High Tea in Indische Buurt
Gentrification as perceived, experienced and shaped by newcomer
woman entrepreneurs
Bachelor thesis project: Everyday life in gentrifying Amsterdam Tim Suijderhoud – 10576479
Human Geography and Planning Bahar Sakizlioglu
15th of March 2019
2
Preface
After a little more than half a year‘s research, I proudly present my Bachelor thesis. Close friends and relatives can confirm how the process of writing it has known trials and tribulations. I would like to express my gratitude towards my parents, firstly, to whom I owe at box of Nespresso capsules to say the least. Secondly, I’m grateful for the particularly helpful feedback and patience of my mentor in this project. Her understanding attitude towards the instability of my mental health has been exceptionally comforting.
I’ve had the opportunity to share an interesting story in this research, and I wish the reader a pleasant experience.
Tim Suijderhoud
Amsterdam, 15th of March 2019
Index
1. Introduction 4
2. Theoretical framework 5
2.1 Gentrification 5
2.2 Gender and gentrification 6
2.3 Woman workers and gentrification 6
2.4 Woman entrepreneurs and commercial gentrification 7
3. Problem definition and operationalisation 9
3.1 Problem definition 9 3.2 Operationalisation 9 4. Methodology 11 4.1 Research design 11 4.2 Case relevance 11 4.3 Methods 13 4.4 Research units 14
5. Women, entrepreneurship and gentrification in Indische Buurt 17
5.1 Experiences as an entrepreneur 17
5.2 Experience with and perceptions of gentrification 20
5.3 Role within gentrification 26
6. Conclusion 29
7. Discussion 30
8. References 32
4
1. Introduction
Within the field of gentrification research, the early increase of interest in the relation between gentrification and gender (Bondi, 1991; 1999, Bondi & Rose, 2003; Warde, 1990) has formed the fundament of gender and gentrification theory. Scholars argue that as gentrification is mostly referred to as class constitution, gender dynamics, identity and gendered power relations are often overlooked as important factors within the various processes of gentrification. Denying the importance of gender as a factor in any field of study is suggested to be an erratic train of thought.
“The wilful invisibility to gender, both in research and in citation practices, in the greater body of gentrification research reinforces the patriarchal practices that allow for the continuation of those gendered effects and helps to foreclose potential avenues for resistance.” (Curran, 2018)
Demographically, household structures within gentrified areas are undergoing change corresponding with changing gender roles. More dual-earner households and single living women are situated in gentrifying neighbourhoods, indicating an increasingly important role played by women as gentrifiers. They are actors on the housing market in their own right (Kern, 2010). Bondi and Rose (2003) state, however, that research on everyday lives of women in the context of gentrification is still underrepresented in this field of study, as research typically focuses on large scale demographics to refer to urban transformation. Thus, there is reason to argue how women’s experience of everyday life in the context of gentrification processes is an area within gentrification research that deserves to be further examined.
In addition to the influence of women on residential gentrification, there’s evidence of growth in strength of the position of women with regard to commercial gentrification (Hanson, 2009) Moreover, Kern (2013) argues how woman workers in gentrifying neighbourhoods in general are affected by and have an effect on gentrification. She suggests how their engagement with marginalised groups contributes to shaping the direction of processes in gentrifying neighbourhoods.
Everyday life research on gender and gentrification is highly context dependent and should be looked at from different perspectives. To contribute to a better understanding of the role of women within processes of gentrification, this research presents an examination of woman entrepreneurs’ experiences, perceptions and roles in the context of a gentrifying neighbourhood.
In Chapter 2, existing literature will be reviewed and structured in a conceptual framework in which the research will be positioned. Chapter 3 presents the definition of the research problem and the operationalisation. Some attention will go out to research design, methods, units of analysis and case relevance in Chapter 4. The analysis of empirical research will be presented in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 offers some conclusions and Chapter 7 discusses the restrictions of research and recommendations for further research.
2. Theoretical framework
In this section, themes relevant to this research will be elaborated upon and main concepts will be discussed. Using an intensive review of relevant studies, a framework will be created in which the research is positioned. In addition to presenting important definitions, the theoretical framework provides an overview of the scientific debate this research is based upon and hopes to contribute to.
2.1 Gentrification
Research in everyday life in gentrifying neighbourhoods requires a clear definition of gentrification. Capturing this process in a singular definition is difficult and for the sake of social science practically irrelevant, as a variety of approaches to the concept should be taken, often highly sensitive to context. Ruth Glass (1964) introduces an early exploration of the concept observing an influx of middle-class residents into lower-class urban regions. She touches upon the effects of gentrification: displacement of the long-term population and an increase in the price of housing. The debate is an ongoing and complex one, and it’s important to understand its scientific scope. Neil Smith has provided a large body of academic work addressing different aspects of gentrification and its effects. He places gentrification as class constitution and reinvestment in lower-class urban areas in a variety of different contexts. He discusses how gentrification is driven by the return of the “revanchist” periphery-situated middle class to the inner city, displacing lower-class residents (Smith, 2005). Gentrification is also stated to be directly linked to neo-liberal political structures and flow of capital: “Second, the process of gentrification, which initially emerged as a sporadic, quaint, and local anomaly in the housing markets of some command–center cities, is now thoroughly generalized as an urban strategy that takes over from liberal urban policy. No longer isolated or restricted to Europe, North America or Oceania, the impulse behind gentrification is now generalized; its incidence is global, and it is densely connected into the circuits of global capital and cultural circulation” (Smith, 2002, pp. 427). In this case, gentrification is situated
in the context of macro-economic processes and governmental policy.
To make sense of a vast and intricate body of literature, for now, the definition provided by Atkinson serves as a sensible starting point to understand contemporary views on gentrification. Gentrification here is defined as “the migration of affluent households to
neighbourhoods containing poorer households and generally lower-value property in both urban and rural settlements” (Atkinson, 2012 pp.270). Mostly agreed on, the process entails
a replacement of a working-class population by a middle-class population in inner-city areas, and the investment in the built environment.
As said, it’s essential to note that the process of gentrification is all but solely the redistribution of investment and with that a constitution of class. In Smith’s later work he points to the importance of the interdisciplinary debate concerning the concept. He argues how a production-side approach and a consumption-side approach can be distinguished in contemporary debates (Smith & Williams, 2013). This translates loosely to a macro-economic approach versus an everyday life approach to gentrification: “(…) fitting gentrification in a
broader framework of social, cultural and demographic change. This usually involves an analysis of changes in family structure, the increased participation of women in the labour force and the expansion of an educated middle class.” (Smith & Williams, 2013). In light of
6 the research presented here however, it’s important to explore this everyday life, consumption-side approach to gentrification.
