Whose morality? : a qualitative, multi-stakeholder, institutional analysis of how conflicting gender and sexual norms influence the adoption and implementation of CSE at Curaçao

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WHOSE MORALITY?

A qualitative, multi-stakeholder, institutional analysis of how conflicting gender

and sexual norms influence the adoption and implementation of CSE at Curaçao

10333614

K.M.T. (Kim) Brands

MSc Thesis International Development Studies Supervisor: Drs. M.L.J. (Marielle) le Mat Second Reader: Dr. E.A.J. (Esther) Miedema 13 August 2019

Words: 25,540

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Abstract

Although Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) has repeatedly been stated as particularly effective in teaching adolescents safe sexual behaviour and autonomy before they become sexually active, in many countries, the process of implementing CSE in schools is resisted or recontextualised in light of conflicting gender and sexual norms. Constantly produced and reproduced through social relations and institutions, these norms can heavily affect adolescents’ (sexual) agency. Nevertheless, research on the influence of social relations and institutions on CSE policy are lacking. Moreover, countries’ norms that conflict with CSE curricula, tend to be studied with a focus on religious and cultural norms as binary factors of influence, rather than the possible deeper, intersecting gender and sexual norms they underlie.

Through qualitative, multi-stakeholder, institutional analysis, this Thesis examines how different institutions and gender and sexual norms affect the adoption and implementation of CSE. Research focused on Willemstad, Curaçao specifically, where, despite the island’s rising adolescent pregnancies between 2010-2015, lacking knowledge about the prevention of STIs and pregnancies, encapsulated child prostitution and taboo on discussing sexuality, School-Based Sexuality Education (SBSE) is not obligatory. In collaboration with Famia Plania, a member of the Caribbean Family Planning Association (CFPA) and International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), in-depth interviews with multiple stakeholders were conducted and supplemented with secondary data, such as policy documents, reports, academic literature and censuses on Curaçao. The data shows how dominant gender and sexual norms, perpetuated through social relations and institutions, negatively influence the Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) of Curaçao’s people. Here, dominant masculinity, corresponding homophobia and restricted sexual agency can be regarded as the main factors negatively affecting the islands’ inhabitants. For these norms to be challenged and modified, the introduction of CSE could be particularly helpful, if seriously considering these sexual and gender norms. The results derived from this research aspire to not only benefit national policies at Curaçao on whether and how to implement culturally sensitive SBSE that corresponds with social norms, but possibly other Caribbean countries and global discussions on CSE too. Keywords: Curaçao, Comprehensive Sexuality Education, institutions, gender norms, sexual norms, (sexual) agency, Gender-Based Violence.

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Acknowledgements

First, I would like to express my gratitude to my academic supervisor Marielle le Mat. I praise myself incredibly lucky with the assistance of such a friendly, patient, enthusiastic and critical person and am convinced my Thesis improved tremendously because of her help. Secondly, I want to thank Marisela Flemming, my local supervisor in Willemstad. Due to her useful advice, I was able to additionally adapt my research to the local context of Curaçao, including its policy surrounding CSE. Moreover, she provided me with this study’s first interview participants, that laid the foundation for the primary data of my Thesis. Next, I cannot thank the very friendly and inspiring Rudy Wijngaarde enough, whom moved mountains to assure I could interview people that added so much value to this research. It was also a pleasure meeting an incredibly warm person as Freddy Martina, whose enthusiasm was contagious and who subsequently provided me with many great insights on Curaçao institutions. Researchers Renske Pin, Tineke Alberts and Elly Hellings deserve my gratitude too, as they provided me with additional academic research and relevant theories related to Curaçao and the concepts of my study. If it had not been about guaranteeing the anonymity of this research' participants, I would have thanked everyone individually and explain what they meant for my research. I can truly say each interviewee has a special place in my heart and I feel humbled by the openness in relation to their experiences and the fact that they wanted to spend their precious time on an interview with me. Moreover, several participants indicated to normally not comment on interview requests, but to have made an exception as they considered the issue of SBSE to be of tremendous importance for Curaçao. This additionally motivated me to do justice to all participants’ perceptions and the perceived relevance of this study. I would also like to thank my wonderful friends and sister, who were always a welcome distraction during the writing process of this research. Finally, I would like to dedicate this Thesis to my parents: Dear Mom and Dad, I would have never been where I am today without your support and I owe you the world.

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I. List of Figures & Tables

Figure 1: Conceptual Scheme……….……..22 Figure 2: Map of Curaçao………24 Table 1: Overview of interviewed stakeholders, subdivided by organisation………..31 Figure 3: Participants’ answers to the questions whether they consider homosexuality taboo---- at Curaçao...62

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II. List of Acronyms and Abbreviations

AOSE = Abstince-Only Sex Education

CFPA = Caribbean Family Planning Association CSE = Comprehensive Sexuality Education DOS = Dienst Openbare Scholen

(Public Schools Office)

GBV = Gender-Based Violence

GMN = (Ministerie van) Gezondheid, Milieu & Natuur (Ministry of Health, Environment & Nature)

ICPD = International Conference on Population and Development IDS = International Development Studies

IPPF = International Planned Parenthood Federation LAC = Latin America and the Caribbean

MCM = Modern Contraceptive Method

Nethics = National Ethics Council Social and Beahavioural Sciences NGO = Non-governmental organisation

OWCS = (Ministerie van) Onderwijs, Wetenschap, Cultuur & Sport (Ministry of Education, Science, Culture & Sport)

PA = Parents Association

RC = Roman Catholic

RKCS = Rooms-Katholiek Centraal Schoolbestuur

(Roman-Catholic School Board)

SRA = Social Relations Approach SRH = Sexual and Reproductive Health

SRHR = Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights STI = Sexually Transmitted Infections

UN = United Nations

UNESCO = United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization VPCO = Vereniging voor Protestants Christelijk Onderwijs

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1. Introduction

With the continuous growth of the global population of adolescents, defined as people between 10 and 19 years old (WHO, 2013), expected to reach 755 million by 2040 (UN DESA, 2012), the importance of adolescents being taught safe sexual behaviour and autonomy before they become sexually active, is increasingly acknowledged (Bankole, Biddlecom, Guiella, Singh & Zulu, 2007; Darroch, Woog, Bankole & Ashford, 2016). Transitioning from childhood to adulthood, adolescents are more likely to be affected by the consequences of unsafe sexual behaviour resulting in unintended pregnancy or Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs), including HIV/AIDS, then is the case for any other age group (Bearinger, Sieving, Ferguson & Sharma, 2007; Kotchick, Shaffer, Miller & Forehand, 2001). Additionally, it is often agreed how unintended pregnancies among adolescent girls are a central element in producing and contributing to social and economic inequalities (Logan, Holcombe, Manlove & Ryan, 2007; Sonfield, Hasstedt, Kavanaugh & Anderson, 2013; Tsui, McDonald-Mosley & Burke, 2010; Yazdkhasti, Pourreza, Pirak & Abdi, 2015). Moreover, since STIs and unintended pregnancies are capable of seriously harming an individual’s health and wellbeing through disease, injury, infertility, unsafe abortion or even (maternal) mortality, they can be recognised as one of the most sincere global reproductive health issues (Finer & Zolna, 2011; Yazdkhasti et al., 2015; WHO, 2016). Since Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) has repeatedly been stated as particularly effective in addressing these issues and increase safe sexual behaviour and autonomy among adolescents (Bankole et al., 2007; Bearinger et al., 2007; Cavazos-Rehg et al., 2012; Chandra-Mouli, Lane & Wong, 2015; Darroch et al., 2016; Haberland & Rogow, 2015; Kohler, Manhart & Lafferty, 2008; Santelli et al., 2006; Underhill, Montgomery & Operario, 2008; UN DESA, 2012; UNESCO, 2009; 2018), the United Nations (UN), as well as many other global institutions, policy makers and researchers, have frequently pushed for its universal implementation (Haberland & Rogow, 2015).

