sensitive context of Myanmar, it is important to ensure that education reforms do not complicate the peace process. Education reforms that are disregard peacebuilding can further inflame conflict (Higgins et. al, 2015;Novelli, Lopes Cardozo and Smith, 2017). Therefore this research will try to connect MTB-MLE practices with peacebuilding and peace education. It will do this by using the 4R framework as designed by Novelli, Lopez Cardozo and Smith (2017).

Due to the conflict between the government and EAG, as well as the government’s failing capability to provide education for all, the Burmese education system is fragmented (Lall, 2008). The education system can be categorized into two types: state and state. Within non-state education there are multiple providers. The biggest providers are ethnic education departments (EED), formed by EAG (SEAMEO, 2009; South and Lall, 2016). Over the past years civil society organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and local communities have also established schools and educational programs.

This research focuses on Karen state and the Karen people. This ethnic group has been chosen because the Karen educational system mainly focuses on teaching in a Karen language. Instead of creating an education system that prepares the people from Karen to integrate in Burmese society, it appears to be more separatist and prepares its students for a life outside of Myanmar (Lall and South, 2014; Maber, 2016). However, with the current reforms the Karen might have a chance to take part in the decision making process and through education could work towards reconciliation and a brighter future in Myanmar (Lall and South, 2014; Kipgen, 2016).

1.3 Rationale and Relevance

Myanmar is a rapidly changing country. With three elections in the past seven years and multiple reforms, the country is slowly breaking loose from its authoritarian past. This context makes this research a contribution to the small body of literature that has been published on the recent reforms. The 2015 elections have been a major turning point in the country’s history (Kipgen, 2016. As Lall and South (2014) argue, the body of literature on ethnic or non-state education remains limited. By including both state and non-state schools, this research tries to play a role in filling that gap. In particular, the focus on civil society organizations is an aspect that is often left out completely, or only marginally researched, in education reviews of

Myanmar. A variety of literature has accredited the use of one’s MT as essential to a sense and formation of identity (Cummins, 1981; Benson, 2004; Cincotta-Segi, 2011). The use of a mother language is also gaining recognition as a right, and has been incorporated as a special minority right (Lall and South, 2014). Therefore this research aspires to contribute to the recognition of MTBE for the Karen people of Myanmar.

Finally this research has potential to inform (international) development agencies, governments, and students on how educational reform practices can occur in countries (in Southeast Asia) that face similar difficulties with multilingualism. This research acknowledges the unique context of this case, but at the same time could provide a point of reference for research in other contexts where education (reforms) are problematized.

1.4 Research Questions

The main question that this research tries to answer is:

Within curricular and legal educational reform, what possibilities exist to implement multilingual mother-tongue based education in state and non-state primary schools in Karen in a way that it addresses peacebuilding?

The sub-questions are:

- What MTB-MLE practices can be found within different education systems? - How do government reforms address MTB-MLE?

- How can MTB-MLE be connected to peacebuilding and peace education?

1.5 Thesis Outline

The second chapter includes the theoretical framework that underpins this research. In this chapter, the main concepts of this research are discussed and the links between different concepts are shown clearly. This chapter forms the base for the data chapters and the conclusion of this thesis.

The third chapter provides the research framework, and addresses the epistemology, research methods, and forms of analysis. It also addresses the research limitations and ethical considerations.

The fourth chapter describes the research context in depth. It will provide a description of the history of education in Myanmar, and will look at the Burmese education system through 4R frameworks up until 2015.

The fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters contain the data and analysis from the fieldwork conducted in Myanmar. Chapter five describes the current situation of the Burmese education system and focuses on how they are related to MTB-MLE. The sixth chapter focuses on the current reforms and the changes they will bring. The seventh chapter connects the different forms of education to peacebuilding and peace education by drawing on locally constructed concepts of peace education. The eighth chapter draws conclusions from the research and answers the research questions.

2 Theoretical Framework

This section reviews literature on MLE and the 4R framework. It discusses how the concepts are constructed and how they are interlinked. First MTBE will be explained, after which the thesis will engage in a discussion on arguments for and against MLE. After this, the 4R framework will be discussed and how this framework relates to MTB-MLE

2.1 Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education.

Across the world ethnic minorities face difficulties in education. One of the main issues they face is in language. There are many ethnic students whose first language, or MT, is not represented in the education they receive. Therefore ethnic students often start their education with a disadvantage. Besides language, a culturally inappropriate curriculum hinders ethnic students to develop their full potential as the material does not speak to them, because they have difficulty relating to the contexts of content of the curriculum (UNESCO, 2006). These obstacles within education manifests in multiple ways. Ethnic minority students tend to have high rates of grade repetition and drop-outs, feel alienated from their language and culture, have more difficulty finding a job after they finished their education and have lower levels of self-esteem (Benson, 2004; Malone, 2005; UNESCO, 2006; Young, 2009; Molyneux, Scull and Aliani, 2016).

