The modern trade in African slaves
The exploitation of minor football labour migrants: policy responses to trafficked sub-Saharan African football talents in Europe
MA Thesis Political Science (International Relations) June 26, 2015
University of Amsterdam
Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences
Research project: The politics of international migration and asylum
Supervisor: Dhr. Dr. J.M.J. Doomernik Second reader: Dhr. Dr. R.J. Pistorius
Author: T.B.J. de Beer Student number: 10884343 Word count: 23,644
Abstract
Processes of migration in a globalising world can be understood through football. The migration of minor sub-Saharan African footballers contains features of
irregular migration, human trafficking and exploitation. Policy responses have failed in prohibiting the trade of four types of commodified minor football talents on the global football market. To answer the question “what factors account for the failed policy responses in combating irregular football migration of sub-Saharan African minors that result in modern day slavery in the European football core and what can be done?” the logics and behaviour of minor players and their families, academies, intermediaries, clubs, associations, confederations, governments and the FIFA at the migratory stages of recruitment, transportation and accommodation have been analysed in combination with current policy responses, in order to designate the gaps in current legislation that facilitates the human trafficking and exploitation of minors in and through football. This thesis finds that the main obstacles in combating
irregular football migration is the open space in the interface between the lack in the enforcement of football regulations due to the specificity of sport in European
legislation and the lack of authority for football’s legislative bodies for sanctions for criminal practices outside of football. This is the domain upon which unscrupulous intermediaries and European clubs exploit the vulnerable economic position of minor sub-Saharan African footballers in an underground labour market, where illegal practices, irregular migration, circumnavigation of regulations and trafficking in human beings is used to trade these children on the European football market. This thesis interprets these results and develops a policy proposal that provides multiple solutions to combat this modern trade in African slaves.
Table of contents
List of abbreviations 6
List of maps, tables and figures 7
Chapter 1. Introduction 10
Chapter 2. Methodology 15
2.1 Operationalisation 15
2.2 Research question and sub-questions 17
2.3 Definitions 18
2.4 Data gathering 19
2.5 Methods of analysis 21
Chapter 3. Theoretical and conceptual framework 23 3.1 Structural and historical theories of migration 23
3.2 Neoclassical economics 25
3.3 New economics of labour migration 27 3.4 Migration network theory and migration systems theory 29
Chapter 4. Football trafficking 32
4.1 Context 33 4.2 Academies 37 4.3 Recruitment 38 4.5 Transportation 43 4.6 Accommodation 45 4.7 Statistics 50 4.8 Conclusion 52
Chapter 5. Rights, football labour migration and human trafficking policies 54
5.1 Governments 55
5.2 Associations 59
5.3 Academies 60
5.4 European clubs 62
5.5 Intermediaries 63
5.1 Players and their families 65
5.7 Assessment of human rights and human trafficking
policies with respect to minor football labour migration 66
Chapter 6. Policy proposal 69
6.1 Legislative adjustments 69
6.2 Development programmes 73
6.3 Critical note 77
Chapter 7. Final conclusion 79
7.1 Recommendations for further research 82
Bibliography 84
Appendices 95
Appendix 1. ECJ Bosman Ruling
Appendix 2. UEFA Home Grown Player Rule
Appendix 3. Agreement regarding the Minimum Requirements for Standard Player Contracts in the professional football sector in the European Union and the rest of the UEFA territory
Appendix 4. FIFA Regulations on the Status and Transfer of Players Appendix 5. Transfer Matching System
Appendix 6. FIFA Regulations on Working with Intermediaries Appendix 7. UN Convention on the Rights of the Child
Appendix 8. UN Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime (including PPSPTP and PSMLSA)
Appendix 9. EU Rights of Victims of Trafficking in Human Beings Appendix 10. Interviews item list
List of abbreviations
CAF Confédération Africaine de Football CAS Court of Arbitration for Sport
CEC Commission of the European Communities CEU Council of the European Union
CFS Association Culture Foot Solidaire DAA FIFA Development Activities in Africa ECA European Club Association
