Interpretation
of
Identity
First Responder contribution to Improvement in the
Identification of the Trafficked Victim in Exploitation
under the National Referral Mechanism in the
United Kingdom
Natasha Rose Slater
11128399
University of Amsterdam
MSc Sociology: Social Problems and Social Policy
Supervisor: Dr. Margriet van Heesch
Second Reader: Dr. Dorine Greshof
August 2016
Copyright Declaration
I certify that this assignment is my own work. Where material has been used
from other sources it has been properly acknowledged.
Acknowledgements
Firstly, I would like to thank the interview and fieldwork research participants from the UK Police Force and the NGO for participating in my research.
Secondly, I would like to thank my Thesis Supervisor Dr. Margriet van Heesch for her support and guidance through the thesis writing process.
Thirdly, I would like to thank my fellow students, friends and family for their support and encouragement.
Fourth and finally, I would like to thank the late Dr. John Hamill for his inspiration in the field of social policy.
Abstract
This paper seeks to understand what the problem of human trafficking and exploitation is, who the trafficked victim perceived within this problem is and how the identity of this victim concealed within exploitation is observed. My research adopts both interview and fieldwork methodologies for data collection based on the United Kingdom (UK). Theoretical interpretation as an analysis technique takes my research findings of identification of the victim under a theoretical lens of the framing of the problem, the social identity, the self and the space.
My discussion of the identification of the trafficked victim in exploitation
incorporates the wider societal issues of human smuggling, illegal migration, clandestine criminality and discrimination of foreign nationals. This paper recognises the UK
Government’s promise of increased investment in its foreign aid budget to tackle the global and localised problem of human trafficking and exploitation into and within the UK. The research participants signpost a lack of awareness in the public space to the signs of human trafficking and exploitation, the misrecognition of a trafficked victim for a smuggled migrant and the passivity to the unequal and unfair living and work conditions of people in
exploitation.
Misrecognised, unidentified and unprotected. This paper gains an insight into a first responder’s recognition of the presumed trafficked person to progress in the process of identification of the trafficked victim within the UK policy framework of the National Referral Mechanism (NRM) in order to facilitate referral of a victim to supportive and protective services.
First responders are integral to shaping the profile of the actual identity of the trafficked victim, the real-life experiences of a victim entrapped in exploitative conditions. First responders’ first-hand contact with trafficked victims and first responder information-sharing of these enlightening experiences which contribute to improve the identification of the trafficked victim in exploitation make up this paper’s research focus in articulation of findings and formulation of analysis.
Contents
Chapter One
Methodologies to Analyse the Victim
Page 06
Identification Process
Chapter Two Silencing of the Problem, Silencing of
Page 16
the Victim
Chapter Three Theoretical Analysis of the Findings of
Page 30
the Problem and the Victim’s Social Identity
Chapter Four
Theoretical Analysis of the Findings of
Page 39
the Victim’s Self and Space
Chapter Five
‘Hidden in Plain Sight’
Page 53
Chapter Six
Conclusion and Implications
Page 61
Bibliography
Page 68
Chapter One
Methodologies to Analyse the Victim Identification Process
1.1 Introduction
Sexual exploitation of sex workers in illegal brothels on British streets and the forced labour of car wash workers harboured in overcrowded accommodation. My thesis will focus on these two groups within the current social problem of the exploitation of trafficked victims into and within the United Kingdom (UK). Fieldwork research into this problem involved my interpretation of the exploitative environments of those people who may have been trafficked. Interview and fieldwork data collection revealed a first responder’s identification of the trafficked victim by interpretation of a victim identity.
Fieldwork findings of the dialogue between potential victims and first responders provided insight into a victim’s viewpoint on their exploitative conditions and a first
responder’s reaction to the working and living conditions of these victims. Uncertainty in the identification of the trafficked victim in exploitation is the core problem to my research findings. This is the scenario of when the ‘presumed trafficked person’ is to be classed as a trafficked ‘victim’ in exploitation. To achieve an understanding of a first responder’s process of identification of the trafficked victim in exploitation and how identification of the victim could become more of a certain process, I will apply sociological theory to formulate an answer to the main research question:
How may the First Responder Shape and Improve the Identification of the Trafficked Victim in Exploitation in the United Kingdom?
In July 2016 the newly elected British Prime Minister, Theresa May (2016), announced the British Government’s commitment to end ‘modern slavery’, the social problem of human trafficking and exploitation that is “the great human rights issue of our time”. The Prime Minister has promised £33 million of the UK foreign aid budget for an International Modern Slavery Fund, aimed at intervention in the high-risk countries where victims are trafficked from into the UK (May, 2016). Government investment in the
intervention in human trafficking and exploitation into and within the UK demonstrates the current relevance of my research into the UK’s context of the problem. This government’s
financial investment and priortisation of the transnational problem of human trafficking and exploitation has a transnational agenda. My research will focus on the policy agenda
localised to the UK, yet it is important to gauge the global scale of the problem and possible relevance of my research to the situations in other countries. My research focus on the UK problem of human trafficking and exploitation encompasses not only foreign nationals but also UK born nationals.
To formulate a valid answer to the main research question, my findings will cover particular areas of interest in the research field on human trafficking and exploitation. I will also generate new insight into the situation for the victim as discovered from interview and fieldwork data collection. Key areas of interest include, the confusion and connections between human trafficking, human smuggling and migration. Within the border-crossing dimension of human trafficking, I look into the stigma of the foreign other as cheap labour supply. This is the foreign national whose exploitation may be overlooked. The victim’s viewpoint is important to this research and a victim’s self-identification to their exploitation will be explored.
Through application of sociological theory, a first responder’s reaction to the position of the presumed trafficked person will be analysed from their role as an audience to the real-life situation of the victim. Aside from the presumed trafficked person and the first responder, other subjects appear in the victim identification process. This is the involvement of ‘The Madame’ who runs brothels and ‘The Boss Man’ who owns car wash businesses. The UK general public significantly contribute to the perception of the victim and how representation of the victim’s identity is created. The region of access a first responder has to the victim informed by intelligence on this person as a presumed trafficked person is vital for the information they are able to gain about the trafficked person.
Discussion involves why particular demographics of research participants are
important to the region of access for conducting research into the difficult to access group of trafficked victims in exploitation. The space of the victim is important to examine the
repression they endure. Locations in my research involve the overcrowded accommodation of a car wash worker and the controlled movement of sex workers around locations of the UK. Locations and movement between them are illustrative of the controlled space imposed on the trafficked victim for purposes of services operated on exploitation. These services are limited to car wash and sex services in terms of this paper. My research suggests that first responders’ identification and protection of the victim relies on their own understanding of, and intervention for, the presumed trafficked person under exploitation in the UK.