In order to address these issues and to truly make education for all, MTBE could be the solution. MTBE can be described as education in which the first language of the students is used. The way in which the first language is used can differ from program to program, however this research argues for both the language of instruction (LOI) and the language of literacy (LOL) to be in the student’s MT. This research uses the definition by the Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization (SEAMEO) (2009: 11) of language of instruction and language of literacy: “A language of instruction is a language through which the contents of the curriculum

Note: Bilingual and Multilingual

Although bilingual and multilingual education are not the same, they function on the same underlying

principle. This research focuses on multilingual education, as it explores the possibilities for education in three languages. The literature used for this review speaks of both bilingual and multilingual education, because they are based upon the same principle this framework uses the two terms interchangeable depending on the sources.

in a given educational system or a part of it are taught and learned, whereas a language of literacy is a language through which literacy is learnt, conveyed”. Besides making education

more accessible and acceptable for ethnic minorities, MTBE can also help with the acquisition of new languages (UNESCO, 2006;Young, 2009; Cummins, 2015). There are different ways of introducing MTBE, but all forms of MTBE contribute to the learning of a second, or even a third language, as students start learning by drawing on knowledge that they already possess instead of starting in the unknown (Cummins, 2009). Therefore MTBE could be of great help when addressing the multilingual setting of Myanmar, where Burmese, English, and multiple ethnic languages are spoken and taught in schools. When education uses the MT as the LOI and literacy to teach other languages (like Burmese and English) it can be defined as mother tongue based multilingual education.

Instead of seeking to implement MT, or MLE, within state schools, the governments tends to see MTB-MLE as a threat or problem rather than a solution (Kosonen and Young, 2009a). Governments treat the language and learning deficiencies that ethnic students face in a way that is often focused on trying to improve students’ Burmese through teaching in Burmese, as opposed to focusing on MT based solutions. This occurs in multiple contexts where students whose MT (or L1) is a non-dominant language, partake in a system where a different language (or L2) is the medium of instruction. In this situation, the remedy for resolving the lack of proficiency in the L2 of a student is often sought in extra instruction on the L2 (Cummins, 1991; Benson, 2004). In order to justify the dominance of the L2 in education, governments (including the Burmese) often call on two arguments. The first argument is that teaching in a bilingual fashion, so teaching through the L1 and the L2, would confuse students and lead to worse educational outcomes (Benson, 2004; Lall and South, 2014). The second argument has a political background. A common conception is that using one language stimulates social cohesion and can be used as a nation building tool (Cummins, 1991; Benson, 2004; Lall; 2008; Lall and South, 2014; MOE, 2015). The latter argument has specifically been used in many former colonies that struggle with forming a single identity (Benson, 2004; Cincotta-Segi, 2011). These arguments can be regarded as myths. Carole Benson (2004), in particular, provides an oversight of these myths and arguments to debunk them. The following part will draw on this article and multiple other sources in order to construct a concept of bilingual education and the challenges and possibilities that come with it.

2.2. Constructing Multilingual Education

According to Bialystok (2016: 2), there is no universal way to describe or prescribe bilingual education, despite that she provides an essence of the term:

“Essentially, bilingual education refers to any school program in which more than one language is used in the curriculum to teach non-language academic subject matter or the language of schooling does not match the language of the home or community”

She also states that the way in which it is implemented, and the reasons for implementing it, vary from school to school and from country to country. Whenever education is provided in an L2 in which a student is not proficient, this form of teaching is called submersion. This is because it can be visualized a student that is submerged in the water, while the student cannot swim (Benson, 2004; Kosonen and Young, 2009a). The Burmese state education is an example of submersion in regard to many Karen students, as they drown in the Burmese education pool. As mentioned before, when students are submerged they tend to perform worse within schools than students that are fluent in the dominant language. This can lead to student dropouts or low self-esteem as students struggle to keep up with their education (Benson, 2004; Malone, 2005; UNESCO, 2006; Young, 2009; Molyneux, Scull and Aliani, 2016). Despite the fact that there exists a large body of literature that advocates the use of bilingual programs in order to enable students to escape the negative consequences of submersion education, there are still five structural misconceptions or ‘myths’ that argue against bilingual education (Benson, 2004).

The first myth is that of one nation, one language. This colonial concept was introduced in former colonies in order to aid the establishment a single identity. As the case of Myanmar exemplifies, the use of a singular dominant language does not guarantee unity, but contributes to the conflict and undermines the stability of the country (Lall and South, 2015). The second myth is that local language cannot express modern concepts. This myth favors European languages that have socially been constructed as modern or academic languages. Contrary to the myth, modern concepts have already been translated into local and ethnic languages, as the example that Benson provides shows. The third myth is the 'either- or' myth. This myth rests on the notion that adding another language confuses students and that the L1 must be replaced by the L2. However, there is a general consensus that the opposite is true, and that proficiency in L1 stimulates the proficiency in the L2. The fourth myth positions the L2 as global language. Therefore the L2 is more important for higher education. However as a large percentage of

employment in low income countries does not require the use of an L2, the justification for the disregard of the L1 stays out. The fifth and final myth states that parents only want L2 schooling. This myth revolves around the notion that students will benefit from the social status of the L2 and would prefer those advantages for their children rather than the teaching in their L1. However, this situation would only occur in an either- or situation. If parents can opt for a bilingual instead of a monolingual education they choose the former over the latter (UNICEF, 2016).