However, in many countries, the process of implementing CSE in schools is resisted or recontextualised in light of conflicting gender and sexual norms, especially in the case of adolescent sexuality (Shtarkshall, Santelli & Hirsch, 2007; Vanwesenbeeck et al., 2016; Williams, 2011; Wood & Aggleton, 2003; Zimmerman, 2015). Moreover, these gender and sexual norms tend to be constantly produced and reproduced through social relations and institutions (Kabeer, 1992), subsequently affecting the (sexual) agency of adolescents too (Curtin, Ward, Merriwether, & Caruthers, 2011; Pearson, 2006; Tolman, 1994, 1999, 2002; Tolman, Impett, Tracy, & Michael, 2006; Tolman & Porche, 2000; Tolman, Spencer, Rosen-Reynoso, & Porche, 2003; UNESCO, 2008, 2019). Nevertheless, research on the influence of social relations and institutions on CSE policy are lacking. Furthermore, countries’ norms that

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9 conflict with CSE curricula, tend to be studied with a focus on religious and cultural norms as binary factors of influence, rather than the possible deeper, intersecting gender and sexual norms they underlie. This makes it is relevant to examine how different institutions and gender and sexual norms affect the adoption and implementation of CSE in a certain country. The numbers related to unsafe sexual behaviour are especially striking for Caribbean countries (Bearak, Popinchalk, Alkema, & Sedgh, 2018; Contreras, 2010; PAHO & CDC, 2012; UNAIDS, 2014; UNDESA, 2015), where Caribbean gender and sexual norms related to masculinity and femininity (Kempadoo & Taitt, 2006; Obare, Kabiru, Chandra-Mouli & Parry, 2017; Shtarkshall, et al., 2007; Wood & Aggleton, 2003; Vanwesenbeeck et al., 2016) are prevailing. Since these norms tend differ from CSE guidelines (UNESCO, 2009; 2018), this makes it interesting to examine a particular Caribbean country more closely and study how conflicting gender and sexual norms, perpetuated through social relations and institutions, affect CSE policy.

Apart from French Guyana, Curaçao was the only estimated Caribbean country to experience a rise of adolescent pregnancies from 2010-2015, when compared to 2005-2010 (PAHO, UNFPA & UNICEF, 2017). Still, despite the island’s adolescent pregnancies, present encapsulated child prostitution (UNICEF, 2013), lacking knowledge about the prevention of STIs and pregnancies and a taboo on discussing sexuality, there is no mandatory School-Based Sexuality Education (SBSE) in Curaçao schools. On the contrary: Due to cutbacks, the Ministry of GMN no longer invests in healthcare and adolescent care in schools, including potential dangerous sexual behaviour (Youth Development Action Program 2015-2020). Nevertheless, in many reports and articles, data on STIs and unintended pregnancies in the Caribbean do not cover Curaçao (Cunningham, McGinnis, Verdú, Tesliuc & Verner, 2008; PAHO & CDC, 2012; UNFPA, 2013; PAHO, 2017; Santelli et. al, 2017; UNAIDS 2017; Bearak et al., 2018). Although there are numerous studies describing the possible barriers of implementing CSE (Sears, 1992; Allen, 2005; DeMaria, Galárraga, Campero & Walker 2009; Fields, 2008; Vanwesenbeeck et al., 2016) or the influence of cultural, religious, gender and sexual norms, sometimes referring briefly to environmental influences as well (Apple, 1986, Wight et al., 2002; Vavrus, 2009; Biesta, Priestley & Robinson, 2015), this has not yet been examined for Curaçao. Instead, studies on this country tend to be limited to the description of dominant norms or existing problems related to SRH, as previously described. Additionally, no research has been found on the influence of social relations and institutions on CSE policy. In the light of the mentioned statistics, it can thus be relevant to study an under-researched Caribbean country in this regard, such as Curaçao. Finally, the results derived from this research aspire to not only benefit national policies in Curaçao on whether and how to implement culturally sensitive SBSE

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10 that corresponds with social norms, but possibly other Caribbean countries and global discussions on CSE too.

This research is structured as follows: Derived from this introduction, chapter 2 subsequently engages in relevant literature and corresponding concepts to provide for the theoretical framework in which this Thesis is grounded. Next, chapter 3 will explain the research location and context Curaçao, before chapter 4 discusses the study’s methodology. Following from the sub-questions, chapter 5 demonstrates research findings related to institutional influences at Curaçao, whereas chapter 6 addresses dominant gender and sexual norms at the island. The main findings will be presented and discussed in chapter 7 and related to their global relevance too. Finally, the last part of chapter 7 will provide policy recommendations and suggestions for further research. First, however, this introduction chapter will conclude by presenting the research questions of this study.

1.1 Research Questions Main research question:

How do stakeholders perceive different institutions and gender and sexual norms affect the adoption and implementation of CSE in Willemstad, Curaçao?

Sub-questions:

1. How and for which reasons do institutions want to adopt and implement SBSE?

2. How do stakeholders perceive gender and sexual norms affect the adoption and implementation of CSE?

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2. Theoretical Framework

This chapter engages in relevant literature and subsequent concepts to answer the main research question of this study: ‘How do stakeholders perceive different institutions and gender and sexual norms affect the adoption and implementation of CSE in Willemstad, Curaçao?’ To answer this question, studies and corresponding theories discussing CSE’s policy (2.1), Kabeer’s (1992) Social Relations Approach (2.2), the concept of agency (2.3) and gender and sexual (2.4) norms, will be treated. This chapter will conclude with a conceptual scheme (2.5) that connects these concepts to demonstrate their simultaneous influence.

2.1 CSE: The Policy

Historically, discourses surrounding SBSE have shifted in accordance with the primary educational and public health concerns present in certain periods, ranging from the moral domain to that of physical wellbeing and human rights (Fincher, 1994). From the attempts to restrain unintended pregnancies in the ‘60s and ‘70s and the proliferation of HIV-infected people in the ‘80s, the focus of SBSE then shifted to eradicating sexual abuse in the ‘90s and ultimately also addressing issues of sexism, homophobia and online bullying from 2000 until today (European Expert Group on Sexuality Education, 2016). Nowadays, SBSE tends to emphasise dominant gender norms and issues related to gender inequality, existent within cultures (UNFPA, 2014).