2.2 Gender and gentrification
Early feminist studies point to the significance of gender dynamics when developing an understanding of gentrification processes (Bondi, 1991; 1999, Bondi & Rose, 2003; Kern, 2012, Warde, 1990). Specifically, the changing role of women in modern society is argued to be an important driver of gentrification. Several arguments are made in regard to how women generally play significant roles within gentrifying neighbourhoods. First of all, generic demographic changes in gentrifying neighbourhoods often entail a faster growth of the female population as opposed to the male population (Warde, 1990). Moreover, alongside this demographic change, household structures transform. A high proportion of dual-earner households, single living women and a significant postponement of marriage and family building can be found in gentrifying areas (Warde, 1990). Lastly, the recent and growing success of women in the labour market has its effect on social class, as women are increasingly “moving into class positions in their own right” (Bondi, 1990 pp. 192). Women are therefore gaining dominance within the process of gentrification, which makes transforming gender dynamics a significant factor in neighbourhood change. As stated by Warde: “Gentrification is a process of the displacement of one class by another, but its
dynamics are better understood as originating in changes in the labour-market position of women” (Warde, 1990 pp. 231).
As an important elaboration on changing roles of women within households and the increasing participation of women on career-oriented labour markets, Markusen (1981) argues that inner-city locations are important sites of residence for women to accommodate to gendered constraints and facilitate household efficiency, because of the emergence of time-space patterns for new households balancing out work and home-based tasks as dual-earners or single households.
Since the establishment of gender as an important focus within gentrification studies, it’s argued that there’s been little further examination: Academic work on gentrification has
allowed these silences. Gentrification work has been largely repetitive, consistently focused on the same debates, and citing the same authors in a closed citation loop that has us running in circles without greater understanding. These standards ignore gender and tend to under-cite women who write about gentrification. A recent study by the Federal Reserve of San Francisco (Zukin et al. 2015) is touted as the most comprehensive review yet of what we know about gentrification. It is 79 pages long. The word “women” does not appear once. The word “gender” appears only once, in a quotation from Wyly et al. (2010). (Curran, 2018). He
re-establishes the importance of gender within the debate on gentrification and its effects. He discusses housing, labour markets, social reproduction, urban safety, and queer spaces, and illustrates on the basis of these contexts how examining gender as a factor in gentrification is essential.
2.3 Woman workers and gentrification
In research into gender within gentrification as discussed above, the focus often is on women as residents rather than woman workers in gentrifying neighbourhoods. It is however an important factor in shaping gentrification as work produces spaces for social interaction (Kern, 2012). This is illustrated by her research into how the experiences of female business
owners in the Junction in Toronto bring gendered vulnerabilities and inequalities to the forefront. She studied the effect of gentrification on working conditions of women in a gentrifying area: “In particular, I have maintained that gentrification is part of the structural
production of precarity, and that precarious work both facilitates and necessitates the development of strategies for women workers to manage and mitigate precarity for themselves and others” (Kern, 2013 pp. 522). Woman workers in gentrifying areas are
suggested to be engaged with marginalized groups in the neighbourhood and involved in forming support networks as negotiation strategies in managing survival of their business. Furthermore, she presents a contradiction evoked by this process. Women’s strong community ties and support networks contribute indirectly to the revitalisation of the neighbourhood, attracting economically strong companies at the presumed expense of long-term workers and residents (Kern, 2013). This raises to the forefront the vulnerability of women workers, because they are among the first to be displaced by the likes of more powerful companies attracted to the improving business climate of the particular neighbourhood: “This raises the spectre of gendered vulnerabilities and insecurities that are
produced, in part, by the feminized consumption landscape, and by the inequalities that are exacerbated among women as consumers or workers in the new economy (McDowell 2009 in
Kern, 2013 pp. 523).
To illustrate further the role of women in gentrifying areas, Jason Patch (2008) focusses on female entrepreneurs and their role within inclusive and exclusionary processes in their neighbourhood. He states that these working women are highly responsible for community ties, spreading safety and facilitating neighbourhood change. In this they serve as watchwomen, monitoring the streets from their windows. They keep an eye out for theft and vandalism, promoting safety. Moreover, they acquire information on the status of and processes within the neighbourhood and share this with residents and other entrepreneurs. It’s suggested that these actions help sustain existing residents (Patch, 2008).
2.4 Woman entrepreneurship and commercial gentrification
Woman entrepreneurs seem to be important actors within neighbourhood change (Hanson, 2009; Patch, 2008). As the aim of this research is to examine entrepreneurship and its role within gentrification, it’s important to define commercial gentrification as a broader concept. Commercial gentrification entails the emergence of new types of shops and restaurants in areas formerly disinvested in (Wang, 2011). It’s suggested that this process is often seen a positive sign of regeneration of a neighbourhood (Zukin et all, 2009). The arrival of new upper-end retail and restaurants on the one hand cater to a newcomer middle-class population while on the other hand it is a source for displacement of long-time residents and entrepreneurs: Indeed, the two-step economic process of gentrification - a change, first, to
“creative” consumption spaces and then, to chain stores — generally does displace existing shops. (Zukin & Kosta, 2014 pp. 113). This displacement is an important process in many
forms of gentrification. It involves the physical translocation of long-term residents and enterprises, by increasing rent in the neighbourhood. Additionally, it triggers a long-term group of residents and entrepreneurs to feel pressurized to relocate (Lees et al. 2010). The latter is shaped by the new shops’ aesthetics and atmosphere, and the particularity of offered products (Wang, 2011).
Entrepreneurship in particular is seen as a source of economic growth and an important factor in changing places (Hanson, 2009). Hanson states that although entrepreneurship is
8 recognised as a local process, the relationship between entrepreneurship and place is rarely studied. He argues however that woman entrepreneurs specifically have the ability to make changes within communities: “I want to consider how women's entrepreneurship has the
potential to change places in other ways, such as through impacts on the quality of life of the community (including expanded opportunities for women) or by bringing about shifts in gender relations. That is, gendered subjectivities and power relations do not only shape entrepreneurship; they are also produced through and can therefore be changed by entrepreneurial process” (Hanson, 2009 pp. 252). In his argument, entrepreneurial networks
are important in which women seem to be able to make connections with residents and fellow entrepreneurs easily. Moreover, women tend to be effective in acquiring and exchanging information (Hanson, 2009).