The argument that debunks the third myth, that proficiency in an L1 is beneficial to mastering the L2, is one of the main arguments for the implementation of bilingual education. A theory that lays the foundation for this argument was devised by Cummins (1981). His theory of interdependence and the concept of common underlying proficiency (CUP) are a source for much of the literature that praises bilingual education. Cummins (1981) divides language proficiency into basic interpersonal communicative skills (BICS) and cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP). Cummins (1981: 21-23) describes the difference between the two as:

“Visible language proficiencies of pronunciation, basic vocabulary and grammar, which are manifested in everyday interpersonal communicative situations are above the surface, but cognitive/academic language proficiency (CALP) required to manipulate or reflect upon these surface features outside of immediate interpersonal connects is below the surface. CALP is defined as those dimensions of language proficiency that are strongly related to literary skills, whereas BICS refers to cognitively undemanding manifestations of language proficiency in interpersonal situations”

The reference to ‘visible’ and ‘under the surface’ relates to Cummins’s use of the iceberg model. In which the BICS are visible above the water and the CALP is below the surface. If a student develops BICS in its L1, this allows the student to master CALP in L1. The proficiency that a student develops in its L1 CALP form a point of reference from which a student can engage with an L2 (Cummins, 1981; Benson, 2004; Prinsloo, 2007; Bialystok, 2016). The concept behind this is that of CUP, which states that “experience with either language can promote the

development of the proficiency underlying both languages”(Cummins, 1981: 25). The either-

or myth is built upon a model of separate underlying proficiency (SUP), which assumes that the development of L1 proficiency comes at the cost of proficiency development of the L2.

There is a large body of literature in which multiple studies have been reviewed and there is a consensus that through interdependence, bilingual education stimulates the proficiency in both the L1 and the L2 (Cummins, 1981; Benson, 2004; Prinsloo, 2007;Cummins, 2009; Baker, 2015; Cummins, 2015; Bialystok, 2016; Molyneux et. al., 2016).

Through a bilingual model, students do not only become increasingly proficient in both L1 and L2, but also experience a number of other benefits. Benson (2004) and Baker (2015) list a number of pedagogical outcomes from the use of bilingual education. These include that students become biliterate which provides them with an economic advantage, have their culture valued and recognized which increases their self-esteem and improves their experience in education, increases their sympathy for other cultures, are better able to express themselves which allows them to increase their participation and demonstration of their knowledge, increases other cognitive skills such as executive skills (which are used for math) and increases attendance rates and the chance to complete their education.

2.3 Designing and Planning MTBE-MLE Programs

As Bialystok (2016) stated before, there are multiple ways of implementing bilingual education. However, she and other authors stress the importance of the involvement of multiple parties and perspectives (Benson, 2004; Kosonen and Young, 2009b; Young, 2009; Baker 2015; Bialystok; 2016). Baker (2015) names language planners, pedagogy, politics and economics as four key sector that all need to be involved in order to obtain the full benefits of bilingual education. The SEAMEO (2009) provides a wide overview of different factors and challenges that need to be factored in like understanding of MTB-MLE, linguistic and political challenges. An approach that covers these factors is provided by Benson (2004:17) who distillates four key principles that underlie bilingual education:

1. Basic needs of students and teachers must be met for any reform to be effective. 2. Significant investment of time and resources is needed in both teacher training and

materials development (including linguistic development of the L1).

3. All stakeholders should be involved in the decision-making regarding implementation of bilingual schooling as well as which languages will be used and how they will be developed.

These four principles do require some specification, as they encompass much of the literature written on MTB-MLE.

1: Meeting basic needs

This principle is left out of much of the literature (possibly because it is assumed this condition is usually met), but in the case of Myanmar could be an important factor. Not meeting their basic needs means students and teachers cannot be expected to have their focus on education as they are facing issues that threaten their livelihood. Regular sickness or absenteeism of both teachers and students is a frequent occurrence in marginalized areas (Benson, 2004; Higgins et. al., 2015).

2: Investment of time and resources

In order to teach MTB-MLE, teachers and materials are needed. Teachers need special training in order to be able to teach in a multilingual setting. It is important that teachers are able to speak the MT of the students, otherwise it becomes difficult for them to properly assess student’s knowledge and understanding of subjects (Benson, 2004). They should however also be able to teach in the L2 and possibly also the L3 (UNESCO, 2014). Besides knowing multiple languages, teachers should also be aware of the multicultural background of their students (Young, 2009; Kosonen and Young, 2009; UNESCO 2014). Teachers need to be able to evaluate what knowledge students already have and start by building upon that knowledge in order to teach (UNESCO, 2006; Young, 2009). Since MLE programs are relatively expensive, starting out with small pilots can be an option to assess the programs. Therefore teachers need to be able to document their lessons and learning outcomes from students in a way that helps further develop the programs (UNESCO, 2006). Training can be done pre-service, but in-service training is highly recommended especially when pre-in-service programs are short. Through in-service training teachers continually learn and are better able to solve problems they encounter while teaching (Young, 2009).