In 1994, the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo, Egypt marked a significant change in the policy discourse surrounding SRH, and SBSE indirectly (Fincher, 1994). Until then, the debate on SRH had been predominated by moral beliefs on contraception and family planning, supported by the global influence of the Catholic Church (Zimmerman, 2015). However, the Program of Action presented in Cairo, and set up by the UN, emphasised the need to regard SRH as a human right (UN, 2014), along with “the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health”. This includes the access to sexuality education too, with a primary focus on adolescents. Subsequently, this conference can be perceived as the start of CSE and the UN’s aim to realise its universal execution (Ibid). In contrast to other forms of SBSE, such as abstinence-only sex education (AOSE) for example, CSE has repeatedly been stated as most comprehensive and most positively affecting people’s SRH (UNESCO, 2009). Numerous studies found how CSE can contribute to a decrease in the risk of HIV, postponed sexual behaviour, reduced STIs, and unintended pregnancies, including adolescent pregnancies (Santelli et al., 2006; Underhill et al., 2008; UNESCO, 2009; UNESCO 2018).

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12 Accordingly, UN institutions, as well as many other global institutions, policy makers and researchers, have frequently pushed for CSE to become a global policy, ordering governments to make its implementation available on a national scale (Haberland & Rogow, 2015). To assist countries in this process, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has set-up international guidelines on CSE (UNESCO, 2009; 2018). Stressing its need, the reports argue how lacking sexuality and relationship education might endanger adolescents to “harmful sexual behaviours and sexual exploitation” (UNESCO, 2018, p. 18), subsequently restricting their sexual agency (section 2.3.2). Along with increasing adolescents’ agency and improving gender equality, UNESCO (2009; 2018) repeatedly addresses the need for CSE to reflect on local gender and sexual norms. Although the guidance cite ways for stakeholders to improve CSE commitment among people and enhance the chance of its successful implementation, it does so by merely recommending the usage of existing (local) data and (inter)national documents that support and show the relevance of CSE. What the documents fail to provide, however, are concrete ideas on how to deal with existing taboos and dominant gender and sexual norms in countries, argued to contribute to gender inequality and the violation of human rights. Instead, UNESCO (2018) stresses the importance of CSE to not only be age-appropriate but culturally sensitive too, additionally emphasising the reports’ voluntary nature and national governments’ authority to “determine the content of educational curricula in their country” (p. 13). However, it is exactly these statements that can complicate decisive policy on the possible adoption and implementation CSE in countries. After all, who determines what content is appropriate to teach children? Besides, governmental institutions deciding on CSE, are likely to be influenced by other institutions and social relations that simultaneously perpetuate dominant gender and sexual norms. Accordingly, this supposedly affects their decisions on the possible adoption and implementation of CSE too.

Furthermore, UNESCO’s (2009, 2018) allegations of CSE’s non-mandatory character can also be regarded as self-contradictory. Whereas the guidance claim to recognise the diverse local backgrounds in which CSE can be taught, acknowledging how people’s personal or professional beliefs might differ from the CSE curriculum, national government and teachers are simultaneously expected to implement CSE as intended, to ensure the programme succeeds (Buston et al., 2002; Vanwesenbeeck et al., 2016). Along with their tendency to label scientific evidence as superior to religious and cultural beliefs, the guidance can be interpreted as actually imposing a certain method of teaching, similar to prevailing ideas about sex and sexuality in many countries in the Global North (Adams & Pigg, 2005; Lesko, 2010; Lamb, 2013; Shannon, 2016).

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13 focus during the transition from the 2000-2015 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to the 2015-2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), where the importance of enhanced gender equality and education’s role in improving adolescent’s agency and SRHR is increasingly acknowledged (pp. 13-14). However, to be truly inclusive and “leave no one behind” (UNDG, 2019), as the SDGs key principal guarantees, one might argue how CSE should thus be adopted and implemented with the sincere consideration of local gender and sexual norms, including how to address these when possibly harmful, and studied per country. The current tendency to generalise countries’ local norms, automatically labelling them as undesirable, conflicts with this message. Before these gender and sexual norms are discussed, it is relevant to first examine the institutions and social relations producing and reproducing them, as well as the structure and agency in which they occur, to better understand how it connects to the topics discussed so far. 2.2 Social Relations & Institutions

Analysing how the possible adaption and implementation of CSE in Curaçao is influenced by its environment, this Thesis makes use of the Social Relations Approach (SRA), as formulated by Naila Kabeer (1992). Accordingly, this section will define the framework (2.2.1) and explain how it relates to UNESCO’s (2009; 2018) guidance on CSE (2.2.2).

2.2.1 Defining SRA

The SRA is a model through which existing inequalities and power structures can be studied, in order to improve a person’s agency (March, Smyth & Mukhopadhyay, 1999). Constructions of power (re)producing gender inequality are at the core of the SRA framework (p. 117). Different from the Harvard Framework and the Longwe Framework for instance, the SRA specifically stresses the fluidity of gender relations over time, subsequently changing societies too (p. 23). Being highly related to concepts such as power, gender inequality, agency and structure, the SRA was thus regarded as most appropriate for this research. Before describing how the framework is related to CSE as well, this section will discuss the essential features of which the SRA is composed.

First, development is perceived as increasing human well-being (March et al., 1999, p. 102). Thus, according to Kabeer, the primary goals of development should not merely be focused on economic progress and enhanced productivity (p. 103). Instead, the aspect of development as increasing human well-being addresses issues also related to survival, safety and self-government (Ibid). This links to the UN’s policy on access to SRH, including CSE, as a human right, and CSE contributing to improving adolescents’ autonomy (UNESCO 2009; 2018).

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14 Secondly, social relations are a central component of the SRA. These are the structural connections that form and reproduce “systematic differences in the positioning of different groups of people” (March et al., 1999, p. 103). When people identify themselves according to their social relations, groups of people will thus be arranged within the structure and hierarchy of their society. This is how social relations generate intersectional inequalities, including gender (Ibid).

Thirdly, institutions are an essential part of the SRA, defined as the body of rules in which different social or economic goals are acquired (Kabeer & Subrahmanian, 1996). Since institutions construct, strengthen and reconstruct social relations, they can be seen as a fundamental cause of social inequalities (March et al., 1999; Miles, 2016). According to Kabeer, the main institutions are the state, market, community and family/kinship, although the international community might be included as well (March et al., 1999). Thus, the community for example can be seen as the broader institutional body of rules determining the way in which different ‘supra-family groupings’ (Kabeer & Subrahmanian, 1996) are organised, such as voluntary unions, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and neighbourhood networks (Kabeer & Subrahmanian, 1996; March et al., 1999). Since institutions are interrelated, this means that adjustments in one institution will have consequences for another. Moreover, Kabeer disputes the idea of institutions being ideologically neutral (Ibid). When identified, however, institutional ideologies that perpetuate inequality are generally justified by institutions as being ‘natural’, based on culture, religion or tradition.

It is worth mentioning not to confuse institutions with organisations, since the latter can additionally be explained as “the specific structural forms that institutions take” (North, as cited in Kabeer & Subrahmanian, 1996). To provide for a comprehensive overview of stakeholders’ perceptions on the influence of institutions on CSE policy at Curaçao, this research treats numerous organisations, affiliated to institutions. Apart from the aforementioned institutions, organisations within, for instance, the community, might also disagree on the adoption and implementation of CSE. To analyse how perceptions differ not only between, but within institutions too, it is thus relevant to examine organisations as well.