This chapter will clarify my main research question and the research sub-questions. Collation of the answers to the sub-questions will formulate the holistic answer to the main research question. Definition of the ‘first responder’ and the ‘presumed trafficked person’ will provide clarity on the importance of these demographics to my research. First responders are the research participants and the social group studied, the presumed trafficked persons are those with whom the research participants interact. The methodology of data collection will be explained and justified, particularly in regard to the research participants’ significance of access to trafficked people. This is followed by the methodology of data analysis, which will focus on the chosen method of thematic analysis in order to formulate and achieve a
theoretical interpretation of research findings. This chapter will close with an outline of this paper’s forthcoming chapters.
1.2 Research Questions
The main research question to answer is:
How may the First Responder Shape and Improve the Identification of the Trafficked Victim in Exploitation in the United Kingdom?
To formulate a holistic answer to this main research question, my discoveries from the three research sub-questions will be integrated. Each sub-question corresponds with a chapter of this paper. These sub-questions are:
1. How can a theoretical framework support a nuanced discussion of the findings that are both relevant to, and an extension of, the literature in this field?
2. How do first responders frame the problem of human trafficking and exploitation to establish the social identity of the victim in the United Kingdom?
3. What is the role of the audience and the space in the framing of the trafficked person in exploitation in the United Kingdom?
1.3 Who is a First Responder? Who is a Presumed Trafficked Person?
The focal demographics to my research study were first responders and presumed trafficked persons. ‘First responders’ 1are members of an authorised agency and they are the responsible authority for the initial identification and referral of a trafficked victim (NCA, 2016a). For example, UK police forces, the National Crime Agency, Home OfficeImmigration and Non-Governmental Organisations2 (NGOs) are first responder agencies (NCA, 2016a). ‘Presumed trafficked persons’ are people who are under examination for possible identification as a trafficked ‘victim’ in exploitation (ODIHR, 2004).
First responders are those who are officially responsible for the identification of victims under the policy framework of the National Referral Mechanism (NRM)3 in the UK (NCA, 2016a). The NRM was introduced in the UK in 2009 to meet the standards set under the Council of European Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings that ensures identified victims receive support (NCA, 2016a). Identification of the ‘victim’ is the outcome of the first responder’s interpretation of the ‘presumed trafficked person’. Caution was taken to avoid automatic classification of victim status, as this status is reached through the complex process of identification under the UK NRM. Background discussion to this research study in Chapter Two will go into depth in the policy context of the problem of human trafficking and exploitation in the UK.
A key element of my data collection was the opportunity of access to presumed trafficked persons achieved through the research participants as the first responders of a UK police force and a UK-based NGO. Hence, my research participant demographic are from authorised agencies who operate under the NRM. The police provided the region of access as law enforcers, a crime and justice body dealing in the clandestine crime of human trafficking and exploitation. The clandestine dimension to research will become clear in Chapter Two’s discussion of the need to identify the victim who is concealed. My research delves into the criminal problem of human trafficking and exploitation, but this problem is approached with a safeguarding purpose of identifying the victim.
1 See Appendix One for an extended list of first responders under the National Referral Mechanism (NRM) in the UK
2 Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) as defined by a private organisation who takes action to relieve any suffering of the human condition (Operations Evaluation Department, 2002).
The NGO provided the region of access as an advocacy and policy body involved in saving the victim and providing protective and supportive services. UK Immigration officers were also present at the time of fieldwork research, but are not a focal participant to my data collection. Immigration officers are members of an authorised agency within the NRM framework4.
First responders provided accounts of their first-hand contact with the presumed trafficked person. The police participants also provided my fieldwork access to the presumed trafficked persons. My choice of methodology will be explained to validate how a first responder’s access to a trafficked person supported my data collection.
1.4 Methodology – Data Collection
A key element to data collection was a first responder’s region of access to the social group under study, the ‘presumed trafficked person’. Data collection came from two main sources of first responder agencies, a UK police force and a UK-based NGO. Qualitative data collection included three methodologies.
Firstly, a qualitative verbal interview with a leading police officer on human trafficking and exploitation intelligence in the UK. Secondly, fieldwork research with the police participants who form part of this leading officer’s team. Thirdly, a written-based interview with a participant from an NGO’s team involved in the administration of cases, campaigns and outreach work in human trafficking and exploitation in the UK and globally. Data collected from the police and NGO sources was for the research purpose to gain insight into a first responders’ identification of the victim. It is important to note that this research is not about analysis of police or NGO effectiveness or strategy.
The semi-structured interview was conducted with a UK police force’s lead member on intelligence and safeguarding of victims in the police strategic area on human trafficking and exploitation. This interviewee gave informed consent to participate in the interview and was the point of contact to enable field work with the police. A semi-structured interview guide5 was deigned for the purpose of flexibility in the qualitative data collection, as the participant could elaborate on or limit their answers as they felt appropriate. Open-style
4 NCA (2016a): First responder agencies identify potential trafficked victims in exploitation and complete referral forms to pass the case to a UK competent authority (CA). UK CAs include the UK Human Trafficking Centre (UKHTC) and The Home Office Immigration and Visas (UKVI).
questioning with the interviewee revealed unexpected insights and extensive recall of their role in the strategic area of identification and intervention with trafficked victims in
exploitation. The interviewee went into depth about their personal experiences with victims with reference to anonymised cases to illustrate the real-life problem of the victim. Examples of real-life cases, such as brothels and car wash services, contribute to the focus of this research into particular types of exploitation, sexual exploitation and forced labour.
My semi-structured interview guide was influenced by relevant literature on the police and their relation with other stakeholders in efforts to address the problem of human trafficking and exploitation. For example, the terminology of ‘slavery’ and ‘modern
slavery’6. This literature was of both a transnational and locally specific UK context.
Interview topics included multiple perspectives and strategies involved in identification of the trafficked victim and the terminology and phrasing used in process and communication with stakeholders involved. The interviewee was advised to use their own terminology for
concepts of slavery, trafficking and exploitation in order to minimise any leading effects in the phrasing of questioning. Interview questions were open to diversions from terminology stated in the interview guide.
Police intelligence informs the location of the presumed trafficked person and is a step towards identification of this person as a trafficked victim in exploitation. Location of police operation and its significance to my access to the presumed trafficked person will be explained through account of the field work research conducted at these locations.