Besides teacher training, developing materials can take a lot of time and funds. Many ethnic languages lack need to go through three stages. First harmonization, during this process varieties of language either grouped as a single or different languages. After this standardization

occurs, which decides orthography and grammar. And finally (if necessary) the languages are intellectualized, which means that the language is adjusted to modern day concepts that were not yet part of the vocabulary (Benson, 2004). In order to be able to provide MTB-MLE, these languages need to be mapped and formed in a way that allows for standardization. This process cannot be done without extensive cooperation with MT speakers. Without the input of communities, developing languages and curriculum is bound to be flawed. Once there is an agreed standardized language (or languages), the curriculum and materials can be developed. It is not only important that the language is correctly used, but also that the content is culturally relevant (Benson, 2004; Young, 2009; Kosonen and Young, 2009; UNESCO 2014). One of the reasons why ethnic students struggle or drop out of schools is because they cannot identify with what they are learning. Claiming that developing these materials is too expensive is an argument that is commonly used, however Young (2009) provides multiple cases where these materials have been sourced locally, sometimes indecently or with help of donors and government. In order to reduce costs, ‘big books’ are often used. These are literally big books, which allows multiple people to see its content at the same time (UNESCO, 2006; Young, 2009).

3: Stakeholder involvement

As the previous section shows without the help of native speakers, there is a small chance of MTB-MLE programs reaching their goals. It is through consulting ethnic language speakers that harmonization, standardization and intellectualization can take place. As they are the people that use their language on a daily base, they are the experts. Local stakeholders are also more up to date to their local needs and culture. So when developing a culturally relevant curriculum, their voices need to be heard in order to ensure that learning materials are relatable. Often local teachers are preferred as they speak the language, understand the culture and are known within the communities (UNESCO, 2006; Kosonen and Young, 2009a; Young, 2009; Kosonen and Young, 2009b).

4: Selecting appropriate models

Most literature acknowledge two forms, or models of MLE: a weak and a strong one. The main difference between a weak and a strong model is a subtractive versus and additive approach to the MT. Weak models undervalue the MT and tend to use them as a stepping stone to learn the

L2 or L3. These models are often characterized by their short immersion of the MT. Certain ‘early-exit’ programs only offer MTBE in the first two years of primary school (Benson, 2004). This does not allow to students to develop their CALP and BICS to the point where they can easily apply their knowledge for the learning of an L2. This is especially troublesome as the early years of education are vital to mastering languages and other subjects (Benson, 2004; Molyneux, Scull and Aliani, 2016; Bialystok, 2016) Programs of such short duration are considered to be a weak form made weaker. Strong programs in the other hand start building a strong foundation in the L1 before introducing the L2. Then over the course of the program, skills in the L2 are expanded and an L3 can be introduced, while at the same time still including education in the L1. Susan Malone (2005) and UNESCO (2006) argue for certain features that must be present in a strong MLE program which are shown in table 1.

Stage 1: Beginning Literacy

Stage 2: Fluency Stage 3: Bridging Stage 4: Ongoing education

- Build fluency and comprehension in Oral L1. - Begin Literacy in L1 - Use L1 as language LOI

- Build fluency and comprehension in oral and written L1 - Begin learning oral L2 - Continuing using L1 as LOI - Continue L1 literacy - Build fluency and

comprehension in oral L2 - Bridge to literacy in L2 - Use both languages as

LOI

- Begin adding additional languages as desired - Use all language in continuing education

Table 1: Features of strong MLE programs.

*this table is an adjusted version of the table provided by Malone (2005: 76)

Despite the fact that strong programs tend to have better results, even weak forms of MTB-MLE are preferred as opposed to none at all (Benson, 2004). This research recognizes the different contexts in which MTB-MLE education models can be implemented. Therefore, despite recommending a strong model, sometimes a weak model might be more feasible in certain contexts.

In order to understand how MTB-MLE can play a part in peacebuilding, the next section will discuss the role of education in peacebuilding and peace education. It will then focus on how MTB-MLE specifically can contribute to peacebuilding.

2.4 The Role of Education in Peacebuilding

Over the past years the role of education in peacebuilding has received more attention from researchers and development organizations. However education plays an ambiguous role within peacebuilding as it can be a driver of conflict but also a force for peace. Despite the growing interest in education, education is still mostly not prioritized within the peacebuilding agenda. Other theme’s like hunger, development and the ceasing of violence tend to trump the need to transform education systems (Novelli, Cardozo and Smith, 2017). The prioritization of these themes depend on one’s conception of peace and peacebuilding. Concepts like peace, peacebuilding and peace education can be constructed from multiple points of view and are therefore difficult to define (Harris, 2004). However, there has been argued for a new critical perspective on education and peacebuilding. Through this new critical lens it has become clear that education can play a part in the peacebuilding process (Novelli and Cardozo, 2008).

2.4.1 Social Justice and Transformative Peacebuilding

Violent conflict can be considered the nemesis of development. The foundation upon which lives are built can be destroyed through violence and war, education is part of that foundation (Novelli and Cardozo, 2008). There is a debate about what drives conflict and war. There is a dominant neo-liberal agenda, which sees greed as the main driver of conflict. From this economical perspective humans resort to (violent) conflict when resources and wealth are scarce as they cannot meet their needs. The way to dissolve conflict, would then be to make sure these shortages no longer exist. This can be done through the installment of a liberal democracy and market forces. Through these systems access to resources will be limited for perpetrators of violence, which will eventually lead to the cessation of violence (Novelli and Cardozo, 2008; Higgins et al, 2015; Novelli, Cardozo and Smith, 2017). What this approach does not address are the underlying structures that lead to the inequalities that led to conflict in the first place. These underlying structures are structural inequalities and insecurities that certain groups in societies face, which are called grievances, and are a form of violence on their own. These grievances drive people to change their status quo, which also happens through violent conflict (Novelli and Cardozo, 2008; Higgins et al, 2015). By addressing these grievances it is possible to move away from ‘negative peace’ (the cessation of violence and move to ‘positive peace’ or sustainable peace (Novelli, Cardozo and Smith, 2017). The idea that education is not a main priority for peace and that security needs to be achieved first is like bailing out a boat full water that has a massive hole in the bottom.