Although Kabeer acknowledges that institutions (and subsequent organisations) can alter between cultures, she argues how every institution consists of at least five different but interconnected aspects of social relations, namely: rules, resources, people, activities and power (March et al., 1999). Studying these aspects through institutional analysis is essential to recognise how different men and women are affected. The SRA can thus be used as a framework to analyse both the direct and indirect causes of certain structures and their

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15 subsequent effects on the individuals concerned (Kabeer, 1992; Kabeer & Subrahmanian, 1996; March et al., 1999; Miles, 2016).

2.2.2 CSE & SRA

Vanwesenbeeck et al. (2016) also emphasise the importance of studying CSE in relation to social relations and institutions. For instance, they argue how, even after adequate training, studies show that CSE teachers generally tend to revert to their former ways of lecturing when their school and community are non-supportive of the CSE curricula (p. 479). Additionally, Walker (2004) argues how students are likely to regard SBSE negatively when their parents disapprove of its teaching. This might affect how and if CSE is taught and could subsequently result in the continuation of possible harmful gender and sexual norms. UNESCO (2018) acknowledges the significant role of social relations and institutions as well, arguing CSE to be most effective when implemented as a ‘multicomponent programme’, involving those outside schools to participate in discussions on SBSE too, including religious leaders and parents (p. 30). Thus, studying existing gender and sexual norms at Curaçao, perpetuated through social relations and institutions, are therefore presumed to give a better understanding of the aspects affecting the possible adaption and implementation of CSE, including those that produce, reinforce or transform gender inequality. Finally, since social relations and institutions are intersectional, link to both micro and macro levels of change and relate to rules, norms and the construction of societies, they can also be associated with concepts such as agency, structure and identities, as will presently be discussed.

2.3 Agency

An extensive amount of literature has been written on the concept of agency, however, theories tend to differ between disciplines. For the purpose of this research, the concept of agency will be studied in relation to structure, using Giddens (1984) structuration theory. This is because both agency and structure are inextricably linked with expressions of power, which in turn can be associated with social relations and institutions and gender and sexual norms, as will later be addressed. Subsequent to explaining agency and structure (2.3.1), this section also treats the concept of sexual agency more specifically (2.3.2), demonstrating its correspondence with CSE’s focus on autonomy, gender equality and human rights.

2.3.1 Defining Agency

According to Gidden’s (1984) structuration theory, social activity always holds an element of both structure and agency. The concept of structure signifies the repetitively formed

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16 arrangements present in a certain society, subsequently affecting or restraining people’s possible options and opportunities (Barker, 2003). Agency then can be explained as someone’s capability to function independently and make free and individual decisions (Idem). Whereas structures are perceived to influence the agency of individuals and groups (Gammage, Kabeer & van der Meulen Rodgers, 2016), this also applies in reverse. In this sense, the agency performed by individuals and groups either reproduce, modify or transform a certain structure (p. 1). Structures can thus be both restrictive and empowering (Barker, 2003), since they shape the way in which individuals and groups decide to act. This is what Giddens (1984) calls the ‘duality of structure’. Accordingly, institutional decisions on whether to copy, adapt or reject the CSE curriculum in Curaçao, influence adolescents’ agency and ultimately reproduce, modify or transform structures too.

Examining the reproduction of a structure, Barker (2003) points out how “in and through their activities, agents reproduce the conditions that make those activities possible. Having been constituted as man or woman by gendered expectations and practices, having learned to be a father or mother, we then act in accordance with those rules, reproducing them again” (p. 235). These are performed and propagated on micro as well as macro level, and therefore need to be studied both in order to avoid circular reason (Giddens, 1999). When looking at UNESCO’s (2009; 2018) discourse on SBSE for example, social relations and apparent sexuality (micro level) can be linked to a policy shift in which, currently, rationality rather than religious beliefs (macro level) predominate (Lesko, 2010). However, the adjustment of certain laws on marriage and sexuality (macro level) and changes due to varying routines, altered beliefs in people’s daily lives (micro level) or social movements originated from distress (both micro and macro level) affect societies as well (Giddens, 1999) and thus presumably ideas on SBSE more indirectly. This shows how structures can be modified or transformed through agency too.

Folbre (1994) also links the concept of structure and agency to that of identity. She describes how there are certain shared limitations constructed in a society. These can be rules, norms, assets and preferences (Gammage et al., 2016). As a result, individuals are placed within the social hierarchy conform these limitations, taking into account their overlapping group identities. Intersecting social identities include race, sexual orientation, gender identity, class, religion and nationality (Erel, Haritaworn, Rodríguez, & Klesse, 2010). Thus, individuals’ process of identification is revealed through both these social identities and simultaneously interacting social relations (as part of the SRA framework described in section 2.2). As these social identities create benefits for certain individuals, while being disadvantageous or even discriminating to others, scholars often link the concept of identity to relations of privilege and

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17 oppression (p. 64). Thus, the process of identity controls the extent of one’s agency (Gammage et al., 2016).

As Giddens (1987) argues, agency is therefore inextricably linked with power. Power, he states, can be defined as “‘transformative capacity’, or the capability to intervene in a given set of events so as in some way to alter them” (p. 7). Whereas rules tend to be authorised, carried out by formal institutions, the character of norms is less explicit and rather shaped by ideas of who we are (p. 2). As Gammage et al. (2016) state “the gap between rules and norms is one way in which change may be blocked” (p. 2). To give an example: A government might make Modern Contraceptive Methods (MCMs) a mandatory topic of the CSE curriculum, arguing for a positive stance on its usage when taught in classrooms. However, when the overall norm in a country might be to not use any form of MCMs, for instance due to cultural or religious beliefs, its achievement will be challenging. Thus, linked to CSE, the influence of official rules and more implicit gender and sexual norms, structured in Curaçao society and perpetuated through social relations and institutions, supposedly affect decisions on CSE’s possible adoption and implementation, ultimately determining adolescents’ agency too. 2.3.2 CSE & (Sexual) Agency

Related to CSE’s aspiration (UNESCO, 2009; 2018) to improve universal gender equality and human rights by teaching adolescents safe sexual behaviour and autonomy, is the concept of sexual agency. Since this concept is debated upon and defined differently among critics (Averett, Benson, & Vaillancourt, 2008; Peterson, 2010), for the purpose of this study, the definition by Crown & Roberts (2007) is adopted, describing sexual agency as “the ability to act according to one’s will in a sexual realm” (p. 386). Accordingly, scholars often associate sexual agency with sexual self-efficacy and sexual assertiveness. Sexual self-efficacy relates to one’s self-confidence of being capable of prosecuting certain behaviour that contributes to safe sex (Curtin, et al., 2011), such as the prevention of unintended pregnancies and STIs. Sexual assertiveness, according to East & Adams (2002) contains an individual’s capability to express his or her sexual needs and desires. This includes initiating or denying sexual intercourse and discussing preferred sexual behaviour (Greene, & Faulkner, 2005). However, sexual assertiveness is associated with power too (East & Adams, 2002). For instance, traditional gender norms on ‘proper’ female sexual behaviour, along with prevailing ideas on male sexuality, may possibly disempower female adolescents, subsequently negatively affecting their sexual agency and making them increasingly susceptible for harmful sexual behaviour (Curtin et al., 2011; Pearson, 2006; Tolman, 1994, 1999, 2002; Tolman et al., 2003; Tolman et al., 2006; Tolman & Porche, 2000). This shows how sexual agency can thus also be associated with social

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18 identities (identifying oneself as female) and social relations (acting out in accordance with identified acceptable female behaviour when interacting with others).