The police interviewee invited me to join their police team as an observer on a police operation to identify victims of human trafficking and exploitation. This provided me with the opportunity to gain access to the difficult to access group of trafficked victims through fieldwork research in the locations of presumed trafficked persons. Fieldwork data collection differs from interview methodologies, as fieldwork observation and communication is not directed or informed by a guide. Occurrences during fieldwork happened without the direction of researcher questions, except from communication with fieldwork participants about the observed situations and intelligence before, during and after the operation. My sensitive approach to note-taking in the presence of the group studied, the potential victims, was vital. Thoughts and observations I gathered were written down at the earliest available
6 The term of ‘modern slavery’ used by participants incorporated human trafficking and exploitation. Reference to the terms of exploitation and trafficking appeared in participants’ responses.
opportunity in order to not interfere with the operation but to restrict the time delay to maximise recall effectiveness.
Fieldwork strategy had two central methods to data collection. Firstly, my direct observation of a victim’s viewpoint and their dialogue with the police, such as inquiry into exploitative working and living conditions. Observations involved my interpretation of the environment and demographics of fieldwork locations. Secondly, my communication with the police and Romanian translator about their interpretation of the present situation and their recall of previous experiences with and in concern about trafficked victims and the problem faced. Police intelligence enables operations into previously unknown locations of
exploitative activity. Police knowledge and experience contributed to the varied and extensive fieldwork findings.
Fieldwork locations were brothels, the illegal set-up of sex services. The illegal status of brothel ownership in the UK is part of why the police service conducted an operation into this criminalised activity. The illegality of these brothels is why as a researcher I needed the police as facilitators to the consent of my research into these settings. Due to the risk of unexpected turns of events due to the criminalised nature of the locations visited, my safety as a researcher was paramount and was maintained by police participants throughout the time of my fieldwork. The illegality of brothels attracted police attention, yet this operation was motivated by police intent to identify victims under exploitation at the locations. The police team’s primary objective to safeguard victims was significant in gathering findings of a victim-centred approach. Documents not available in the public domain were collected through fieldwork, for example, confidential documentation on the strategy and locations of the police operation into brothels. Hence, information on this documentation is omitted from this paper and has not been retained.
An NGO was contacted for participation in research due to their transnational and UK national role in the identification and rescue of trafficked victims under exploitation. This NGO trains frontline professionals on how to tackle slavery and works in advocacy for trafficked victims under exploitation. UK Police forces make up a large body of this NGO’s trained frontline professionals. This complements collaboration of this NGO and a police force as the first responder research participants.
This NGO was not available for a face-to-face interview due to the understandable time constraints they currently face in their campaign and outreach work. However, the organisation suggested and consented to a written-based interview. A written qualitative
structured interview7 was submitted to the organisation and an informed member of their team consented to participate in research. This participant works at the NGO’s head office and performs a role in the administration of cases, campaigns and outreach work of the organisation. Provision of a brief written description of the research topic and why their organisation was contacted allowed for both informed consent and informed confidence that the respondent was appropriate to participate.
With consistency in methodology to overall data collection, this respondent, similarly to that of the police interviewee, was advised to use their own terminology for concepts of slavery, trafficking and exploitation in production of their written response to interview questions. This written interview followed a structured guide, unlike the semi-structured interview with the police interviewee, as it was a written and submitted interview that did not allow for the natural diversions characteristic of the spoken semi-structured interview.
This could have been restrictive to flexibility of answers given, but the interview questions provided to the respondent were in a relatively open-style, without leading
questions. This facilitated unexpected and in-depth written accounts gained through this data collection. Fortuitously, the written-based interview did not hinder original and insightful data collection. Relevant literature and background information about the NGO and other NGOs in the field of human trafficking and exploitation identification and intervention informed interview question specification.
1.5 Methodology – Data Analysis
As Bryman (2012) explains, qualitative data analysis is to find the meanings that lie beneath the superficial indicators of data content. My thematic analysis of interview and fieldwork data involved manual coding of the data sets from the police interview, police fieldwork and the NGO written interview. Method of analysis was consistent for all of the data sets. The significant difference between the data sets to be analysed was the higher number of accurate quotes from both the verbal and written interviews as opposed to the fieldwork data which centred more on observations. When a fieldwork participant is cited in my later presentation of findings, a pseudonym is used for purposes of anonymity.
Adopting manual coding, I interpreted the data by attaching descriptors to sections of the data, for example ‘phrasing’ and ‘misconceptions’. This was a way to label the sense-making experiences of research participants. Built up coded data could then be examined for
patterns and categories, for example, ‘smuggling’ and ‘foreign national’. Detection of patterns in data informed selection of my key findings. These key findings were arranged under over-arching themes. For example, the theme ‘human trafficking confused with human smuggling’ was useful to clarify findings of misconceptions and findings of human
smuggling. Theoretical interpretation to better understand my interview and fieldwork findings was the method of analysis for all my findings. Concepts within framing theory8 were used as theoretical tools to analyse findings.
Framing theory consists of the most appropriate theory to interpret my findings in answer to my research questions. Theoretical concepts were attached to the relevant over-arching themes. For example, the framing concept ‘variable phrasing’ was used as an analytical tool to analyse findings under the theme ‘human trafficking confused with human smuggling’.
The theoretical literature which informs the base of my analysis will be outlined in Chapter Two. Chapters Three and Four present my theoretical analysis of the findings. These chapters are entitled by the group which the analysed findings correspond with. Chapter Three is entitled ‘Theoretical Analysis of the Findings of the Problem and the Victim’s Social Identity’. Chapter Four is entitled ‘Theoretical Analysis of the Findings of the Victim’s Self and Space’. Titles of these analysis chapters reflect the sociological thinking at the core of a sociological analysis, the ‘problem’, the ‘social identity’, the ‘self’ and the ‘space’.
This chapter has defined the focal demographics to my research, the first responder and the presumed trafficked person. My outline of the methodology to data collection has indicated the significance of the first responder’s access to the presumed trafficked person in order to gather data from the experts in the field of human trafficking and exploitation and from those who have experienced human trafficking and exploitation. Explanation of the methodology of data analysis of my research findings has indicated this paper’s use of
theoretical interpretation of real-life situations to find meanings behind data collected. This is data meaningful to my research questions.
8 Framing theory is a theoretical explanation for how multiple perspectives about a
phenomenon are developed by different people in order to construct an understanding about the phenomenon (Chong and Druckman, 2007).