As more women find themselves in career oriented labour markets, and with that generate a change in their role in gendered division of labour, it’s important to address their negotiations in combining careers and childcare. Karsten (2003) discusses family gentrification as a result of an increase in dual earner households in the city: “Changing gender relations and a
growing middle class can certainly be considered as important explanations for the new trend of family gentrification in the Netherlands. Although the labour market participation of mothers has long been extremely low, from the 1990s onwards participation figures increased rapidly.” (Karsten, 2003 pp. 2574). Moreover, she argues that inner-city locations are
important to these families, as in certain neighbourhoods integrating work outside and inside of the house is made possible: “Commuting time is a determining factor in the choice of
housing location for dual-career households (Brun and Fagnani, 1994). Those who are dependent on the urban labour market can best overcome time– space constraints by making a strategic choice for the city as a place of residence.” (Karsten, 2003 pp. 2575)
3. Research problem and operationalisation 3.1 Problem definition
Increasingly, attention is being paid to women as actors of neighbourhood change, and consequently to gender as a significant factor in relation to gentrification. Demographically speaking, the number of women participating in housing and labour markets in their own right is growing (Kern, 2010). Moreover, gendered household structures and divisions of labour are changing rapidly in gentrifying areas. Less is known about the impact of working women on gentrification and vice versa, but it’s argued that woman entrepreneurs are prominent actors in neighbourhoods undergoing commercial gentrification (Patch, 2008; Hanson, 2009).
In contemporary research into gentrification, many scholars argue that the gender and gentrification nexus demands a multifocal approach (Curran, 2018; Sakizlioglu, 2018). Woman entrepreneurs’ gendered experiences with gentrification, and woman entrepreneurs as agents of neighbourhood change on a local, every-day level have rarely been studied. This research aims to contribute to a theory on the role of woman entrepreneurs in a gentrifying area by analysing narratives of experiences. It focuses on bridging the research gap by using the following research question:
What is the role of newcomer woman entrepreneurs within gentrification and how is gentrification perceived and experienced by newcomer woman entrepreneurs?
3.2 Operationalisation
Newcomer woman entrepreneurs make gentrification in addition to being affected by the process. Both aspects will be addressed in this thesis. Starting with women’s experiences with being entrepreneurs, an analysis of how gentrification affects career negotiation, gendered division of labour and constraint will be presented. As for how woman entrepreneurs experience gentrification, their perceptions of the Indische Buurt as a gentrifying neighbourhood will be discussed. Moreover, the way these women experience change will be covered. Lastly, the role of newcomer woman entrepreneurs in processes of gentrification, the way gentrification is shaped by them, will be addressed through looking at how they’re involved in processes of inclusion and exclusivity, the networks that are created in the community and their engagement in neighbourhood initiatives. In the following section, the concepts important in this research and examining these factors will be defined.
- Gentrification
In regard to gentrification, the Atkinson definition will be used: “the migration of affluent
house holds to neighbourhoods containing poorer households and generally lower-value property in both urban and rural settlements” (Atkinson, 2012). It is important to note that
gentrification can be defined in many ways and that it is necessary to look at the concept from different perspectives.
10 - Commercial gentrification
Scholars distinguish one of the processes shaping gentrification as commercial gentrification, which is particularly important in light of this research, Zukin et all (2009) describe how a neighbourhood changes its aesthetic and atmosphere because of the emergence of a new type of retail and service industries. Specific consumption spaces are created by the arrival of these new economies. The process entails an exclusionary aspect, in which potential displacement of long-term shops and displacement pressure on long-term residents is perceived in many cases (Lees et all, 2010).
- Gender
For this research it’s important to understand gender as a socially constructed phenomenon, producing and reproducing patterns of behaviour, norms and discourse prescribed to gender. In short, the difference between sex and gender is that sex is biologically determined (note: this is a simplified distinction between the two) and gender is an achieved status, that which
is constructed through psychological, social and cultural means (West & Zimmerman, 1987).
There are countless constitutions of gender shaping modern society and to understand this research it’s particularly important to know that gender involves distribution of power on a variety of levels, and that there are certain roles assigned according to gender (Butler, 2004). Gender is argued to be an important focus in gentrification research (Curran, 2018; Sakizlioglu, 2018)
Based on the operationalisation, a conceptual model is constructed to illustrate the
connections between the concepts (white boxes) and variables (light blue boxes). Figure 1 presents this model.
4. Methodology 4.1 Research design
This thesis covers research in the everyday life of woman entrepreneurs and their position in processes of gentrification. It examines experiences and perceptions in order to understand narratives of the subjects in a specific case. This in-depth method of conducting research requires a qualitative approach. Qualitative research consists of a detailed and intensive study of a specific phenomenon to answer questions of how and why (Bryman, 2012). The research has an inductive nature, looking at data to add to theory. The research is embedded within the field of study, but the data collected is leading in regard to building theory. This strategy fits the aim of this research, as the experiences and perceptions of newcomer woman entrepreneurs will be analysed. Scholars have argued that women are important actors in gentrification processes (Curran, 2017; Patch, 2008; Kern, 2013; Sakizlioglu, 2017). However, little is known about woman entrepreneurs’ experiences of and their roles in gentrification, making this an explorative study. Embedded within the scientific debate, this research aims to navigate relatively uncharted territory.
This study is based on a single case study. Case studies typically consist of “an intensive and
detailed analysis of a single case” (Bryman, 2012 pp. 66). Here, the design of a single case
study is elected, as the aim of the research is to explore a phenomenon in a detailed and intensive manner. As a result, there will not be any comparison to other cases. The case that will be studied in this thesis is newcomer woman entrepreneurs in the Indische Buurt. The aim of the case study is to present a profound analysis of newcomer woman entrepreneurs’ experience of and role in gentrification.
4.2 Case relevance
In Indische Buurt, a former ailing urban district (de Jong, 2012), gentrification can often be experienced through the changing commercial environment. Here, newcomer “hipster café’s” can however still be found next to long-time established shops (NRC, 2017). The news-article discusses how the Javastraat in the Indische Buurt in recent years has grown to be a prime example of a melting pot in which long-time and newcomer entrepreneurs are socially connected.