ECJBR European Court of Justice Bosman Ruling EEA European Economic Area
AMRSPC Agreement regarding the Minimum Requirements for Standard Player Contracts in the professional football sector in the European Union and the rest of the UEFA territory
EPFL European Professional Football Leagues
EU European Union
EURVTHB European Union Rights of Victims of Trafficking in Human Beings FAP Financial Assistance Programme
FIFA Fédération Internationale de Football Association FIFPro Federation Internationale de Footballeurs HGPR UEFA Home Grown Player Rule IOM International Organisation for Migration ITC International Transfer Certificate NELM New Economics of Labour Migration NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
RSTP FIFA Regulations on the Status and Transfers of Players RWI FIFA Regulations on Working with Intermediaries
PPSPTP United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the UN Convention Against Organised Crime
PSMLSA United Nations Protocol Against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, supplementing the UN Convention Against Organised Crime
TMS FIFA Transfer Matching System
UEFA Union of European Football Associations
UN United Nations
UNCRC United Nations Convention on the Right of the Child VoFT Victims of Football Trafficking
VoT Victims of Trafficking
List of maps, tables and figures
Map 1 World map overview periphery, semi-periphery and core 8 Map 2 World of football map overview periphery, semi-periphery and core 8
Table 1 African-European colonial links 9
Figure 1 Football migrant typology 33
Map 1. World map overview periphery, semi-periphery and core (2015)
Table 1. African-European colonial links
France Great-Britain Portugal
Mauritania Egypt Angola
Senegal Sudan Mozambique
Gambia Somalia Guinea-Bissau
Mali Kenya Cape Verde Islands
Guinea Uganda Benin
Ivory Coast Tanzania
Niger Zanzibar Italy
Burkina Faso Botswana Libya
Benin Zimbabwe Eritrea
Togo Zambia (Part of) Somalia
Gabon South Africa
French-Cameroon Namibia Spain
Republic of the Congo Gambia (Part of) Morocco Central African Republic Sierra Leone Western Sahara
Chad Nigeria Equatorial Guinea
Algeria Ghana
Morocco Cameroon Belgium
Tunisia Malawi Democratic Republic
Madagascar Lesotho of the Congo
Djibouti Swaziland Rwanda
Burundi
Germany Russia
Cameroon Djibouti
(Part of) Nigeria (Part of) Ghana Rwanda Burundi Tanzania Namibia Togo
Chapter 1. Introduction
Michael was 11 years old when he was playing football at an illegal academy in a neighbourhood of Accra, the capital of Ghana. He dropped out of school because his parents were convinced that football was a bigger opportunity to escape from poverty, than primary or secondary education. He is one out of seven brothers and sisters. After practice one day, a European football agent in a grey suit approached him and complimented him on his football talent and skills. This same agent contacted Michael’s family and promised them to make their son and brother the new African football celebrity star. The agent argued that he had the right network in Europe and would be able to arrange a trial at one of France’s largest clubs. Michael’s family sold their car and borrowed money from other family members to finance the costs for the services of the agent and the travel to France, around $ 1,200. Michael did not have a passport, but the agent had one arranged attached with a tourist visa to enter Europe. It was strange that the passport did not have his official name. When he asked his agent about this, his response was that in Europe this name was better to get a contract. Looking back, he should have been suspicious from that moment. Michael took the plane by himself using the tickets organised by the agent. The agent himself would retrieve Michael from the airport in the country of destination. The agent never showed up. Michael never heard anything from him again. What was left was a large debt to his family and everyone who contributed towards the payment of his
migration. Michael does not want to go back home. He is convinced that he has let his family down if he tells them he did not succeed in securing a professional football contract. Now, Michael is 16 years old and lives in Amsterdam with a friend. He is nervous when asked how he earns the money he remits back home because his family believes he succeeded in becoming a professional football player. One day he will return to Ghana, but first he has a debt to pay off (Michael 2015). Michael’s story is one out of many.