1.6 Chapter Outline
In Chapter Two, a background discussion of the problem of human trafficking and
exploitation and a review of the relevant literature in this field is presented. Development of a theoretical framework will be explained to clarify how a theoretical analysis will contribute to answer the research questions. Chapter Two will respond to the first sub-question:
How can a theoretical framework support a nuanced discussion of the findings that are both relevant to, and an extension of, the literature in this field?
In Chapter Three, a theoretical analysis of the findings of the problem of human
trafficking and exploitation and the trafficked victim’s social identity will respond to the second sub-question:
How do first responders frame the problem of human trafficking and exploitation to establish the social identity of the victim in the United Kingdom?
In Chapter Four, a theoretical analysis of the findings of the trafficked victim’s self
and of the victim’s space of exploitation will respond to the third sub-question:
What is the role of the audience and the space in the framing of the trafficked person in exploitation in the United Kingdom?
In Chapter Five, a holistic theoretical analysis of my analysed findings from
Chapters Three and Four will form an integrated answer to the main research question:
How may the First Responder Shape and Improve the Identification of the Trafficked Victim in Exploitation in the United Kingdom?
In Chapter Six, a conclusion of the main themes to my research will be developed.
Implications of my research and suggestions for further research will be made in this closing chapter.
Chapter Two
Silencing of the Problem, Silencing of the Victim
2.1 Introduction
The trafficking of a person and exploitation of them is a clandestine crime in the UK. This individual is repressed of the fair treatment in employment they are entitled to under UK law when coerced and deceived into conducting labour tasks against their will. This individual is a trafficked victim in exploitation, silenced and unidentified in the UK. My research gains insight into the known area of human trafficking and exploitation in current literature and delves into the unknown world of the victim through interview and fieldwork research.
The foreign national victim mistaken as a smuggled migrant or the foreign workers as cheap labour supply excused as being ‘better off’ in the UK than their origin country informs the misconceived ideas of a public’s perception of the trafficked victim in exploitation. The stigmatised foreign other who is compounded with feelings of shame, so much so that they are reluctant to self-identify their exploitative conditions, implicates the importance of my research into this social problem. To gauge truth amongst a field of uncertainty of who the trafficked person is and how the silenced victim can be identified by first responders in order to be referred to protective services, this chapter aims to answer the research sub-question:
How can a theoretical framework support a nuanced discussion of the findings that are both relevant to, and an extension of, the literature in this field?
It is important for me to answer this sub-question in Chapter Two in order to position the following two chapters’ analysis of findings in a certain research field. I will illustrate this research field through a literature review of the relevant topics to my main research question. My interview and fieldwork findings are an original insight into this particular field of human trafficking and exploitation, thus deserve a nuanced way to analyse these findings. I have developed a theoretical framework to support this analysis. Fieldwork and interview findings will both support evidence collected through a literature review and go deeper into particular themes arising from the existing body of knowledge.
field to confirm the evidence already available. Selection of particular concepts from the current literature will be discussed further through this paper. It is important to gain clarity on the existing literature for an educated response to the research question of this paper. Later analysis of my interview and fieldwork findings will be both made relevant to this literature and signify new insights. To conduct this analysis, theoretical interpretation of the findings will be achieved my application of a theoretical framework. I will explain the purpose of this theoretical framework as a holistic structure of analytical tools centred on framing theory.
This literature review will now include the policy context to the problem of human trafficking and exploitation in the UK, the confusion of human trafficking with human smuggling, human trafficking connected to migration and the dark figure of trafficking and exploitation. The theoretical framework will be split by indication of the relevant chapter’s analysis. This framework is built on framing theory and so the framing concepts to this will be explained.
The framework for Chapter Three’s analysis of my interview and fieldwork findings will include framing theory of ‘variable phrasing’ to contextualise findings about human trafficking confused with human smuggling. The framing concept, the ‘interpretive frame’ will embed findings of human trafficking connected to migration within its discussion. Social identity and stigma theory will facilitate analysis of findings on the victim’s felt stigma and self-identification of their exploitation. Social identity theory will be used to delve deeper into the reality of the ideas about human trafficking, such as smuggling and migration.
The framework to Chapter Four’s analysis of my interview and fieldwork findings will demonstrate how theory on ‘presentation of self’ of the victim reveals the impression of exploitation for an audience of first responders. Findings on the exploitative space of the victim and their repression will be determined by analysis of the ‘public’ and ‘private’ space of the victim. Theory on public and private will be the close to the theoretical framework explained in this chapter.
2.2 Policy Context
The Palermo Protocol’s definition of ‘human trafficking’ is recognised as the
international standard and the UK Crown Prosecution Service (CPS, 2016) document this as, ‘Trafficking in persons shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the
giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a
minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or removal of organs’. International importance of the Palermo Protocol and its use within the UK criminal justice system is significant for this paper’s UK police research participants and the
participant of the NGO that uses this protocol in their UK-based initiative to tackle human trafficking.
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) define forced labour as a multi-
dimensional issue, as forced labour takes on the forms of debt bondage, trafficking and other forms of ‘modern slavery’ whereby victims are forced into the labour through entrapment by illegal tactics and little or no paid wages (ILO, 2016). This trafficking form of forced labour that the ILO have evidenced will be made clearer in research findings about real cases of forced labour whereby trafficking plays a crucial role. The term ‘modern slavery’ will shortly be explained under its meaning in the UK. Interview and fieldwork findings will illustrate the exploitative conditions that a victim faces under forced labour.
In 2015, the UK Modern Slavery Act was implemented (Houses of Parliament, 2015). This is the UK’s policy-based approach to address the problem of human trafficking and exploitation. Under the title ‘slavery, servitude and forced or compulsory labour’ within Section One of the Modern Slavery Act 2015, the definition is made ‘any work or services provided by the person, including work or services provided in circumstances which
constitute exploitation within section 3’ (Legislation.gov.uk, 2015a). ‘Exploitation’ is defined under the Act’s Section Three’s titled ‘meaning of exploitation’ as ‘slavery, servitude and forced or compulsory labour’, ‘sexual exploitation’, ‘removal of organs’, ‘securing services etc by force, threats or deception’ and ‘securing services etc from children and vulnerable persons’ (Legislation.gov.uk, 2015b). The Modern Slavery Act 2015 is relevant to this paper’s research about human trafficking and exploitation. The Palermo Protocol definition of ‘human trafficking’ has similarity with the definition of ‘exploitation’, for example terms of ‘forced labour’ and ‘slavery’.