The Amsterdam municipality has been focussing on urban renewal in Indische Buurt. Various actors began to invest in the neighbourhood around the year 2007 and promote differentiation of housing supply (Dukes, 2011), by improving living space quality. Dukes claims that this investment initiated a process of gentrification, as members of a higher social class began settling in the neighbourhood. Statistics provided by the department of research, information and statistics corroborate this notion. Between 2010 and 2015, the percentage of owner occupiers in Indische Buurt rose from 17,9% to 23,55% (OIS, 2010; OIS, 2015).
Moreover, OIS statistics show that there’s been a change in the socio-cultural composition of the inhabitant population in Indische Buurt. In 2010 33% of inhabitants was of Dutch nationality. In 2015, this percentage increased to 36,3%. Turkish and Moroccan inhabitants accounted for the second largest group in Indische Buurt. Their share of the population decreased from 31,7% in 2010 to 29,24% in 2015 (OIS, 2010; OIS, 2015).
12 In conducting a case study in Indische Buurt, Ernst and Doucet (2013) state how the neighbourhood has known rapids process of change: “Indische Buurt, our case study
neighbourhood in Amsterdam has changed from a Dutch, working-class area, to an immigrant reception neighbourhood and is now rapidly gentrifying. Many of our respondents have lived through this entire process.”. (Ernst & Doucet, 2013) Moreover, they describe the
effects of commercial gentrification on the social interaction in the Neighbourhood. It’s argued that Indische Buurt forms an interesting case for studies on commercial gentrification. Furthermore, statistics show that in the period of 2013 through 2017, in Indische Buurt, more entrepreneurs have started than in any other neighbourhood (OIS, 2018).
Much of the references used in this research are studies based on North American cases of gentrification. It’s important to note that gentrification processes tend to establish differently in the Netherlands: “In the Netherlands, gentrification induced displacement is less direct and
overt than in other countries. The Dutch context of this research is important. While gentrification has been on-going in Amsterdam for many decades, most gentrified neighbourhoods still retain a certain degree of social and housing mix.” (Ernst and Doucet,
2013) This should be taken into account when analysing processes in Indische Buurt.
Indische Buurt as a whole is the context in which gentrification processes are studied and the role of women is examined. Although processes and effects are measured throughout the neighbourhood, Javastraat is the epicentre of gentrification. The street functions as the core of the neighbourhood and most economic and social activities are situated there (Zieleman, 2010). As this research focusses on entrepreneurs and their experiences of and role within gentrification, for conducting fieldwork, this street provides the most obvious location. The participants are without exception situated on Javastraat. A map of Indische Buurt and the location of Javastraat is presented as Figure 2.
4.3 Methods and Analysis
The nature of this qualitative research is inductive. It focusses on narratives and experiences to build theory. By conducting semi-structured interviews, it is possible to turn narratives of experiences into usable data. The interviews are structured according to an item list to ensure that the same type of data is collected throughout (appendix), while there is room for the participants to tell their story and add information. By conducting research using this type of interviews, it is possible to acquire detailed and in-depth t data (Bryman, 2012). As this thesis aims to examine the experiences of woman entrepreneurs, this method is suitable for conducting fieldwork. To understand the narratives of these woman, an intensive and in-depth method of data collection is appropriate.
The analysis is based on interviews with nine women. Prior to conducting fieldwork, the aim was to interview between 10 and 12 women. In total, 14 establishments have been approached (all but one on Javastraat) in a variety of manners. Visiting the shops, writing emails to the owners and talking to the employees at work have been the methods of approaching them. The participants were often able to refer to other possible candidates, so a snowball method was used in selecting interviewees (Bryman, 2012). It is important to note that the gender of the participants here was either established by asking a staff member whether the owner was female or assumed after asking whether the woman present at the time of visiting the establishment was the owner. It’s not verified whether the participants actually identified as female. Five women indicated that they did not want or were able to participate, motivated in
14 most cases by being too busy to be able to be interviewed for 45 minutes. Before and after work they had other tasks, usually household based or because of childcare. A restaurant owner shared how she had been approached on numerous occasions and was fed up with participating in research. The interviews scheduled were often rushed.
The context of these interviews and refusals presents information on the experiences of women and entrepreneurship. There seems to be a lot of pressure on newcomer entrepreneurs and they seem to have a heavy workload. Very young entrepreneurs were more likely to want to and be able to participate. Many of these women shared that days could be slow, as they had started only recently. They felt more room for sitting down and being interviewed. Still, every single interview was interrupted at least once as the participants had to talk to customers or do actual work. Consequently, the interviews vary in length. Interviews took between 60 and 30 minutes, depending on time available. The participants and their personal information are anonymised as much as possible. The general concept of the shops is listed instead of the full names so that the women are practically irretraceable.
The interviews are transcribed and coded using the program Atlas.ti. The codes are based on the structure of the interview; however, any added information is coded as well. As a result, little to no data can be overlooked as the participants’ answers are leading in the coding process. This way of coding makes it possible to, on the one hand, analyse recurring themes and, on the other, take into account individual narratives. Moreover, the process of coding using Atlas.ti is efficient and saves time, as it allows for particularly convenient information retrieval.
The research consciously focusses specifically on the narratives of these women. It has been decided not to look at neighbourhood policy, projects or macro-economic activities. The aim is to understand thoroughly the experiences and role of woman entrepreneurs in the context of a gentrifying neighbourhood. A bottom-up approach is taken in this regard.
4.4 Research units
The choice for newcomer woman entrepreneurs as units of research in this thesis is motivated by the suggestion that women play a significant role in gentrification (Curran, 2018; Sakizlioglu, 2018). To explore this statement, the research aims to examine the role of women in gentrification processes in the Indische Buurt, Furthermore, it is stated that woman workers and entrepreneurs are agents of change in their neighbourhoods. Lastly, to examine changing patterns in division of labours and entrepreneurial experiences, this research looks at newcomer woman entrepreneurs too.
To establish what defines a newcomer in this context, it is important to determine the distinction between long-term and newcomer entrepreneurs. Glazer (2017) argues that governmental policies have elicited urban reform around the year 2008. From 2008 onwards, new residents, capital investment and new economies have entered neighbourhoods. Based on this argument, it has been decided to define entrepreneurs who have been an entrepreneur for up to ten years as newcomer entrepreneurs. The oldest enterprise in this research is nine years old, and the youngest is 7 months old.