Football labour migration is a relatively new phenomenon to be studied. Therefore, theorising is still developing and no general accepted paradigm exists. According to Docquier et al. (2008), football has been so far the most globalised labour market and this market of footballers is fundamental to the modern game. Like Michael, talented football players are commodified and constantly on the move,
trying to reach the wealthiest European clubs. An increasing number of talented players move every year across countries and continents to join the top European leagues (Poli et al. 2014). The effect of mobility of talented workers, the so-called brain drain, on inequality between nations has attracted the interest of scholars and has become a popular subject and key debating point in books, journal articles and the media (Esson 2015: 514). Income differentials induce migration and migration affects inequality between countries, because highly skilled workers tend to migrate more often than the less skilled (Taylor 2006).
According to the current debate, this form of migration should not be isolated from general migratory trends and patterns. Processes of migration in a globalising world can be understood through football (Poli 2010). According to Docquier et al. (2008), football has been so far the most globalised labour market. It reflects a complex set of linkages between specific countries, or sets of countries and these linkages often have deep social, cultural and historical roots (Taylor 2006). Transnational migration is the movement of people from one country to another. International migration is increasing in the globalising world that we are living in (Poli 2010: 491). There are many different forms of migration, and there is not a single definition.
The loss of football resources of sub-Saharan Africa to Europe can be
perceived, according to structural, historical and neoclassical theoretical approaches, as neo-colonial exploitation of the third world by the first. This increase leads to the impoverishment of sub-Saharan Africa (Darby 2007). However, other theoretical reasoning, such as new economics of labour migration, migration network and migration system theories, have more room for human agency. The subjectivities of the migrants and their relatives are of importance in explaining football labour migration.
What is important is the context under which people decide to migrate. Human smugglers and traffickers take advantage of these circumstances. Vulnerable
individuals are relatively easy to persuade and exploit, because the prospect of a better and more sustainable future is what they are in search of.
Every year, 15,000 footballers migrate from the sub-Saharan African football periphery to the European core of football nations, whereof 4,000 children from 8 to 18 years old (Poli 2010; Esson 2015; Mbvoumin 2015). Football talents, from as young as 8 years old, are transferred and smuggled to Europe to secure professional
football contracts. Sub-Saharan African minor footballers are the cheapest on the market and contain the best price-quality ratio. Poor and vulnerable families of these football migrants exhaust their funds to support the opportunity to escape from poverty. They sign binding and coercive contracts with intermediaries that promise to assist in their careers. However, after arrival in the transcontinental destination
country the players are often left abandoned. They cannot or are too ashamed to return home. The Commission of the European Communities (CEC) (2007) argued
accordingly, by stating that an international network of agents remove minor players from Africa and Latin America to bring them to Europe. The children who are not selected for competitions and professional contracts are then abandoned in the countries of destination, which heightens the prospects of them falling into modern day slavery and exploitative networks (CEC 2007: art. 4.4).
Less than one per cent of the migrated football minors succeed in providing livelihood through football. The others, 20,000 African-born children between 8 and 18 years old in 2009 (Mbvoumin 2015), were living on the European streets and are likely to be oppressed by human traffickers and forced to participate in criminal activities.
Government policies in countries of origin, transit and destination are aimed to control and restrict migration processes. Hence, national policies can never address all causes of migration and international cooperation is necessary. Governments, to a large extent, intervene forcefully to restrict and prohibit migration. However, this has not led to a reduction in the numbers of people on the move, but it has created a market for human smuggling and trafficking (Doomernik, 2013).