Identification of the victim of modern slavery or human trafficking is the initial stage of The National Referral Mechanism (NRM) (NCA, 2016a). The NRM was introduced in the UK in 2009 to meet the standards set under the Council of European Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Being that ensures identified victims receive support (NCA, 2016a). In compliance with the UK Modern Slavery Act 2015, the National Crime Agency
(NCA, 2016a) altered the mechanism’s focus on identification of ‘potential victims of trafficking’ to ‘all victims of modern slavery’, whereby modern slavery includes human trafficking and slavery, servitude and forced or compulsory labour. My research will focus on the observation and interpretation about the presumed trafficked person, as my analysis is of the complex process to identify this trafficked person as a victim. Therefore, my approach will not assume who a ‘victim’ is. Identification of ‘presumed trafficked persons’ is at the core of any NRM, UK and elsewhere, carried out by governmental and non-governmental bodies, the stakeholders in collaboration to identify victims for referral to supportive and protective services (ODIHR, 2004).
Methodological complexity to identification of the ‘presumed trafficked person’ as a ‘victim’ is fundamental to this research and the problem itself. The Home Office’s (2014) review of evidence of extreme individual and regional differences in the rates of NRM referrals highlighted the lack of awareness of the NRM amongst frontline staff of the UK public bodies, healthcare, fire services and education due to training and knowledge in
recognition of a victim dependent upon individual and regional differences. The Home Office (2014, p.13) indicate the ‘first responders’ 9as the key stakeholders in the initial identification and referral stages of the NRM, including the Home Office in 42% of the cases, the Police in 25% of the cases, Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in 21%, Local Authorities in 9%, the National Crime Agency in 2% and 1% of cases by the Gangmaster Licensing Authority10. Members of a UK police force and an NGO are the fieldwork and interview participants to this paper’s research and are the first responders in identification of the victims within the problem of human trafficking and exploitation.
The National Crime Agency (NCA, 2016b) is the leading law enforcement body against serious and organised crime in the UK, which includes human trafficking and exploitation. The NCA (2016b) state ‘sexual exploitation involves any non-consensual or abusive sexual acts performed without a victim’s permission’. ‘Forced labour involves victims being compelled to work very long hours, often in hard conditions, and to hand over
9 See Appendix One for an extended list of first responders under the NRM in the UK 10 Gangmasters Licensing Authority: ‘The Gangmasters Licensing Authority works in partnership to protect vulnerable and exploited workers. We are a Non Departmental Public Body (NDPB) governed by an independent Board made up of a chair and six members, who were recruited for their respective knowledge, experience and skills. Our licensing scheme regulates businesses who provide workers to the fresh produce supply chain and horticulture industry, to make sure they meet the employment standards required by law’ (Gangmasters Licensing Authority, 2016).
the majority if not all of their wages to their traffickers (NCA, 2016b). Forced labour operates by coercion and a lack of freedom or choice for the victim, a victim who is subjected to verbal threats or violence to force them to comply with labour tasks (NCA, 2016b). Sexual exploitation and forced labour are my research’s predominant cases of exploitation linked to human trafficking in the UK in interview and fieldwork findings. My research will gain a deeper insight into the aspect of a victim’s lack of freedom and choice under exploitation.
2.3 Human Trafficking confused with Human Smuggling
My research focuses on victims that have been trafficked into and around the UK. The existing literature in the field of human trafficking indicates caution to the
misconception of human trafficking with human smuggling. To avoid confusion and maintain validity of my research focus, it is important to review the literature on the myths of human trafficking. Human trafficking and human smuggling as the same problem is a myth (NCA, 2016c). Smuggling involves consent of the migrant illegally crossing a border whereas trafficking involves no consent of the trafficked victim or they have been tricked into consent (NCA, 2016c). This clarification is significant to my research into recognition of the non-criminalised trafficked victim as distinct from the non-criminalised illegal migrant.
Burke (n.d) explains how victim status of the trafficked person is achieved by identification of the person’s conditions as involuntary, that the person is conducting labour tasks against their will and is exploited once illegally transported by their trafficker through coercion, force and deception. This trafficker faces legal punishment, whereas the victim does not (Burke, n.d). The smuggled migrant’s voluntary work conditions may not be ideal, but they are involved in a mutual financial agreement with their smuggler and so liable to legal punishment similar to that of their smuggler (Burke, n.d). I will expand on Burke’s (n.d) differentiation of human trafficking and human smuggling through findings of
problematic interchangeable use of these terms to identify and refer a trafficked victim. Literature on human trafficking myths also covers misconception of the
nationality of the victim trafficked. The NCA (2016c) indicate the trafficked victim in the UK to not necessarily be from a country outside the UK, as there is abundant evidence on victims trafficked around the UK who are of British nationality. Research participant insight will be used to clarify the case on trafficked victims in the UK as not only of foreign nationality. However, analysis of fieldwork findings will magnify the significance of the trafficked victim
identity as a foreign national. These findings are important to explore the stigmatised foreign national as cheap labour supply.
2.4 Human Trafficking connected to Migration
The NCA (2015) report that the transport of people into the UK for exploitation
facilitated by clandestine movement of smuggling such as in lorries mainly includes non EEA nationals, for example Afghanistan, Albania, China, Eritrea, Russia and Vietnam. It is
important to acknowledge the clandestine movement in smuggling, as this is necessary for the non EEA nationals to enter the UK.
Human trafficking is commonly presumed to be associated with illegal migration (Flynn, 2007). Flynn (2007) states human trafficking is a key problem to be tackled by Immigration policies due to the increase in trafficking for exploitation across Europe and conflicting perspectives held about it, but that human trafficking does not equate to illegal migration. The misconception of the link between human trafficking and illegal, or even legal, migration is important to my research into the represented identity of the victim as a foreign national.
The NCA (2015) states the most common origin countries for potential trafficked victims in the UK are, in descending order of the number of cases, Romania, Albania and the UK itself. This research into a victim’s origin country is relevant to my research into the separation of the trafficked victim in exploitation from the illegal migrant in the UK. Presence of the UK as an origin of nationality in findings implicates no requirement for cross-border movement in human trafficking. A majority of Romanian victims indicates clandestine movement is not essential for this European Union accepted nationality to freely move into the UK. These three countries are significant to my interview and fieldwork findings of the foreign and UK national identity of trafficked victims in exploitation. NCA (2015) statistics revealed 2014 to be the first recorded year whereby reported labour exploitation cases exceeded those of sexual exploitation, significantly for victims of
Romanian nationality. Association of nationality with exploitation type will be analysed from my fieldwork and interview findings to provide insight into victim identity represented and stigmatised by nationality.