For the benefit of exploring woman entrepreneurs’ narratives, the participants are introduced. Their individual characteristics are discussed as a starting point for getting to know them. It is
Table 1: Overview of characteristics, source: Appendix
important to understand who these women are, and where they come from, as it has been suggested that woman entrepreneurs’ (life) stories paint a picture of the way woman entrepreneurship and gentrification processes are linked.
An overview of the most important characteristics of the participants and their enterprises can be found in Table 1. Some details are unknown or were not shared, but in general all basic information is listed. A brief introduction of each participant follows.
At the café and gift shop, which opened in April 2018, a combination of three different products is offered. The shop is run by three women, each playing their part in the organisation of the business. Interviews were conducted with each owner. One of them runs a part of the shop serving as a kids’ hairdressing salon. Prior to starting her business, she had a career in hair and make-up for theatre and tv productions. She is a newly-wed, living with her husband in Watergraafsmeer. The coffee- and giftshop section are run by the other two women. One of them is a mother of two and lives with her partner in Watergraafsmeer. She finished her Higher Vocational Eduction (HBO) and has worked in business administration and human resource for a variety of companies in the creative industry. The third woman and her partner also live in Watergraafsmeer and have three children. She has mainly been doing household work and worked part-time at a children’s day-care facility. Her partner is owner of a well-known enterprise in the service industry in Amsterdam.
“(one of the co-owners) and I know each other through our children. They go to the same school. Our sons played and that’s how we got in touch. (The other co-owner) and I attended the same secondary school, lost track of each other, got in touch again and we asked her whether she wanted to be a part of this.” (Co-owner Café and Giftshop))
The process of starting this enterprise entailed a specific way of networking practiced by these women. They found like-minded peers they were willing to start their business with in a
ID Age * Entreprise Age Enterprise Ancestry Education Rent Store 1 ± 30 Kid's Hairdresser 10 Months Dutch Private Education 2750
2 33 Home Decoration and giftshop 1 Year Indonesian By Birth MAVO 1100 3 ± 35 Café and giftshop 10 Months Dutch HBO 2750 4 42 Outdoor Decoration Store 4 Years Dutch HBO 3000 5 31 Café and High Tea 4 Years Surinamese By Birth HBO UNKN 6 ± 30 Café and Giftshop 1 Year Dutch HBO 2750 7 47 Home Decoration and Giftshop 7 Months Dutch MBO 1715
8 40 Bookshop 9 years Dutch WO 1700
9 25 Restaurant 10 Months Dutch VWO 2700
ID Residence Tenant/Owner Rent/Price Household * Children Household Income * 1 Watergraafsmeer Owner UNKN Married, Living Together 0 Fluctuating, Avg: 4000 2 Indische Buurt Tenant 730 Married, Living Together 3 Fluctuating, Avg: 3000 3 Watergraafsmeer Owner UNKN Partner, Living Together 2 Fluctuating, Avg: 4000 4 Westerpark Owner UNKN Partner, Living Together 0 6000
5 Indische Buurt Owner UNKN Single Mother 1 UNKN
6 Watergraafsmeer Owner UNKN Partner, Living Together 3 Fluctuating, Avg: 4000 7 Zaandam Owner UNKN Ex-Partner, Living Together 2 Fluctuating, Ends do Meet 8 Oosterpark Owner UNKN Partner, Living Together 2 Upper Middle Class
9 West Tenant 800 Partner, Living Apart 0 Fluctuating, Depending on Profit Age *: Here, ± means an estimate is made
Household *: These households all consist of heterosexual (ex)relationships
16 familiar environment. Either they met at the playground of their children’s school or got in touch with an old friend.
The owner of a home accessory and giftshop is 33 years old. She was born in Indonesia and went to school in the Netherlands to finish her lower general secondary education (MAVO)degree. She lives in Indische Buurt in a rented apartment with her husband and three children. Her business opened in March 2018 and is one of the smaller stores on the Javastraat. The rent here is €1100, excluding extra charges.
The owner of an outdoor decoration store started her business four years ago. Her store sells outdoor furniture and plants designed to decorate balconies and terraces. This business idea was conceived by her partner with whom she lives in Westerpark in Amsterdam West.
“It actually was my partner’s idea. We were at a garden center shopping for stuff to go on our balcony. We had to travel to the periphery of the city and upon arrival there was so much stuff, a lot of which designed to suit gardens. Large furniture. You could find things for balconies, but you’d have to closely look for them. 80% of ‘Amsterdammers’ does not have a garden and is looking for stuff for their balconies. Also, a lot of people don’t really decorate their balconies. And so we thought, why not select things suitable for balconies and bring it into the city itself (…) and teach people how to decorate their small outside space.” (Owner of an outdoor decoration store)
The concept of this store seems to be based on the (conceived) problem of a specific urban population. As an entrepreneur Frederike offers the urban community a local option, catering to their perceived needs.
A coffee and high tea shop located near the most western part of the Javastraat is run by a woman entrepreneur of 31. Six years ago, she started making and selling cakes (usually to suit special occasions (birthdays etc.)), and two years later she opened up her store. She’s a single mom, and lives in Indische Buurt with her son. She was born in Surinam and finished her HBO degree in Media studies in the Netherlands.
Another participant had been working in paint for nine years, producing and selling her own brand of paint. She has had pop-up stores in Loods 5, and recently opened her business located on the Javastraat. Since opening the store 7 months ago, she has started combining the production of paint with the sale of home accessories.
He (partner) works 80% of the time, but we were both full-timers (at Holland Casino). When I started setting up my business, I started working part time. That’s why my brand of paint is called “dubbelleven” (double life), as I was working nightshifts for five years. (Owner of a home deco- and giftshop)
Prior to opening up the store, she navigated being an entrepreneur and working shifts at Holland Casino. She worked nightshifts to manage caring for her children with her partner. A 40-year old entrepreneur is co-owner of a bookshop near Javaplein. She and her friend opened the store nine years ago and shortly after, her sister became co-owner. The shop is relatively large, yet the rent, €1700 is strikingly low in comparison to others. She studied History at the University of Amsterdam and met her friend through her football team.
The owner of a salad bar and restaurant is 25 years old and lives in Amsterdam West in a rented apartment. She started working in her first establishment 5 years ago and opened her second shop on Javastraat in April 2018. She lives in a rented apartment in Amsterdam West.