Education’s double role in conflict has to do with the ‘two faces’ of education. Based on the work of Bush and Saltarelli (2008), many others have written about the two faces of education: the positive and the negative face. The reason why trying to achieve peace without transforming education is the negative face of education is it contributes to violence and conflict (Novelli and Cardozo, 2008). This negative face can be seen when education excludes and marginalizes certain people, produces a culturally insensitive curriculum that ‘normalizes’ the status quo, or becomes militarized (Novelli and Cardozo, 2008; Davies, 2010). Therefore it is that “through social exclusion, violence and indoctrination schools can serve as powerful weapons to produce rather than reduce violence” (Novelli and Cardozo, 2008: 479). If these practices are not addressed in educational reforms, education will continue feeding grievances experienced which in time could ignite new conflicts. It is through the positive face of education that this can be done.

The positive face has been put into two categories by Lynn Davies (2010): doing no harm and destabilizing harmful cultural practice. The first category is about amending harmful practices that are ingrained in the system. Davies mentions adjusting the curriculum, increasing access to education and decreasing segregation, making schools internally and externally safe and banning corporal punishment. Destabilizing harmful cultural practice tackles cultural practices that have been normalized and transforms them through education. Gender based violence is one of the issues that is mentioned, but a lack of recognition of different cultures and languages fits this category also. Through human rights education Davies argues that rights based approaches can be adopted, which transform teacher-student dynamics and peer relations. A more ‘democratic’ system would be in place where teachers and students can discuss concepts, rather than teachers having the only voice in the classroom. These democratic skills and new attitudes can then be used by students in their lives outside school. It is through these type of practices that the positive face of education can address different forms of conflict and violence. Practices like these can be considered part of peace education

As every context has its own specific structures and backgrounds that lead to conflict, peace education itself becomes a difficult concept. Especially once you also take into account that one’s definition of peace and conflict, would also influence one’s perception of peace education. According to Davies (2001:8) peacebuilding is a type of intervention that tries to

achieve peace through “programs designed to address the causes of conflict and promote

long-term stability and justice”. This research aligns itself with the approach taken by Novelli,

Cardozo and Smith (2017), who have developed a framework through which these causes are addressed in order to promote sustainable peace.

2.5 The 4R Framework

In response to the liberal peace theses Novelli, Cardozo and Smith (2017) developed a framework which identifies the structures that lead to conflict and, through education, tries to transform them. The framework has four aspects: redistribution, recognition, representation and reconciliation. Together they make the 4R framework. The framework is built upon the work of Fraser (1995, 2005) which talks about rectifying economic, cultural and political inequalities and injustices that certain groups face. As education can be considered to be a cornerstone of development (Novelli and Cardozo, 2008; Higgins et al, 2015; Novelli Cardozo and Smith, 2017), addressing these issues through and within education becomes increasingly important if one wants to achieve peace and eventually continue development.

Higgins et al (2015: 23) describe the 4Rs as following:

- Redistribution concerns equity and non-discrimination in education access, resources, and outcomes for different groups in society, particularly marginalized and disadvantaged groups. - Recognition concerns respect for and affirmation of diversity and identities in education structures, processes, and content, in terms of gender, language, politics, religion, ethnicity, culture, and ability.

- Representation concerns participation, at all levels of the education system, in governance and decision-making related to the allocation, use, and distribution of human and material resources. - Reconciliation involves dealing with past events, injustices, and material and psycho-social effects of conflict, as well as developing relationships trust.

An important aspect of the 4R framework is that it addresses ‘grievances’ in a transformative way, as opposed to an affirmative way (Novelli, Cardozo and Smith, 2017). Affirmative measures only address, or try to remedy, the outcomes of the structures of inequalities and injustice. An affirmative measure which tries to rectify injustice by promoting the unequal might even work counterclockwise as they tend to create aversion towards the people whose

outcomes are being improved (Fraser, 1995). An example could be that if an affirmative redistribution measure is taken, say a quota for women in a certain company, that group might face negative repercussions in their recognition (the idea that women are getting jobs not based on their skills but on their sex). Transformative actions try to destabilize and transform the systems that produce these type of systems. The interaction between the 4Rs is very complex and works on multiple levels and axis. Therefore the 4R framework is not set in stone, but allows for some variation, depending on the context it is used (Novelli, Cardozo and Smith, 2017).

The 4R framework goes beyond Fraser by including reconciliation. The first three Rs are about addressing the drivers of conflict while the fourth R is concerned with the legacies of conflict. This means that it is not only important to change existing structures, but also to address that what has happened because of these structures. Reconciliation can be a difficult process as, on the one hand, reopens old wounds by discussing old grievances between parties, however without addressing these grievances, achieving sustainable peace might prove more difficult (Higgins et al, 2015; Novelli, Cardozo and Smith, 2017). Reconciliation goes beyond coming together and shaking hands, but is also about creating a shared vision for the future in which parties can deal with their past, build trust between one another and create a society that is socially, economically and politically just (Novelli, Cardozo and Smith, 2017).