Literature on migration in relation to human trafficking has demonstrated the two issues are not necessarily associated, but that tendencies to link human trafficking with migration is apparent. Seo-Young Cho (2015) frames human trafficking as a shadow of
migration. This demonstrates how there is a potential influence of migration activities in the occurrence of human trafficking. My research looks further into first responders’ and the public’s interpretation of the trafficking of foreign nationals around the UK after they have migrated to the UK.
To establish an association between foreign nationals and exploitation, literature about industries of work that are likely to harbour and exploit foreign nationals in the UK is relevant to my research on victims identified from particular work places. Hand car wash services in the UK are a hub for human trafficking and modern-day slavery in these
businesses is endemic (Clayton, 2015)11. Heightened cases of exploitation amongst the UK car wash industry is representative of a prevalent type of exploitative labour to the UK. My interview and fieldwork findings will elaborate on experiences of first responders with trafficked persons under forced labour in car wash services and how these experiences come to be recognised as harbouring trafficked victims in exploitation. Car washes noted as ‘a hub’ for human trafficking points to a review of the literature on the revelation of UK industries at risk of involvement with human trafficking and exploitation.
2.5 The Dark Figure
‘Finance Against Trafficking’ (FAT) released a report in 2015, written by
Anne-Marie Barry and Rachel Palmer (2015), titled ‘Forced Labour, Human Trafficking & The FTSE 100: A review of company disclosure and recommendations for investor
engagement’12. The report investigated the industries of textiles and apparel and travel and leisure and the commodity areas of seafood and gold, those industries at a high risk to human trafficking and exploitation. This risk can be evidenced from a company’s connection to forced labour and human trafficking in the supply chain, a connection formed on a possible three levels – directly, indirectly and by association (Barry and Palmer, 2015). Firstly, direct connection is when a trafficked or exploited person is employed within the business, by subcontractor or recruitment agency (Barry and Palmer, 2015). Secondly, indirect connection is such when products or materials used by the business were produced by victims of forced labour (Barry and Palmer, 2015). Finally, connection by association occurs when a
11 The New Statesman’s, Clayton’s (2015) newspaper headline – ‘Dirty dealings: how the car wash became a hub for human trafficking. Modern-day slavery is rife in Britain's hand car wash’.
12 Barry and Palmer (2015) define FTSE 100 companies as having an 80% share of the market cap of all listed UK companies with a combined value of £1,700 billion.
company’s operation causes trafficking in its local area or as a secondary consequence of a company’s actions (Barry and Palmer, 2015). This report based on company disclosure and investor engagement points to a review of further literature on the extent of connection to and concealment of exploitation in UK industry.
Given the damaging evidence on exploitation in car wash services, the extent of regulation in this particular UK market is indicated by the managing director of the Car Wash Advisory Service to be a minority of 1,000 out of an estimated 20,000 car wash businesses in the UK (Clayton, 2015). This suggests unsatisfactory accountability of services known to be connected to human trafficking and forced labour. My fieldwork and interview findings will magnify the concealment of victims and their identity under forced labour in UK car wash businesses, the public-facing service with silenced exploitation. The UK car wash industry may not be the same as the large scale nature of the FTSE 100, but regulation of company connection to human trafficking and exploitation in the supply chain is relevant to feasible identification of a victim within one of the stated three levels of the supply chain - directly, indirectly and by association. My research intends to disclose who the victim is at the centre of the criminalised problem of human trafficking and exploitation amidst a mass UK
industry.
Literature on the number of cases of this criminality in the UK is compounded by uncertainty of the actual scale of the problem. Monti Narayan Datta and Kevin Bales (2013) term this phenomenon as the ‘dark figure’ of a crime, the number of actual instances of a crime minus the reported cases of that crime within a population. The dark figure of those in exploitation in car washes could be caused by the lack of regulation of these businesses. Datta and Bales (2013) claims calculation of the dark figure is particularly
problematic when to do with the crime of slavery due to victims’ unwillingness to report their victimisation when sexually assaulted, an assault common to the crime of enslavement. This clandestine nature to exploitation suggests a difficulty in access to the difficult to access group of enslaved victims. My fieldwork research will show how this access was achieved through joining a police operation into illegal brothels in the UK.
Cho (2015) stresses that the clandestine criminality of human trafficking restricts data collection on the issue due to its concealed existence by those faced with legal consequences. My research intends to reveal the identity of the concealed trafficked victim in exploitation. This is important when existing literature cannot be certain on the scale of the issue.
Neglected identification of the trafficked victim under exploitation occurs through the selective reporting by companies whereby parts of their employment are monitored and
evaluated for signs of trafficking and exploitation whereas some aspects are silenced (Barry and Palmer, 2015). This is the silenced and hidden problem that my interview and fieldwork based research will go further into. A hidden frame of the victim will appear through this paper’s argumentation and consequently as an important wider implication for further research.
My research goes into the extent to which victims are likely to self-identify
their exploitation. Current literature on victim willingness to self-identify suggests a victim’s reluctance to self-identify is reinforced by the criminal dimension of exploitation where this victim fears legal consequences to themselves and the trafficker in control of them (Datta and Bales, 2013). First responders follow an uncertain process in the location of ‘presumed trafficked persons’ to identify them as ‘victims’ due to a victim’s reluctance to come forward to state authorities, influenced by their past experiences of mistrust with the authorities in their origin country (ODIHR, 2004). Uncertainty in location of the victim will be explored in my research, particularly through findings about the locations of fieldwork.
Assaults on victims under exploitation enhances their felt stigmatisation to their conditions and decreases confidence to come forward, particularly when victims have feelings of shame (Datta and Bales, 2013). My fieldwork and interview findings will be analysed for indications of stigma and shame and how this decreases the likelihood of the victim to self-identify. This self-identification will be demonstrated to be important to first responders’ official identification of the victim in order to activate referral to support and protection services. The purpose of the upcoming framework is to provide theory that informs analytical tools to identify who the victim is and how they are understood by first responders. This holistic framework built on framing theory will centralise on the themes of a victim’s social identity and the victim’s self and space.
2.6 Theoretical Framework - Findings of the Victim’s Social Identity
To define ‘framing theory’, Dennis Chong and James N. Druckman’s (2007) literature ‘Framing Theory’ is a useful source to provide understanding. Framing theory is a theoretical explanation for how multiple perspectives about a phenomenon are developed by different people in order to construct an understanding about the phenomenon (Chong and Druckman, 2007). Understanding is reached through sense-making experiences with the phenomenon, for example labelling of these experiences (Chong and Druckman, 2007). My theoretical framework formulated through framing theory will explain framing concepts and the
significance of use of these concepts to analyse my research findings about perspectives of the victim which influence victim identification.