Finally, as Cense (2019) explains, the current SRH policy discourse of the Global North also centres around this improved sexual agency for adolescents, subsequently connecting this to concepts of individuality, responsibility and control, as well as a person’s right to choose (Plummer, 2003). However, as Richardson (2017) states: “This is a discourse of individual entitlement: the focus is on the individual ‘choosing’ subject” (p. 216), resulted from neoliberal ideology (Cense, 2019). In reality, as Cense (2019) correspondingly argues, individual’s sex(ual) decisions are often dependent on existing norms and social relations, as also discussed in this section. Therefore, a revised, more inclusive form of CSE should treat these perceived parts of sexual agency too (p. 260). This makes it relevant to also study existing gender and sexual norms at Curaçao, subsequently perpetuated through social relations. As CSE’s policy (UNESCO, 2009; 2018) often links sexual agency to improved gender equality, gender norms will be treated first, in order to demonstrate how they relate to the other theoretical concepts in this study.

2.4 Gender & Sexual Norms

As described, individuals identify themselves through restricting norms, constructed in society, which subsequently places them in a social hierarchy conform these limitations (2.3). Moreover, people can identify themselves according to their social relations too (2.2). Hence, groups of people are arranged within the structure and hierarchy of their societies. These restricting norms include gender and sexual norms too. Accordingly, this section will successively treat gender (2.4.1) and sexual norms (2.4.2), Gender-Based Violence (GBV) (2.4.3) and CSE’s guidelines (UNESCO, 2009; 2018) in relation to gender and sexual norms (2.4.4).

2.4.1 Defining Gender Norms

Gender can be seen as a socially constructed identity, affecting one’s agency (2.3). To quote Bartky (1997) in this regards: “We are born male or female, but not masculine or feminine” (p. 95). In other words: One is not born with gender, but is seen in terms of gender, established and continuously propagated through dominant power structures present in society. As gender norms are constructed ideas on how people are ought to behave and act, gender is thus always a doing (Butler, 1990). This continuous process of gender being produced and reproduced by individuals is what Butler (1990) calls ‘gender performativity’. Additionally, she argues, this performativity is highly influenced by the overall dominant gender norm present in many societies, which is that of the heterosexual, possessing ‘typical’ male or female traits (Ibid).

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19 Subsequently, these are perpetuated through powerful discourses of gender hegemony. Explaining these hegemonic gender characteristics, Prentice & Carranza (2002) describe how ‘typical’ feminine traits traditionally encompass “affectionate, compassionate, eager to soothe hurt feelings, feminine, flatterable, gentle, gullible, loves children, loyal, sensitive to the needs of others, tender, understanding, warm and yielding” (p. 269). Traits related to as ‘typical’ masculine, on the other hand, include “act as a leader, aggressive, assertive, competitive, defends own beliefs, dominant, forceful, independent, individualistic, masculine, self-reliant, self-sufficient, strong personality and willing to take risks” (pp. 269-270). This demonstrates how traditional gender roles tend to regard women as passive subjects and men as active agents. Nevertheless, it is relevant to mention gender’s plurality. As described by Butler (2004), gender is often discussed as masculine/feminine, man/woman and male/female, therefore perpetuating the assumption of gender as binary concept (p. 43). Although this research acknowledges this notion, it centres around the way in which Curaçao institutions and social relations perpetuate inequality through existing gender norms, which were found to predominantly relate to binary, traditional, heterosexual gender roles of what it means to be a man (masculinity) and woman (feminity). Without denying gender’s complexity, this binary distinction might therefore predominate this study.

2.4.2 Defining Sexual Norms

‘Normal’ sexuality is not merely related to issues of gender or identifying as hetero- or homosexual, but additionally involves the assessment of sexual relationships and behaviour by certain social norms (Bay‐Cheng, 2001). What is perceived as ‘normal’ sexuality often differs between countries. Accordingly, discussions on the appropriate SBSE are rooted in contrasting social norms on sexuality (Jones, 2011; Shannon, 2016), defined as sexual norms. Describing these contrasts, reports and literature generally distinguish ideologies behind SBSE to be to either ‘conservative’ or ‘progressive’, subsequently associating its curricula with AOSE and CSE. Whereas AOSE is often linked to tradition, ‘underdevelopment’ and conservative religious ideas, CSE is predominantly identified as modern, scientifically correct and ‘free’, in the sense of sexual performance and its related discussions (Adams & Pigg, 2005; Lesko, 2010; Lamb, 2013; Shannon, 2016). However, as described in this chapter, although CSE declares to be objective and free from prejudices, this type of SBSE is indirectly positioned around moral beliefs and norms too. According to Adams & Pigg (2005), ‘modern’ sexual knowledge, of which CSE can be recognized to be part, pursuits to achieve a global common on sexuality, or a universal sexual norm.

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20 morality, grounded in religious and cultural beliefs (Wood & Aggleton, 2003; Vanwesenbeeck et al., 2016). Religious beliefs often perceive sexuality as a ‘divine gift’ or consider sex outside marriage as intolerable (Shtarkshall et al., 2007). Related SBSE subsequently tends to leave social conditions of sexuality unaddressed, especially the so-called ‘big four taboos’ of homosexuality, contraception, masturbation and abortion (Zimmerman, 2015, p. 87). Accordingly, there are many cultures where sexuality is considered to be immoral and taboo, particularly in the case of (unmarried) adolescents (Wood & Aggleton, 2003; Vanwesenbeeck et al., 2016). Activities believed to infringe such sexual norms, are often stigmatised (Wood & Aggleton, 2003). As a result, adolescents’ sexuality might repeatedly be discriminated against through related taboos on sex and sexuality.

Whereas Santelli et al. (2006) argue that, although there might not necessarily be any harm in promoting abstinence as safe behaviour for adolescents through SBSE, it does become scientifically and ethically questionable when students are left to believe that abstinence is the only choice, and information about contraceptives is withheld (p. 72). Additionally, critics argue how particular sexual norms, advocated by the Catholic Church, might reproduce “sexist ideologies that legitimate gender inequality” (Glick, Lameiras & Castro, 2002, p. 433), while education is actually expected to minimise such ideas. In the United States, implementing CSE was also shown to be inhibited by dominant religious beliefs from authorities at the state-level (Cavazos-Rehg et al., 2012).

Curaçao is an interesting country in this regard. On the one hand, 72,8 percent of Curaçao’s population is of Roman Catholic faith (CBS Curaçao, 2012) and religious organisations were perceived among participants to be of substantial influence on policy decisions, including those on SBSE. However, people’s sexual behaviour was subsequently considered to be opposite of those religious beliefs, and rather associated as ‘Caribbean behaviour’, as addressed in literature too (Kempadoo, 2009). This contradiction aligns with the idea that beliefs on the appropriate SBSE, as well as existing sexual norms, are more complex and diverse than the described binary representations in literature and reports (Jones, 2011; Shannon, 2016). Thus, rather than comparing perceived ‘conservative’ and ‘progressive’ sexual norms at Curaçao, this exploratory policy study aspires to demonstrate a middle-ground of mutual norms and values in which adopted CSE could be taught. This makes it relevant to analyse specific sexual norms for Curaçao, as well as their correspondences and differences from CSE guidelines.