Although two of the participants have been born in a non-western country, all women are currently of Dutch nationality. They mostly stated, to belong to the middle or upper middle class economically speaking. This is in line with what they shared about their (net effective) income, or their household income. All but one of them mentioned however that their income is not steady as it fluctuates according to the well-being of the business. The owner of a bookshop, the most experienced entrepreneur, has had a steady (net effective) income of €1800 a month for some time now. The entrepreneurs are all in heterosexual, dual earner relationships, and all but one are living together with their partner. Five of the nine households consist of two adults and at least one child. The owner of the home deco- and gifts hop, a mother of two, ended her relationship recently. However, at the time of conducting the interview, she was still living with her partner and looking for a new place to live. Six of the nine households are situated in Amsterdam East, in Indische Buurt itself or in areas very close to it. Two of the households are located in Amsterdam West, and one of them in Zaandam (Amsterdam periphery).
This research focusses on examining experiences and perceived roles. It’s suggested that the narratives of these women paint a picture of negotiations, struggles, perceptions and agency in the context of entrepreneurship in a gentrifying urban environment. Therefore, it’s of significant importance to dwell upon the individuality of these women and their entrepreneurship. This overview of characteristics serves as an analysis in itself and as a framework in which following analyses can be placed and to which will be referred.
5. Woman entrepreneurship and gentrification in Indische Buurt
The interviews conducted with newcomer woman entrepreneurs in Indische Buurt provided insight in themes relevant to the focus of this research. Moreover, the context of the interviews, the process of conducting fieldwork and the conversations held outside of the structured interviews helped shape these women’s narratives. It’s this narrative that’s essential to the exploration of newcomer woman entrepreneurs’ gendered household and career negotiations in the context of urban reform and their experiences of and role within gentrification. In this section the interviews will be presented and analysed according to this notion.
5.1 Experiences as an entrepreneur
As the aim of this research is to understand woman entrepreneurs’ narratives and explore their experience of and role within gentrification, firstly, it’s essential to analyse the way the participant women experience their entrepreneurship. On interviewing the women about the process of starting their business it became clear that the incentive of becoming an entrepreneur varies. Three main arguments can be distinguished that illustrate these incentives.
18 Firstly, many women shared how their love for the product or concept had been decisive in starting an entrepreneurship based on it. Upon asking whether it was fair to assume that they were following their heart, most participants answered affirmatively. The love for interior design was what made the owner of a home deco- and giftshop want to commit to her business and open up a store in the first place. The idea of catering to inner city dwellers’ needs in regard to their small outside spaces by offering suitable products locally was what initially made the owner of an outdoor decoration store excited about starting her enterprise. The gratification of creating a particular atmosphere by baking and selling cakes in her shop was specifically mentioned by the owner of a coffee and high tea shop.
Secondly, related to the first argument, some women stated how their former jobs had ceased to be satisfactory. They were often looking to fulfil a certain dream in becoming self-employed. The owner of a bookshop shared how she had always had issues with authority for which running an independent business provided an escape route. The owner of a home deco- and giftshop had been fed up with working at Holland Casino and added that age became an additional factor, as she felt like it would be her last chance to fulfil her dream.
Lastly, an important argument is shaped by the desire of some women to become either a role model for their children, as the owner of a home deco- and giftshop shared, or to follow in the footsteps of their families. The owner of a restaurant stated how she could not see herself doing anything else seeing as she came from a family of entrepreneurs. Moreover, the urge to prove their competence to their environment has been talked about by some women:
It kind of works to your advantage when everyone around you thinks you won’t be able to do something. You start thinking: “you just wait and see….” (Owner of a bookshop)
While attending an entrepreneurs’ fair with my partner in the early stages of starting the business, my partner was the one getting all the attention. They would come up to him to talk about deals and promotion and would mention jokingly that he did not have to worry about who would be the cute girl behind the register, meaning me. I thought to myself: “Excuse me?! It’s my business!! (Owner of an outdoor decoration store)
Presumably, it was assumed that the “man” in this context was the entrepreneur in the making. As a woman, the owner of an outdoor decoration store and her potential as an independent worker was seemingly overlooked. It makes sense to further examine how women perceive this norm. In this regard another perspective on the motivation of women with regard to becoming entrepreneurs was provided by the owner of a bookshop. Whilst explaining the focus and aim of the research prior to conducting the actual interview at the shop, she opened up about her perception of the impact of women becoming entrepreneurs on household organisation and with that, gendered division of labour.
It actually has to do with conjuring up a way of still doing everything as a woman (meaning household work, care of family and work outside of the house) and not with trying to balance out these things with your partner. Usually, when I look at woman in my surroundings, the women that work full-time or work for themselves are usually the ones with partners that think the same way. I think it has something to do with the way you are raised (…). But it’s not trying to balance things out with a partner, there’s always one that works and the other tries to be flexible. (Owner of a bookshop)
She states that women who become entrepreneurs are usually the ones making the extra laps to organise and combine their household work with working as an entrepreneur. Their partners are important in providing a base that makes becoming an entrepreneur with its precarity at all possible. That doesn’t necessarily mean that there’s more of a balance in the
gendered division of labour. Women hold on to their perceived roles in regard to household and care work. To illustrate, most of the participants indicate that their entrepreneurship means that there’s less time for doing household work and taking care of children. In this, energy in addition to time-management is an important factor.
I’m just exhausted most days coming home from work, so I have less energy. And then when I have a day off, I don’t really feel like cleaning or anything of the sort. (Co-owner of café and giftshop) I notice that I prefer to do as little as possible at home. I used to love to cook but I never really feel like it anymore. I try to do things the easy way at home, so that changed upon starting this, yes. (Co-owner of a café and giftshop)
All woman interviewees, as a result of starting their business experience less time available for themselves, more pressure with regard to work both out- and inside of the house and fluctuations in financial stability. The number of hours the women work weekly is strikingly large.
Entrepreneur Weekly Working hours
Owner “Feliz” 60
Owner “Støv” 54
Owner Kids Hairdresser “Blitskikker” 40
Owner “Balkonie” 40
Owner “Blitskikker” 40
Owner “Blitskikker” 40
Owner “Venkel” 84
Owner “Boekhandel” 40
Owner “Majesteit Taart” 60-80
Table 2: Weekly working hours
The working hours consist in most cases of work in the shop itself and work with of a more administrative nature at home. Women who share ownership of their business experience less pressure than women working alone. The owners of a café and giftshop and the co-owner of a bookshop work significantly fewer hours a week than the other owners. The owner of a restaurant, as she hopes to start working fewer hours in the near future, shared how the pressure she experiences with regard to workload has increased after the manager she had hired quit working for her. She addressed how starting her enterprise has affected her social life.