My interview and fieldwork research demonstrates how first responders communicate their understanding and intelligence about trafficked victims to their audience of the wider public and the stakeholders to identification of the victim. In Chong and Druckman’s (2007) explanation of framing theory, they place importance on recognition of the multiple
perspectives by different people that contribute to the beliefs about an issue. Chong and Druckman (2007) explain that the way a problem is phrased impacts on the way the problem is understood. This is their concept of ‘variable phrasing’ whereby changes in the phrasing of an issue can change the meaning of the problem thought by the respondent to this phrasing (Chong and Druckman, 2007). The concept of variable phrasing will be used as an analytical tool for analysis of findings on human trafficking and human smuggling used to describe the same problem. Analysis of the variable phrasing is crucial to ensure the victim is defined and placed within an accurately phrased problem. Chong and Druckman (2007) emphasise the importance of the respondent’s receipt of phrasing, thus the respondent involved will be examined. For example, the first responder.
My observation of research participants involved note-taking on the ways respondents were making sense of the human trafficking and exploitation problem. For example, the problem of a potential trafficked victim in exploitative conditions at the location of a police operation. In Nancy Berns’ (2004) literature, ‘Framing the Victim: Domestic Violence, Media, and Social Problems’, her framing concept, the ‘interpretive frame’ is used to
describe the process of a respondent to a problem who labels their experiences. Respondents can make sense of the problem by placing it within the context of other connected and related problems (Berns, 2004). The interpretive frame as an analytical tool will analyse the findings such as human trafficking and exploitation that are interpreted as a problem of migration. The relevant literature on human trafficking as a shadow of migration is a symbolic example of the interpretive frame of human trafficking as in the context of a migration problem. Berns (2004) clarifies how interpretation of a certain problem by a person of an official position can influence the way this problem is understood by audiences to this official person. First
responder responsibility of interpretation of the problem of human trafficking and exploitation is important when they hold such a position of influence in how and when a trafficked victim is identified.
In the literature, ‘Stigma. Notes on the management of spoiled identity’, Goffman (1963) marks the distinction between virtual and actual social identity and the attributes of
identity that shape a stigma. A virtual identity is a represented and expected social identity in contrast to an actual identity that features real and lived experiences of the social identity (Goffman, 1963). Goffman’s (1963) identity theory demonstrates the significance of identity and its effects on individuals under theoretical analysis dated back to the 1900s. In extension of Datta and Bales’ (2013) research into the stigmatisation of victims causing their reluctance to self-report their exploitation, my interview and fieldwork findings evidence the
stigmatisation of trafficked victims in exploitation. Goffman’s (1963) concept of a stigma will be applied as an analytical tool to analyse my findings of the link between victim stigma and reluctance to self-identify to an audience of first responders and the stigma attached to foreign nationals as cheap labour supply.
Goffman (1963) states that the audience goes through sense-making experiences in order to understand the identity of the individual they are faced with. Findings centred on first responders as the audience will be analysed to reveal their sense-making experiences about the trafficked person they have first-hand contact with. With theoretical interpretation of findings with Goffman’s (1963) social identity theory, the attributes the presumed
trafficked person is proven to possess constitutes their actual identity. It is important to keep in mind that Goffman’s (1963) use of the concept ‘actual identity’ is not an essential or simply realistic identity of the trafficked victim, it is the experienced identity of the victim accounted for by victims themselves and by the first responder research participants in contact with victims.
Goffman (1963) considers the discrepancies between social identities to be due to the attributes of the actual identity that do not match with the virtual identity, thus the actual identity is not recognised as belonging to the identity that the virtual represents. Analysis of my interview and fieldwork findings with recognition of discrepancies between actual and virtual victim identities will demonstrate the possibility of a victim that is neglected to be identified due to not matching the virtual, the expected identity of a trafficked victim. Neglect in identification is relevant to literature about difficulties in data collection about the enslaved victim and uncertainty in calculation of the dark figure of those trafficked and exploited.
Goffman’s (1963) reference to a social identity is shaped by societal determinations of what constitutes a particular identity and the attributes possessed by the individual labelled with this identity. Analysis of my research findings about society’s perception of a trafficked victim’s attributes will delve into the ideas of human trafficking as the same as human smuggling and misconception of human trafficking with migration and the foreign national. Goffman (1963) indicates how the seeing and hearing of an identity by an audience could be
meaningless and an inaccurate interpretation of an identity if the audience relies on superficial sight and sound.
Findings of mere speculation of a trafficked person as a foreign national as cheap labour supply will be contrasted with first responders’ deeper sense-making processes about the victim to refrain from stigmatisation of the foreign national. Goffman’s (1963) concept of a ‘tribal stigma’, the identity with attributes shaped by race and nation is a way of examining how this individual is marked as different by race and by nation. The concept of ‘tribal stigma’ will be an analytical tool to analyse findings about the foreign other, the stigmatised foreign national as differentiated from the UK national. The foreign other is relevant to current literature and my fieldwork and interview findings of ideas about human trafficking and exploitation interpreted through understandings of human smuggling and migration. Goffman (1963) deemed stigma as destructive to the self, so destructive that the individual experiences feelings of shame.
Datta and Bales’ (2013) research indicated how the enslaved victim’s stigma of their exploitation caused their shame, shame that prevented them to self-report their conditions. I will use Goffman’s (1963) theory of shame influenced by stigma to analyse findings of, for example, a car wash worker’s stigmatised identity of cheap labour supply to implicate possibility of felt shame to their forced labour. Stigma so destructive to the self calls for analysis of the trafficked victim’s self and the role of the self in first responder identification of the victim and victim self-identification.
2.7 Theoretical Framework - Findings of the Victim’s Self and Space
To gain clarity on Goffman’s (1963) meaning of the ‘self’, I adopt Goffman’s (1956) theory of ‘the presentation of self’ in his literature ‘The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life’. Goffman (1956) outlined three crucial roles to understand the particular performance that is the point of reference, this is the performance of the self. These roles involve‘performers’, the ‘audience’ of those that are performed to and the ‘outsiders’ that are not performers and are not performed to (Goffman, 1956). I will apply the analysis of the performance to the roles of the trafficked person as the performer, the first responders as the audience to this performance and the outsiders, with no access to the performance, as the UK general public. Goffman’s (1956) discussion of the performance involves the region of access of the audience to the performer.