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21 2.4.3 Gender-Based Violence

Gender and sexual norms that enforce gender inequality are often related to Gender-Based Violence (GBV). Described as violence related to a person’s biological sex or gender (Watts & Zimmerman, 2002), this includes physical, sexual, psychological or economical abuse (Council of Europe, 2011). Subsequently, numerous research shows how children and female adolescents that are victims of abuse, are more likely to become victims of physical, sexual, psychological or economic abuse as women, also known as revictimisation (Messman-Moore & Long, 2000; Arata, 2002; Filipas & Ullman, 2006; Barnes, Noll, Putnam, & Trickett, 2009; Postmus, Hoge, Breckenridge, Sharp-Jeffs, & Chung, 2018). Additionally, GBV is described to significantly harm people’s SRH (Heise et al., 2002). For instance, sexually or physically abused women were associated with higher possibilities of unintended pregnancies and STIs (Heise, Ellsberg, & Gottmoeller, 2002). Although boys can become victims of GBV too (Carpenter, 2006; Russell, 2007), the majority of GBV relates to men harming girls and women (Heise et al., 2002). GBV against females is especially high in cultures where gender roles related to masculinity are associated with toughness and dominance (p. S8). Thus, GBV can be seen as rooted in power inequalities between men and women (Heise et al., 2002; Kempadoo, 2009; Bott, Guedes, Goodwin, & Mendoza, 2012; Essayag, 2017) and is frequently legitimised by institutions (Heise et al., 2002). This makes it important to analyse how GBV in Curaçao is (un)consciously maintained by different organisations too.

2.4.4 CSE, Gender Norms & Sexual Norms

As discussed, CSE guidance (2009; 2018) revolve around a policy aiming to globally enhance gender equality and human rights. Correspondingly, UNESCO (2009; 2018) advises teachers to treat hegemonic gender and sexual norms in their CSE lessons, in order to challenge certain dominant ideas present in society that could disadvantage people’s SRHR, including possible harmful consequences, such as GBV. However, in countries where religious beliefs reject premarital sex, and dominant masculinity and femininity are prevailing, one might understand how CSE curricula treating topics of safe sex among adolescents and enhanced gender equality, focusing on improved sexual self-efficacy and assertiveness (2.3.2), could evoke great resistance. Besides, only looking at how, and if, gender and sexual norms are treated by CSE teachers, fails to consider the ability of these exact same norms affecting teachers to begin with, as supposedly accounts for other relevant organisations as well. Gender and sexual norms structured in a society position individuals within a social hierarchy, influencing their agency and the way they perceive not only themselves, but also others, and are perceived by others through social relations (2.3). Studying gender and sexual norms can thus demonstrate its

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22 influence on institutional decisions regarding the adoption and implementation of CSE, subsequently reproducing, modifying or transforming a certain discourse on how adolescent men and women are ought to (sexually) behave.

2.5 Connecting the Themes

Connecting the themes in this chapter that provide a theoretical framework in which this research takes place, resulted in the conceptual scheme illustrated in figure 1.

As presented in figure 1 and in correspondence with the theories discussed in this chapter, the adoption and implementation of CSE can result in increased human well-being. However, policy on CSE is presumably affected by dominant gender and sexual norms in society, which simultaneously intersect through social relations and institutions (of which the state,

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23 community, kinship and international community are the units of analysis of this study, 4.2). Accordingly, social relations and institutions were found to influence each other too. Finally, as treated, the combination of these factors can control one’s agency and subsequently structure societies. Analysing how institutions and gender and sexual norms at Curaçao influence the adoption and implementation of CSE can therefore reveal how individual agency is limited and societies are structured. Demonstrating the culturally sensitivities that need to be considered might additionally enhance the chance of CSE’s successful adoption and implementation and thus increase human well-being.

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3. Research Location & Context

This study has been conducted in Willemstad, Curaçao. As stated in the introduction, there is no mandatory SBSE present at Curaçao. However, several existing issues at the island demonstrate the possible benefits of implementing CSE. These will thus be discussed first (3.1). To clarify several organisations treated in chapter 5, how SBSE is governed at Curaçao is treated next (3.2). Finally, Caribbean gender norms and sexual norms contrasting with those of CSE guidance (UNESCO 2009; 2018) are discussed (3.3), to demonstrate what might complicate the process of implementing CSE and thus show the relevance of this research. 3.1 General Information

The research context for this study is Curaçao, its capital Willemstad more specifically. The island is 444 sq. km and has a population of 158,665 (CBS Curaçao, 2019a). Although Curaçao is officially independent since 10 October 2010 (Bloemhof, 2019), the Netherlands still assists the island through, for instance, financial aid and the regular control of budgetary policy and public finances (Government of the Netherlands, n.d.). Moreover, as both Curaçao and the Netherlands are part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, they share foreign policy and defence. Although educational funding’s were among this financial assistance too, this was ceased in 2012 (Ibid). However, the Dutch government can still intervene in Curaçao budgetary, as was done recently (Bloemhof, 2019).

Whereas the World Health Organisation (WHO) classifies Curaçao as a high-income country (UNICEF, 2013), around 25 percent of the its inhabitants, including children, live in poverty, which might have serious consequences for the entire society. Unemployment rates have significantly increased: From 13,4 percent in 2018 to 21,2 percent in 2019 (CBS Curaçao, 2019b). Moreover, when comparing socioeconomic status of people, numbers show (Gomes

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25 Casseres, 2015; Vierbergen, 2013) how the lowest and middle income groups annually increase, whereas the highest income groups minimises. Additionally, the majority of people emigrating from Curaçao to other countries, are men and women between 20-24 years of age (CBS Curaçao, 2019a). As repeatedly argued by participants, and acknowledged in reports (UNICEF, 2013), brain drain is among one of the island’s existing issues (“we export our most important future: the youth”, participant 6, government). Thus, one of the reasons of this unemployment, might be that those who can afford it, leave the island to live or study somewhere else.

Moreover, the percentage of single-mother household families at the island is relatively high. As shown in research conducted by the Public Health Institute Curaçao (Verstraeten, 2015), 48,9 percent of students indicated to come from a two-parents household, 39,8 percent a single-mother household and 4,2 percent a single-father household (5,2 percent claimed to live with adult family members and 1,9 percent with no adult family members). This corresponds with participants’ arguments of the high numbers of single-household families at Curaçao to predominantly consist of single-mothers.