2.6. Connecting the 4Rs to MTB-MLE.

This research focuses on how the 4Rs can work within and through education, rather than having the 4Rs be used as a means to education. If one compares MTB-MLE and the 4Rs it becomes clear that MTB-MLE can embody all 4Rs. Even though MTB-MLE does not explicitly talk about peace, the principles that underlie it can contribute to peace as MTB-MLE programs are adjustable to contexts (like the 4R framework), together a form can be found which contributes to sustainable peacebuilding.

The first principle of MTB-MLE, meeting basic needs, can be related to matters of redistribution. If we take access to education into account within a conflict setting, meeting basic needs can include security. The way to school needs to be safe for children. If the way to school is dangerous, attending school itself becomes an issue. At the same time MTB-MLE programs call for a redistribution of funds. As mentioned before MTB-MLE programs can be costly, therefore it requires resources. In order to develop new materials and (re)train teachers

governments and donors should redistribute funds and time in order to assure the creation of acceptable school curriculum, materials and teachers. Once MTB-MLE programs are in place, they can provide a better education for ethnic groups which can improve their schooling outcomes and in turn broaden their career opportunities. It is through these curricula that reconciliation can happen. If the curriculum includes multiple perspectives on subjects like history, it would be logical that grievances from the past would be discussed in class. If multi-ethnic classrooms are able to cover these subjects in a way that allows ‘positive conflict’ (Novelli and Cardozo, 2008) the students and teachers are in a way dealing with those legacies of conflict. Thinking about outcomes of MTB-MLE programs it would provide better opportunity for interaction between people from different ethnic backgrounds as they are more likely to speak the same language and have a better understanding of each other’s' cultures.

The second principle, investment of time and resources, has already partly been addressed in the above section. However the development of curriculum and materials are connected to the 4Rs in more than one way. First of all the development of a MTB-MLE program itself is part of recognition. Introducing ethnic languages and cultures into official school curriculum means that the language is recognized by the government as important enough to teach. By teaching in ethnic languages with a culturally relevant curriculum ethnic students cannot only relate to the material but also feel like their culture matters. This improves the language status of these languages as they are now officially part of the education system. This in turn could lead to an even further improved language status where ethnic languages might be used in local governments or other institutions. If language status is improved this might convince more people of the use of MTB-MLE as the ethnic languages are now used in formal settings and not just in informal (UNICEF, 2016).

Stakeholder involvement can be linked to matters of redistribution, recognition, representation

and reconciliation. When all stakeholders are involved, and more local ownership of MTB-MLE programs takes place, this means a redistribution of education itself. Having effective MTB-MLE programs without some form of decentralization is nearly impossible as MTB-MLE depends on the culturally and locally relevance of the program. Because local parties are involved this is a way of recognizing that their culture and language have something to add. Through their involvement, their knowledge (of language and culture) is recognized. The more obvious connection is between MTB-MLE and representation. Stakeholder involvement calls for the participation of local communities in decision making processes about contents of the

curriculum, increased ownership in schools and freedom to teach. However, through this process of involvement reconciliation can take place as well. As the new curriculum is discussed between government officials and ethnic representatives both parties must face historical injustices. It is possible that through these dialogues a trust can be built between both parties.

The final principle, selecting appropriate models, is less obviously linked to the 4R framework. However, Lall and South (2016) view actors’ position on language models as proxies to their broader political positions. Selecting a weak MTB-MLE model for instance does not show true recognition of ethnic languages and cultures. In weak models the MT is often used a means to learning the dominant language, therefore the MT within this model is not perceived as having an intrinsic value. Choosing strong models shows dedication and recognition towards ethnic groups as they continue using the MT throughout (and after) education. So the selection of an appropriate model might become more important as selecting a weak form might in turn lead to new grievances. At the same time, ethnic educators might also opt for a weak system where the MT is used as the language of instruction and the dominant language or ‘lingua franca’ is marginalized. This would represent their views on the future political structure of society, ranging from separatism to weak federalism (Ibid).

If MTB-MLE programs are formed along the above shown lines, they have the power to give education the transformational role valorized by the 4R framework. The data chapters of this thesis will focus on how MTB-MLE can be implemented in Myanmar and if it can become a force for sustainable peace.

2.6 Conceptual Framework

The conceptual framework illustrates how MTB-MLE and the 4R Framework are connected as described in the previous section. The four myths are an obstacle to the implementation of MTB-MLE and can lead to the absence of MTB-MLE. This type of education marginalizes ethnic students whose MT is not the dominant language. This will have negative

consequences for their education outcomes, which can lead to grievances and eventually conflict. This is the negative face of education. Weak forms of MTB-MLE have been included here because ethnic languages and cultures are only a minor part of these models. This does not necessarily trigger the outcomes that MTB-MLE and the 4R framework share. At the same time, education systems that do not include the 4Rs also negatively impact students opportunities within education. Disregard of the 4Rs can be caused by education that promotes war (war education) or is uninformed of the relationship between peace and

education.

On the upper part is the scenario where MTB-MLE and the 4R framework are included in education. Through these concepts the structures that cause ethnic grievances within education can be dissolved and through the positive face of education bring transformative peace.