My fieldwork findings are particularly important to analyse how the audience of police gain the region of access to performers, the trafficked persons, by police-authorised
operation into brothels. Previous to opportunity to join onto this police operation, I held the role of an outsider. As a fieldwork researcher, I gained access to the region and location of the trafficked performer. This was a chance to collect data on the interaction of the police audience with the performer and of the police’s impression and interpretation of the performance.
Analysis of the victim’s location under a theoretical lens of Goffman’s (1956) concept of the ‘region of access’ implicates the relevance of the victim’s space when in presentation of the self. This is the actual space of the victim that first responders go into in order to identify the trafficked victim in exploitation. Analysis of my findings will include recognition of others present at the fieldwork locations, the ‘Madame’ of the brothel and the awareness of the ‘Boss Man’ who operates the car wash services. Goffman’s (1956) concept of the
‘imposter’ to the audience will be utilised to interpret findings about the involvement of the Madame and the Boss Man in monitoring a victim’s performance. The Madame and Boss Man will be framed as the ‘imposters’. Imposters are those who affect the performance in the interests of the audience in order to produce a particular impression about the performers (Goffman, 1956). Therefore, I will analyse The Madame and Boss Man’s influence in the impression which first responders receive about the presumed trafficked person.
Michael Warner’s (2005) theory of space constitutes differentiation of the public and the private space. My fieldwork findings about the locations of presumed trafficked persons are analysed with attention to the space of the victim. Warner (2005) separates the public space of ‘outside the home’ from the private space of the ‘domestic’. My insight into findings of the domestic space of the victim will include the sexually exploited in a brothel located in a residential household and the overcrowded living conditions of car wash workers. With Warner’s (2005) theory of the public space as outside the home, findings about the identified exploitation in public-facing car wash businesses will be analysed for separation of the public work from private exploitation.
Warner (2005) classifies what it means to be public as in contrast to what it means to be private. Warner’s (2005) conceptual dichotomy of the public in ‘physical view of others’ and the private as ‘concealed’ will be adopted as an analytical tool of the findings about the physical view of the car wash worker in contrast to the concealment of the victim of forced labour. When I use Warner’s (2005) public and private theory to analyse ‘the public’, the entirety of a society is referred to, thus the UK public. In reference to ‘a public’, Warner’s (2005) concept of a public as a particular audience is suited. A public such as those customers to car wash services analysed from interview and fieldwork findings. Certainty of the
audiences examined is key to reveal certain perceptions about the victim analysed from findings.
The main themes to analytical tools from Warner’s (2005) public and private theory are public work contrasted with private exploitation and public privilege contrasted with private repression. Warner (2005) sees access to public as access to privilege and the restriction to this privilege by prevented access to the public space whilst repressed in the private space. I will analyse findings of the UK national as privileged to fair treatment in employment whilst the foreign national is repressed through exploitation, the silenced trafficked victim concealed of their exploitation.
The following chapter, Chapter Three, is my theoretical analysis of the findings of the problem and the victim’s social identity.
Chapter Three
Theoretical Analysis of the Findings of the Problem and the
Victim’s Social Identity
3.1 Introduction
Human trafficking is ‘the well known concept’. This interview quote signposts to a high level of awareness to the existence of human trafficking, yet interview and fieldwork findings bring to light misconceptions of the concept. Confusion in a concept contributes to confusion about the victim placed within the misunderstood problem. Analysis of my findings in this chapter will draw on the importance of phrasing and interpretation, the first responder sense-making processes to comprehend the problem of human trafficking and exploitation.
‘Identification’ is the key focus to my research direction, thus perception of the victim’s ‘identity’ will be analysed to see how this shapes the identification process. The trafficked victim’s identity is placed within the framed problem of human trafficking and exploitation to facilitate official identification.
Through the analysis of my findings considering the framing of the problem and the identity of the victim, my argumentation through this chapter will be in answer to the research sub-question:
How do first responders frame the problem of human trafficking and exploitation to establish the social identity of the victim in the United Kingdom?
My interview and fieldwork findings make a significant contribution to answer the above question in order to establish if the way the human trafficking and exploitation
problem is framed is useful to the understanding of the real problem at hand. I aim to indicate that where the problem is misunderstood is evident of misconceptions of human trafficking and exploitation My analysis of the findings of the social identity of the victim is meaningful to reveal the misconceived ideas about who the victim is and how these ideas generate stigma of the trafficked person. I aim to explain how the framing of the trafficked person with a stigma inflicts feelings of shame on the victim and how this is a key factor in my research about victim self-identification.
Theoretical interpretation to better understand my interview and fieldwork findings is the method of analysis for the findings in this chapter. Concepts within framing theory13 will be used as theoretical tools to analyse my findings. Each section of this chapter’s analysis will be headed by the section’s theoretical tool and its key over-arching theme to findings to be analysed under this theoretical lens, culminating in a conclusion from the analysis. For example, the key theme of human trafficking confused with human smuggling will be analysed utilising the framing concept of ‘variable phrasing’. Theoretical analysis of the findings of the problem and the victim’s social identity is divided into four sections, each section with an over-arching theme.
Firstly, the section on human trafficking confused with human smuggling will cover analysis of the misconceptions of the difference between the problems and the impact of phrasing on the meaning of the problem. My findings will be analysed with the framing tool of ‘variable phrasing’.
Secondly, the section on human trafficking connected to migration will include analysis of the interpretation of the problem of human trafficking in connection to the problem of migration and how it helps an audience to understand what human trafficking is. My analysis will use the framing tool of the ‘interpretive frame’ to reveal how problematic interpretation of coerced victims as voluntary migrants is contributing to misidentifying the victim.
Thirdly, the section on the stigma of the foreign other as cheap labour supply will demonstrate how the association of foreign workers with low wages circumvents recognition of exploitation. My analysis will provide answers in regard to the stigmatisation of the foreign other by application of the analytical framing tool of social identity.
Fourth, and finally, the concept of social identity will be extended into the analysis of how stigma function to create feelings of shame in findings about the self-identification of the victim. This final section’s analysis of the reluctance of trafficked victims to self-identify their exploitation will lead into the argumentation of the next chapter’s analysis of findings about the victim’s presentation of self.
13 Dennis Chong and James N. Druckman’s (2007) literature ‘Framing Theory’ is a useful source to provide understanding. Framing theory is a theoretical explanation for how multiple perspectives about a phenomenon are developed by different people in order to construct an understanding about the phenomenon (Chong and Druckman, 2007).