Although research by the Central Bureau of Statistics Curaçao (CBS, 2019a) estimated a decrease in adolescent pregnancies between 2012 and 2017, this data is provisional. Numerous other studies, however, argued how, apart from French Guyana, Curaçao was the only estimated Caribbean country to experience a rise in adolescent pregnancies between 2005-2015, when compared to 2005-2010 (PAHO, UNFPA & UNICEF, 2017). Moreover, female adolescents in Curaçao were indicated to become pregnant at an earlier age than before (UNICEF, 2013), with an evaluated growth in multiple child bearings below the age of 18 as well. UNICEF (2013) associates these issues with insufficient CSE, the taboo on discussing sex and sexuality within families and incorrect ideas on birth control present at the island (p. 92). Additionally, the countries’ legal law of consent remains at 16 years of age, ‘so that there is no punishment for an adult who has sexual relations with a 16 year old’ (p. 59). As described in several studies (Van den Brink et al., 2011; Boersma et al., 2012; Verstraeten, 2015), knowledge about the prevention of STIs and pregnancies appears to be lacking for many Curaçao adolescents. Finally, almost half of the adolescent pregnancies on the island is estimated to end in abortion (Boersma et al., 2012), while the number of adolescent mothers is nearly seven times higher than is the case for the Netherlands (Volksgezondheid Instituut Curaçao, 2015). However, since abortion is illegal by law at Curaçao (but tolerated), these numbers are estimations.

Same-sex marriage is a particularly controversial topic at Curaçao. The first gay pride was organised in 2013 (Curaçao Chronicle, 2018) and has evoked severe resistance among Curaçao population since. Moreover, a motion to promote same-sex marriage for the (then still)

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26 Dutch Antilles, set up by the Netherlands in 2009 (Mentens, 2009), was received disapprovingly among those unaccepting of same-sex marriage, but supporters too: A leading promoter of LGBT-rights at the island, argued its self-contradiction with the autonomous role of the Antillean States. As this research will demonstrate, several participants also cited this perceived interference from the Dutch government. In 2018, the Association of Christian Pastors again emphasised Curaçao people that marriage should be “exclusively for a man and a woman, in accordance with the creation” (Curaçao Chronicle, 2018). Related to SBSE then, the association argued how “this natural exclusivity [of a heterosexual marriage] is attacked and must be defended so that it will not be used later in our schools and curricula”. Finally, related to CSE guidelines (UNESCO 2009, 2018) that regard homosexuality as healthy sexual attraction, the association cited: “People who advocate free sex, who engage in homosexual and paedophile practices, remain outside the Kingdom of God. Some of you have been like that before. You are now washed clean. You have been declared innocent”. This shows how both SBSE and related topics remain of important discussion at the island. It also demonstrates the relevance of studying prevailing gender and sexual norms at Curaçao, that might actually contrast with these religious beliefs, as will be treated accordingly.

3.2 How SBSE is Governed at Curaçao

First, SBSE is controlled by the Curaçao government (Gobiernu, n.d.-a) and part of both the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture & Sport (OWCS) and the Ministry of Health, Environment & Nature (GMN). Although legalisation for basic education does state that schools have to teach about the human body, and materials are largely supplied by government (participant 28, government), specific guidelines for SBSE are absent. Biba Amor is the only governmental secondary school programme at Curaçao that specifically focuses on SBSE, but tends to be incomplete and a one-off, without measurements of its long-term effects (participant 6, government). One might thus argue how there is a gap in the governmental provision of adequate SBSE at Curaçao (as further examined in 5.1). Secondly, at Curaçao, school boards predominantly execute school policy and tend to control subsequent school decisions, including those related to possible SBSE. The three largest school boards at Curaçao are the Dienst Openbare Scholen (DOS), part of the Ministry of OWCS (Gobiernu, n.d.-c), the Rooms-Katholiek Centraal Schoolbestuur (RKCS), which is the Roman-Catholic School Board of Curaçao (RKCS, n.d.) and the Vereniging voor Protestants Christelijk Onderwijs (VPCO), which is the Association for Protestant Christian Education of the island (VPCO, n.d.). Out of the 101 Curaçao schools that are subsidised by the Curaçao government (OWCS, 2019), RKCS governs 55 schools, DOS 33 and VPCO 7 (p. 10).

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27 Finally, there are several Curaçao NGOs working on SRHR issues, including improved SBSE. These include Fundashon Famia Plania (the Promotion of Responsible Parenthood), Bos di Hubentut (focused on preventing child abuse), Kas Broeder Pius (shelter for pregnant female adolescents and adolescent mothers) and Mami Sa (focuses on adult single mothers with children aged 3 years and above). Although all these NGOs might play a role in the debate surrounding possible CSE at Curaçao, they struggle with lacking subsidies, which subsequently complicates their work. Apart from training teachers and parents, Famia Plania and Bos di Hubentut additionally give external SBSE too. Whereas Famia Plania does so occasionally, Bos di Hubentut has a contract with all school boards at Curaçao to give external SBSE in primary schools on child abuse (Bos di Hubentut, n.d.). However, since this organisation focuses on the sexual abuse of children (including incest), their education tends to treat healthy sexuality only briefly. Although with the best intentions and highly needed (as argued by numerous participants), the provided external SBSE to children by NGOs staff lack the time and (financial) resources to cover a broader, more comprehensive form of SBSE that, for instance, addresses prevailing gender and sexual norms at the island too. The presence of these norms can nevertheless be regarded as substantial, as will subsequently be treated.

3.3 Caribbean Gender and Sexual Norms

Whereas research on the Caribbean tends to lack specific Curaçao data, studies argue how norms in Caribbean countries can be perceived as similar (Kempadoo, 2003; 2009; Lewis, 2003). Besides, since studies on gender and sexual norms at Curaçao are difficult to find, this makes it relevant to describe Caribbean gender and sexual norms and see how they compare to those at Curaçao. Successively, this section treats notions of masculinity and femininity and double sexual standards as described in studies on Caribbean sexual and gender norms.

Gender roles related to dominant notions of masculinity and femininity are often described to prevail in Caribbean countries. Studies generally portray Caribbean men as “powerful, exceedingly promiscuous, derelict in his parental duties, often absent from the household, and, if present, unwilling to undertake his share of domestic responsibilities” (Lewis, 2003, p. 107). Subsequently, ‘real’ masculinity is generally described in terms of how often men engage in extramarital sex and having children from multiple women (Kempadoo & Taitt, 2006; Obare et al., 2017). This was frequently mentioned among participants too, referring to these various sexual relationships at the same time with the Papiamentu metonym bysides. Dominant Caribbean gender norms on ‘real’ femininity, on the other hand, typically relate to women getting pregnant and entering motherhood (Ibid). This demonstrates how gender and sexual norms are closely associated.

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28 Societal norms in many Caribbean countries tend to encourage numerous early and unsafe sexual encounters with women among male adolescents too (Kempadoo, 2009; Plummer, 2013; Plummer, McLean & Simpson, 2008). Resulted pregnancies, even unintended, are often identified as ratifying manhood. In addition, almost half of the sexually active female adolescents and one out of three male adolescents in numerous Caribbean countries indicated their first sexual intercourse to be involuntarily (Halcón, 2003), with almost 50 percent reporting their first sexual intercourse below the age of 10. Thus, social gender identities and social relations might not just affect women negatively, but men as well (Odih, 2002). Additionally, although 72,8 percent of the Curaçao population is of Roman Catholic faith (CBS Curaçao, 2012), participants often referred to people’s acting as rather Caribbean or Latin-American, describing the island’s hypocrisy and double sexual standards in relation to prevailing extramarital sex, sexual abuse, adolescents pregnancies and simultaneous taboo on discussing sex and sexuality. Accordingly, Caribbean sexuality is “both hypervisible and obscured” (Kempadoo, 2009, p. 1). On the one hand, popular culture frequently portrays sexuality as essential part of Caribbean communities, which is subsequently used in tourists advertising as well. On the other hand, this same sexuality revolves around ambiguity, secrecy and stigma. Kempadoo (2009) argues how in many Caribbean countries, cultural and moral taboos on sexuality are so persistent, sexuality education (whether formal or informal) tends to be taught solely in relation to disapproval of premarital sex (p. 11).