3. Research Framework

This chapter outlines the ontology and epistemology and the design of this research. It also addresses the research methods that have been used, as well as the tools of analysis. Finally, the limitations and ethical considerations are discussed.

3.1 Ontological and Epistemological Stance

The question of what reality is, is the core of ontological thinking. There is a debate between whether there is one singular reality or a multiplicity of realities which are constructed by and through social actors (Bryman, 2012). Or in other words, the former being realist and the latter relativist. The way in which this ‘reality’ is then approached, observed or researched and the knowledge these processes produce represent an epistemological stance. Bryman (2012) discusses the dichotomy of the natural science approach of positivism or the social interpretivist approach.

This research takes a critical realist approach which works to counter the hegemony of classical ontology and epistemology thinking. Generally speaking, a realist ontology is followed by a realist epistemology. However, critical realism denounces this line of thinking and maintains a realist ontology while having a relativist and constructivist epistemology (Maxwell, 2011). This means that this research assumes that there is an objective reality. However, the way we understand this reality is dependent on our own views and knowledge. The ways in which we interact and experience reality are formed by different backgrounds and context. Therefore this research focuses on multiple actors within education, while at the same time looking at different education providers. Central to this research is that, in trying to find out how these different representations of reality come to be, it recognizes the role of ‘hidden’ mechanisms. While the actual existence of mechanisms in the real world can be questioned, mechanisms are part of our perspective on reality, which is full of causes and effects (Putnam, 1990). It is through these mechanisms that the critical aspect of the research comes out, as it seeks to provide alternatives that have a transformational character aimed at transforming the status quo.

3.2. Research Design

Due to Myanmar’s fragmented education system (which will be further discussed in chapter 4), this research is designed as a comparative case study. The cases being: government education,

ethnic education and community education. These education providers were chosen because they all play a vital role within the education system in Myanmar. By doing a comparative case study this research is able to provide in-depth information on the cases and compare their similarities and differences. The comparative nature of this research allows for discovering how mechanisms produce different outcomes in a variety of contexts (Bryman, 2012; Goodrick, 2014). Comparing the different cases will provide information as to where the possibilities for MTB-MLE lie within education.

3.2.1 Unit of Analysis

The unit of analysis in this research are education systems. The level on which information about these education systems has been gathered was on an individual, group, institutional, and policy level. Educational experts’, teachers’, and students’ individual knowledge and experiences with education systems have been observed. However on a group level, these different groups might have different opinions and views on matters related to education. Especially the experiences and views of students is important as the research done by Higgins et al. (2015) pointed out that the voice of the youth in Myanmar is often disregarded. Finally on an institutional level the research looks at schools. In this study schools also include education programs that might not be registered as schools but provide education to group of students in a school like setting. Finally the research looks at how policies drive and create the experiences and views of the above groups.

3.2.2 Sampling

In order to identify participants this research used purposive sampling in order to ensure that the respondents had relevant knowledge, related to the purpose of this research. In this study relevance was chosen over randomness which has its implications for the studies generalization. However non-probability sampling was required as some knowledge the topics was a necessity. Unfortunately the context of Myanmar was a hindrance in this process. Multiple actors that had been sampled beforehand turned out to be unapproachable. In the end it turned out to be impossible to gain access to both government and ethnic schools. Despite this flaw, much information was gathered about these education systems through the experiences and knowledge of those who have experienced these types of education themselves. A multitude of purposive sampled participants were successfully approached and interviewed, however the study also made use of snowball sampling in order to get ‘an in’ at certain organizations, like

educational NGOs and alternative education programs. Of the initial purposive sampled participants two specifically turned out to be of great help with the eventual snowball sampling. First of all my local supervisor Zin Mar Oo at Thabyay Education Foundation (TEF) was of great help in making contacts with educational experts in Yangon, as well as students and employers at the Kant Kaw Education Center (KKEC). The second key informant was Than Aung, who provided me with multiple contacts in Hpa-an.

3.3. Methods

This research utilizes qualitative research methods. The data for this research has been collected during a two month period in Myanmar. The majority (five weeks) of the time was spent in Yangon while at a later stage in the research two weeks were spent in Hpa-An in Karen State. In order to answer the research questions I used multiple methods to gather data.

Policy analysis

In order to review educational reforms in Myanmar over the past years, this research analyses a number of policy documents. It takes an approach provided by Lo Bianco (2008) where policy is viewed as text, discourse and performance. The documents themselves can be considered text, while opinions and discussions involving the documents are discourse. The outcomes or implementation of these policies are considered performance. By doing this this research addresses the need to view policy in multiple dimensions as the construction and actions concerned with policies also contain valuable information (Cincotta-Segi, 2011) much like Lall and South (2014) have demonstrated through viewing political positions as proxies. The documents themselves reveal much about standpoint of the creators once they are regarded from a multidimensional perspective.

Semi-structured interviews

Most of the data for this research has been gathered through semi-structured interviews. The semi-structured interviews suited the research well as on arrival on Myanmar new concepts and dimensions arose during interviews and informal conversations. Due to the freedom semi-structured allow (Bryman, 2012) it was possible to engage with these themes as they emerged during conversations. In order to triangulate the collected date, there were a standard set of topics which were discussed with each interviewee as to discern how the different views expose common and different views on the subjects. The standard topics were adjusted if an interview

brought a new subject to light. The topics concerned methodology and testing, language policy and the curriculum, challenges within education, signs of change and the relation to the peace process. The appendix contains a transparency document which displays the list of all interviewees. Out of ethical consideration, the names on the list have been altered. Most interviews lasted between forty minutes to an hour, but and were recorded. Semi-structured interviews were carried out with different actors in the reform process. By interviewing multiple actors, this research hopes to gain a broader understanding of the processes and mechanisms that are part of this reform.