My social life has changed a lot. Although I’ve always prioritised work over social life, I had always been able to let go when I wasn’t working. Now that has become more difficult as mostly when I’m not here I’m still doing work-related things. That’s the reason I get to see my friends much less frequently. (Owner of a restaurant)
Upon discussing the participants’ daily routines, the impact of work on many other aspects of life becomes evident. It’s a matter of commuting from home to work and back for the owner of a home deco- and giftshop. She shares how little time she has for leisure-based activities, as she often spends her one day off doing business related work or doing household chores. In the daily life of the owner of a home deco- and giftshop a similar pattern can be seen. Not only does she navigate between working at home and at the shop, but she also combines the work on her brand of paint and managing her shop.
I sell my own brand of chalk paint, and I would say that is my core business as I’ve been doing that for nine years now. That’s part of the reason for settling in Javastraat, because on weekdays it’s a bit slow here,
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making it possible to combine the two. (…) Opening up the shop, vacuuming, setting up the outside part and then usually on weekdays I work on the production of the paint, which is made by hand. And at the same time, I’m running the shop. (Owner of a home deco- and giftshop)
She goes on to explain how this pressure has affected her physical health and how she feels like she doesn’t have a choice in the matter with regard to financial security and taking care of her children.
In contrast with the argument made by the owner of a bookshop most women do however experience a change in the division of labour with their partners. Many interviewees stated how their partners had been taking over household work and care for children when they started their business.
It (becoming an entrepreneur) changed my life drastically, and I think it changed the life of my partner a lot too. I had been doing all the work at home, taking care of the kids and household chores. I did work part-time but I had always been able to arrange it so that I could pick up the kids from school. And now, for the first time, I have to say I won’t make it home until 7 so you (referring to her partner) have to pick up the kids, do groceries and preferably feed the youngest as well. So, he started getting off work earlier. I work weekends as well so, all of a sudden, he spends entire days at home with the kids and is he’s now also the one responsible for buying gifts for birthdays etc. (…) So that’s a huge difference compared to how things were. (Co-owner of a café and giftshop)
In this case the change in the work situation of the co-owner of a café and giftshop seems to have elicited a restructuring of the division of labour within the household. Her entrepreneurship meant changing her life and the life of her partner. It tells a story of organising household work and division of labour restructuring that is shared by many of the woman entrepreneurs.
He checks for lice, I go on the fieldtrips (this is about primary school). So, we organised it like that. And when I was very busy in December he was home more often. Now he’s in Borneo for a week, meaning more weight is on my shoulders, which can be tough (…). A week without him is ok, but later this year he’ll be gone for two weeks and that worries me. (Owner of a bookshop)
Right now, he is taking care of the kids. He leaves home at 7, and that’s when I come home. (Owner of a home deco- and giftshop)
When he’s working, most of the time I’m home and the other way around. That took some getting used to. (Owner of a home deco- and giftshop)
Most women rearrange the division of labour of household work and childcare with their partner. As a result, these women feel like they spend too little time with their children and like it’s more difficult to keep up with household chores. Some women have hired a nanny. The owner of a coffee and high tea shop in particular shared that as a single mother she’s very dependent on this service. Five out of nine of the participants hired a cleaner to help organise their housework.
In most cases, in addition to partners of the entrepreneurs being increasingly responsible for household work, and therefore navigating work outside of the house in the house, they are a source of financial security.
Well, in the situation we were in it was possible. If he hadn’t become a freelancer and had an income of his own then becoming an entrepreneur would not have been an easy option. There was room in our lives for me to do this and that’s an important reason why I brought it off. (Co-owner of a café and giftshop)
We both invested money from our savings, but my partner kept his job. Which was a sensible thing to do for otherwise we would have no income. Entrepreneurship is not automatically a source of income in the beginning (Owner of an outdoor decoration store)
Being the youngest out of the participants at the age of 25, it was no surprise that the owner of a restaurant shared how she had been financially dependent on her family with regard to starting her enterprise. Moreover, the newcomer woman entrepreneurs stressed how there’s little financial stability regarding their own work. Many of the businesses opened shop recently. The owners of these businesses in particular stated how their store could not be profitable yet and income was calculated on a monthly basis. However, when asked whether their business was doing well, they answered positively. Two of the home deco- and giftshops and a café and giftshop had all opened their doors less than a year ago. They are situated very close to one another on a part of Javastraat close to Javaplein. It’s interesting how they compare the success of their businesses.
Yes, occasionally I am worried about money. However, I am sure that I will manage, because in comparison to other new stores my revenue is really good. (…) Yes, I talk to a few of them. (café and giftshop) and (home deco- and giftshop). They are all new stores and we started in the same period. I often have revenues that they can’t achieve. (Owner home deco- and giftshop)
The thing is, when I talk to them (referring to another home deco- and giftshop and a café and giftshop) they all say that they’re super busy. I however think: “Excuse me, I’m here all day too and nothing happens, so how is it possible that you’re busy all the time?” They don’t even run a second business like I do. (Owner home deco- and giftshop)
The owner of a home deco- and giftshop tries to illustrate with her statement how she experiences a recent decline in clientele, where she was doing great before. She argues that it’s interesting how the other newcomers do not experience the same decline, or at least they refrain from sharing this.
5.2 Experience with and perceptions of gentrification
The way the participant women experience their entrepreneurship tells a story of how becoming an entrepreneur has changed their lives and how they negotiate (gendered) division of labour. It is now important to look at how neighbourhood change in Indische Buurt has affected this, and how these women perceive processes of gentrification.
In starting their business in Indische Buurt many participants’ stories illustrated how it had been difficult to find a suitable location, as demand for a settlement was high and competition with other candidates was intense. Unconventional pathways often were taken in search of a plot.