Besides, heterosexuality and male sexual desire predominate in studies on Caribbean sexual norms (Kempadoo, 2003), thus relating to gender norms too. Whereas masculine sexual behaviour is associated with “polygamy, identity and power”, feminine sexual behaviour identified by “fidelity, reproductive interests and economic needs” (p. 59). Subsequently, women engaging in multiple sexual relationships is only perceived as acceptable behaviour when economically motivated (Chevannes, 2001). Studies on female adolescent sexuality in marginalised Caribbean communities (Kempadoo, 2009) describe how these girls are involved in prostitution and transactional sex (sex in exchange for material goods). Often related to girls having sex with older men, motivations embody payment for education, money or obtaining footwear (p. 7). This appears to be a serious issue at Curaçao too, described among participants as encapsulated child prostitution and related to the term sugar daddies as well, and subsequently concurs with declarations of the Public Prosecution Service of Curaçao (Antilliaans Dagblad, 2018) and a report by UNICEF (2013).

Furthermore, scholars (De Lisle, 2018; Plummer, 2013) argue how behaviour that contrasts with these prevailing sexual norms, is often perceived to infringe masculinity and femininity. Several studies describe dominant gender roles and subsequent required

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29 heterosexuality to be the fundamental impetus of the fierce taboo on homosexuality present in many Caribbean counties (Crichlow, 2004; Glave, 2004; Lewis, 2003). Whereas partially grounded in religious beliefs, strong notions of masculinity were found to predominate homophobic rational (White & Carr, 2005). Paradoxically, studies also illustrate how bisexuality is prevalent (Kempadoo, 2009). However, individual’s in these same-sex relations tend to define their actions as behaviour rather than identity. This might be because these people often stated to have heterosexual relationships too. Still, discrimination, shame and taboo in relation to homosexuality was cited to play a role in not-identifying according to one’s sexuality as well (p. 6).

Finally, studies show GBV to be a severe problem in Caribbean countries (Kempadoo, 2009; Bott, Ellsberg, & Morrison, 2004; Bott et al., 2012; Van Wijk & De Bruijn, 2012; Essayag, 2017). For Curaçao specifically, numbers of domestic abuse of Curaçao adults were found to not only rise when concerning women, but younger people, low levels of education and domestic child abuse were stated to have increased risk of domestic abuse as well (Van Wijk & De Bruijn, 2012). Therefore, it is relevant to also include GBV in this study, supposedly legitimised by institutions (2.4.3), to see how this might possibly hinder the process of successfully implementing CSE at Curaçao. To conclude, it must be noted how numerous studies place Caribbean gender and sexual norms in a historical perspective (Barnes, 2010; Barriteau, 1998, 2004; Beckles, 1995; Kempadoo, 2003, 2004, 2009; Lewis, 2003, 2013). Described concepts of colonialism, slavery and nationalism are perceived as crucial to consider in understanding current gender and sexual norms prevailing in Caribbean societies. Although acknowledging its importance, to limit the scope of this study, historical aspects of gender and sexual norms were not studied in depth. Further research might focus on CSE’s importance to consider historical aspects of gender and sexual norms in culturally sensitive curricula.

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4. Research Methodology

This chapter will discuss the study’s methodology. The first sections consider this research’ philosophical stance (4.1), units of analysis (4.2) and methods and analysis (4.3). The final sections discuss ethical considerations and my reflexive positionality (4.4) and reflect on the methodology and limitations of this study (4.5).

4.1 Philosophical Stance

Viewpoints of this research comply with that of social constructionism. Social constructionists, as declared by Burr (2015), believe “our ways of understanding the world do not come from objective reality but from other people, both past and present. People are born into a world where the conceptual frameworks and categories used by the people in the culture already exist” (Burr, 2015, p. 25). Thus, in correspondence with theories of agency and structure, the fluidity of the SRA, intersecting social identities and norms discussed in chapter 2, this study starts from the position that societies are constructed, and therefore subject to change.

4.2 Units of Analysis

The units of analysis for this study corresponded with the applied SRA framework (Kabeer, 1992) and its distinguished main institutions. These are: the state, community, kinship (predominantly primary data) and international community (secondary data). Since organisations such as firms, financial corporations, farming enterprises and multinationals (March et al., 1999, p. 104) were not found nor indicated by participants to influence policies on CSE at Curaçao, the market as institution was omitted from this study due to lacking relevance. Institutional analysis of the described units were expected to demonstrate how subsequent gender and sexual norms, simultaneously perpetuated through social relations and institutions, affect the adoption and implementation of CSE at Curaçao.

4.3 Research Methods & Analysis

To study the described units of analysis, this section will subsequently discuss which methods were applied (4.3.1) and how the analysis of this data was executed (4.3.2).

4.3.1 Data Collection Methods

Qualitative methods are applied to answer questions related to experiences, interpretations and viewpoints, predominantly resulted from participants’ perspectives (Hammarberg, Kirkman, & de Lacey, 2016, p. 499). Since this is an exploratory policy study, aimed to analyse the

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31 perceived influence of institutions on the adoption and implementation of CSE from a multi-stakeholder perspective, qualitative research was thus considered most appropriate. The primary data provided for this research were obtained by conducting 26 in-depth interviews with 29 stakeholders, living and working in Willemstad. Affiliated to institutional subdivisions, at times defined as organisations (North, as cited in Kabeer & Subrahmanian, 1996), included stakeholders are presented in table 1.

As participants indicated being affiliated to several organisations (and institutions), numbers of interviewees per organisations are difficult to include as they give an distorted image. However, consideration of participants’ primary organisation (generally classified in accordance with their profession, and otherwise as ‘parents’ or ‘adolescents’) resulted in a fair representation of organisations. Additionally, participants affiliated to multiple organisations where asked questions related to all these organisations too. The interview questions (Annex I), derived from theory, successively addressed institutions and gender and sexual norms. Unfortunately, since no contacted school board responded to my repeated requests to interview them for this study, their willingness on the adoption and implementation of CSE in Curaçao is also only perceived, not affirmed. This possible limitation was overcome by the triangulation of data, as subsequently discussed. The research was conducted in collaboration with Famia Plania. Thus, grateful of my subsequent local supervisor of this organisation, the first participants were provided through her network. Additional interviewees were obtained through snowball sampling (possible limitations of this strategy are described in section 4.5).

Because of the indicated taboo on discussing sex and sexuality at Curaçao (UNICEF, 2013), additional considerations were taken into account. Prior to each interview, I clearly introduced myself and my research (intentions) again. Considering the possible sensitivity of the