A total of seventeen interviews have been done with the following people: - Nine with employees of education NGOs

- Two with government employees from the Yanking Education College and the Hpa-An township education budget office

- Six with teachers, two from a private school, two from a government school (one of which used to be an education township officer in Hpa-An) and two from alternative education providers

Most of the interviews have been conducted in the offices of the interviewees. However, two interviews took place in a hotel lobby and five in coffee shops or cafes. Eight of the interviewees were women and nine were men.

Focus group discussions

A total of five focus group discussions (FGD) have been done with students from ‘alternative’ post-secondary education providers. The reason for the inclusion of students into the research is that they can provide alternative and bottom-up perspectives and insights to what MTB-MLE education means and how it can be achieved. As mentioned before, Higgins et al. (2015) addressed the lack of regard for the voices of youth. The setting of a focus group discussions can provide a more in depth perspective (Bryman, 2012) on the views and experiences by the youth. As the students ranged from just out of school to having finished a degree, while also having gone through different forms of education (state, ethnic, community, monastic) they were able to paint a diverse landscape of experiences, but also included shared experiences and views. The discussions mostly lasted well over an hour, however this was mostly due to the long question sessions between the researcher and the students at the end of the discussion. All FGDs were recorded with permission of the organizations and the students.

The first FGD was conducted at TEF with five students. There were three male and 2 female students ranging from 19 to 25 years old. One student’s MT was Burmese, while the other four participants had a Karen language as MT.

The second and third FGD took place at the Education Gathering Group (EGG) in Hpa-An. The second FGD was conducted with four students, two of whom were male and two female. Their age ranged from 18 to 27. The third FGD was conducted with seven students, four of whom were male and three female. Their age ranged from 17 to 19. Of these students only two participants had Burmese as their MT while the other nine have a Karen language as their MT. The fourth and fifth FGD took place at Zwekabin Myay (ZM) in Hpa-An. The fourth FGD was conducted with 6 students, two of whom were male and four female. Their age ranged from 19 to 27. The fifth FGD was conducted with seven students, three of whom were male and four female. Their age ranged from 17 to 19. Of these participants two spoke Burmese as their MT, ten had a Karen MT and one participant’s MT was Mon.

Active participation in a workshop

Another method of collection data was through a two day workshop in how to make education a force for peace at KKEC and TEF. During this two day working a number of partners of TEF came together to with the objective to:

- Identify education policy priorities that support peace in Myanmar - Increase dialogue and collaboration among diverse education providers

- Build the capacity of diverse education providers as policymakers and advocates - Develop an initial set of recommendations for an Education for Peace Policy

During the workshop there were a number of activities ranging from envisioning the future to identifying obstacles to brainstorming about measures to be taken. For a full program see the appendix. The workshop was, in a way, one large focus group with multiple representatives from different types of educational institutions.

Journal

Throughout the fieldwork a journal was kept in which thoughts, observations and ideas were noted on a daily base. Throughout the fieldwork, this journal served as a backup memory and as a source for inspiration.

3.4 Data analysis

Upon returning to Amsterdam, all the interviews and FGDs were transcribed, and coded through the program Atlas.ti. A summary from the outcome of the workshop was supplied by the organization which was used for analysis together with my personal notes. The codes used in Atlas.ti were divided into different themes. These themes were connected to the themes that were addressed during the interviews and FGDs.

3.5 Limitations

As mentioned multiple times above, access to information was a major limitation within this research. First of all, government officials did not respond to my requests for interviews. Gaining access to government schools was also troublesome, however one of the education colleges was visited. At the same time, ethnic education providers did also not respond to my requests for meetings. Since their main offices were in Thailand the choice was made not to persuade them any further as the research focused on education within Myanmar.

Besides interpersonal boundaries, there were also rules that restricted the areas in which research could be conducted. Due the still new situation of ceasefire between the EAGs in Karen and the Burmese military many areas and townships were off limit in Karen State. This prevented me from trying to gather data in more rural areas. Besides the restriction imposed by the government, there was also my own safety to take into account. Violent conflict can still emerge as the situation is very fragile, besides this there are areas where land mines are still a danger for instance. This made visiting areas that were (formerly) in conflict troublesome A nine week time frame (in which the country must be left for a period in order to renew a visa) is a short amount to identify and access key actors and information. Within the nine weeks I was able to make a number of contacts but some respondents took weeks to respond to me. Other respondents had to reschedule multiple times as they themselves were busy too. One of the most unfortunate things considering the timing of the research was that during the fieldwork, students sat for their final (matriculation) exam. This meant that high-school students and teachers had an increased workload, which made schools more difficult to approach. After the exams there were holidays, which meant that many teachers and students went on holiday or visited their families in different places.

Language was a minor issue as some respondents had a minimal command of the English language. In Yangon respondents’ English allowed for clear communication. In Hpa-An the