(…) Well, it was on Marktplaats actually. The guy before me rented it and had been renting it for a while but wasn’t doing anything with it. He wanted someone to subrent, so I took over his contract. That’s part of why it was interesting to me, because everywhere else you would have to sign for at least five years. That was too much for me. Imagine business not faring well and being stuck to it. (Owner of a home deco- and giftshop)
Via facebook, by sheer chance. The person who owned this place before had posted a request on facebook. I happened upon it and responded immediately. (Owner of an outdoor decoration store)
I just stopped by, to ask the owners whether they knew if knew of any vacancies anytime soon (…). So yes, I was very forward in my approach and there used to be a translating company and they used this space to advertise. So, I called and said that the settlement had no particular function and that’s how I got in touch with the owner. (Owner of a coffee and high tea shop)
22 Concerning the pressure of competing with other candidates for a suitable plot, as experienced by many of the woman entrepreneurs, the situation was seemingly different at the time the bookshop opened its doors. The owner stated how they were encouraged in many ways to settle on Javastraat, as they had started business in times of economic crisis. In that period of time, there was support in the form of municipal incentives and subsidies.
There was a street manager in that period of time, and he helped us out a lot. He said that he knew a vacant plot and took us to Alliantie. (…) This was perceived by the municipality as a bad neighbourhood and they were thinking of things to make it better. So, there was the possibility of applying for a subsidy and we got it. (Owner of a bookshop)
None of the other woman entrepreneurs had received any subsidies, indicating that policy had changed over time, and demand for a location in Indische Buurt had increased. Because of the competitive business climate, in some cases, entrepreneurs that recently started made agreements with previous owners. As a result, the entrepreneurs had to adjust their planning with regard to their enterprise.
I always wanted my own store, but a different concept as to how it is now. But I happened to come across an advertisement placed by the previous owner and scheduled an appointment with her. In the meantime, there were other candidates and at first, she wanted to leave in a few months, so I waited patiently. However, she called soon after that she wanted to leave in few weeks. So, I thought, okay I’ll just take over the business as it is, and we’ll see from there. (..) So she wanted to know what the candidates’ plans were, and there were many, because this is such a good location. But she wanted to keep the concept as it was, as the residents were supposedly used to it. I was willing to take over the business as it was, and that’s why I think I was chosen over the other candidates. (Owner home deco- and giftshop)
In this particular case, business plans changed according to the supposed needs of residents as well as the desire of the newcomer to start business in the particular location. It was essential to the previous owner of one of the home deco- and giftshop that a new owner would respect the concept of the store, as residents valued its existence. Moreover, the location was sufficiently attractive to the current owner to adapt to the situation. Interestingly however, upon asking whether she had made any changes with regard to supply of products and pricing, she stated how it had been necessary to do so to accommodate to the needs of the residents. She allegedly had to widen her variety of products and lower some of the prices to address the diversity of consumers. In this particular narrative, another element in selecting Indische Buurt as a location plays an important role. As a mother of three and partner of a fellow entrepreneur, the owner of the home deco- and giftshop stated how settling in this location was important to her with regard to organising and combining childcare and entrepreneurship.
I’ve been living here for 10 years, so that’s quite a long time. I thought if I start a business here (Indische Buurt), it is doable. Settling far away from here would make it too tough, especially with the kids. I wouldn’t be able to take them to school and pick them up. (Owner of a home deco- and giftshop)
As the interview progresses, she shares how she uses the neighbourhood to buy her groceries, and that some of her relatives live in the same area. This has been very helpful to her with regard to organising household work and childcare. The proximity of various neighbourhood functions seems to be of great importance in the lives of most of the respondents. The owner of a coffee and high tea shop states that living in Indische Buurt made her want to start her enterprise in the same area. Firstly, because she takes care of her one-year-old as a single mother, making working close to home convenient. Secondly because she has a certain affiliation with the neighbourhood.
I settled here because I live in Indische Buurt. I have a certain “feeling” with regard to this neighbourhood and I just really like being here. Also, I noticed the changes here in this neighbourhood and thought it was a nice idea to contribute to that. (Owner of a coffee and high tea shop)
This affiliation with Indische Buurt as a motivation to start a business in the neighbourhood was shared by more of the woman entrepreneurs. Some stated how they were attracted by the multicultural population, whereas others were interested in the neighbourhood suggesting it was “up-and-coming”. The atmosphere, in particular on Javastraat, and the way inhabitants interact are argued to be important reasons for starting an enterprise in Indische Buurt.
When looking for a second location, we wanted a different neighbourhood from Albert Cuijpstraat. I really like the atmosphere in Indische Buurt. It’s such a nice neighbourhood, the way the streets look. Architecturally as well as how people interact. (…) That’s something we experienced upon getting here. They all came in when the construction work was being done and asked how it was going. Very involved. (Owner of a restaurant)
I love Javastraat. I actually lived here for a while, but that was in a very different period. Now it’s an up-and-coming neighbourhood, and I liked the idea of owning a store here. (Owner of an outdoor decoration store)
Coincidentally I came across this location, and I thought: “Javastraat? Why don’t I take a look at this?” And when I got here, I really thought this was a very cool place. Very multicultural, which I really appreciate. And in hindsight I still really like that, but usually those people don’t shop at stores like mine. They come to Javastraat solely to buy groceries (Owner of a home deco- and giftshop)
These motivations concerning settling in Indische Buurt are part of an important story of how the neighbourhood is perceived by the newcomer woman entrepreneurs, and how they experience and look at the way the neighbourhood is changing. Firstly, the specific position of the Javastraat was discussed by the participants. Many of them stated how the street mainly caters for inhabitants looking to pick up groceries. Arguably, the people using the neighbourhood in this manner are also the people that live there. Few people from outside of Indische Buurt seem to travel to the neighbourhood.
Yes, solely people from here. I always ask, and maybe out of a hundred people there’s three people not from here. Very few at least. And when they do come here from somewhere else it’s because of the paint, because they know I’m here. (Owner of a home deco- and giftshop)
A lot of people from Indische Buurt. It’s quite a step still for people from outside to come here. (Co-owner of a café and giftshop)
This, in combination with the fact that the street is often used for grocery shopping, is by some entrepreneurs labelled as an issue. As many of the newcomer businesses offer a different type of product, it’s argued there’s a lack of a certain type of customer.
I think everyone hopes for more of a “shopping” crowd walking around the neighbourhood, instead of just people buying groceries. Javastraat is a lovely street for buying fruits and vegetables. I use the street the for that purpose too actually. (Owner of a home deco- and giftshop)
I think people still have to learn about it. Of course, it’s still developing and it’s becoming more of a mixed social environment, as of late that is. I think when people come here a few times they realise that these streets are very nice to walk along and shop in. People are just not used to it yet. (Owner of a café and giftshop)
It’s telling how in most cases there’s a difference in how inhabitants of Indische Buurt as a whole and the type of customers usually entering their shops in particular are described by the