Sport related migration has long been left unattended by scientists and policy makers. Among other reasons, one being that the football industry is a domain that wields its own regulations and is not tied to one state-bound actor that exercises control. The world of football exists of its governing body Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the confederations, the national associations, the clubs, intermediaries and the players. Besides the world of football, states,
transnational organisations and non-governmental organisations play a role in the policy making process of football.
Currently, there are three main policy responses to restrict and decrease irregular football migration in ‘the cattle market’ (Littlewood et al. 2011: 791) that
could lead to the exploitation of African minors. The first argues for stronger regulation of international transfers between football clubs and the working with intermediaries. The second proposes that raising awareness and co-developing in countries of origin will reduce instances of African youth falling for the coercive and exploitative scams. The third argues for the protection of unaccompanied minor migrants and human trafficking legislation concerning sport migrants on a European level. Despite of the effort, these responses are not able to reduce the numbers of migrating and exploited African football minors.
The question that this thesis poses, therefore, is:
What factors account for the failed policy responses in combating irregular football migration of sub-Saharan African minors that result in modern day slavery in the European football core and what can be done?
To answer this question, processes of minor sub-Saharan African football labour migration to Europe and existing policy responses are analysed by means of the combination of theoretical-, qualitative- and quantitative data as well as semi-structured in-depth interviews. These sources are informed by football labour migration literature and primary sources, supplemented by general secondary migration literature.
The question of this thesis targets the core of the exploitative practices inherent to football labour migration as part of a globalising system. Aiming to identify and designate the factors and logics that account for those exploitative practices and generate a sufficient solution for the issues addressed.
On a more theoretical level, this thesis aims to explore the underlying conditions that determine the processes of football labour migrations of minor sub-Saharan African players despite of their presumable end in modern day slavery. According to Esson (2015: 513), there is more to football migration than the top-down theories that paint only a basic picture of migratory patterns. There is an
increasing spatial nature of approaches that sub-Saharan Africans use to overcome the constraints that are facing them.
The remainder of this thesis is organised into seven sections. First, a methodological chapter will elaborate on the operationalisation, definitions,
sub-questions, data gathering and methods of analysis. Second, a theoretical framework is provided through which to analyse the processes and logics of football labour
migration of minor sub-Saharan African football players. Third, a chapter on the migration processes of minor sub-Saharan African football labour migrants is provided, including the context, the recruitment in the countries of origin,
transportation and accommodation in the countries of destination. The different logics of the actors and stakeholders involved for each type of football migrant will be identified. Fourth, a chapter on rights, football labour migration and human
trafficking policies will elaborate on the analysis of policy documents regarding the processes of minor sub-Saharan African football labour migration. This will include the analysis of protocols, charters and regulations that are of influence on the
international migration of minor football players who are confronted with human trafficking. This section will also designate the factors that account for the problems that come with these policies regarding the processes of migration of trafficked minor African footballers. Subsequently, a chapter will be provided that interprets the
findings and develops a policy proposal that provides multiple solutions to combat the human trafficking of minor sub-Saharan African football players and decrease the numbers of victims of football trafficking. Lastly, a chapter will conclude this thesis by summarising the arguments and positioning these results into a broader perspective of social relevance and scientific research.
Chapter 2. Methodology
2.1 Operationalisation
This research is focused on the football migration from the periphery to the core. In world economics provided by the World Bank (WB) (2015), peripheries can be found in Latin America, Central America, Africa and East- and South-East Asia (Map 1). The economic developed cores are located in Northern America, Australia, Japan and Western Europe. However, in football the distribution of the world system is different (Map 2).
The economic core of strong football nations is just apparent in Europe and Russia. Economically, Russia can be perceived as the semi-periphery. However, in football Russia is part of the core. The United States of America, Canada, Australia and Japan are not part of the football core. Magee and Sugden (2002: 428) underpin this theory by determining another category of countries named the ‘external area’. They agree with Bale and Maguire (1994) on the fact that economic power is the most
important factor in explaining football migratory patterns to the core, but also a tradition of football needs to be taken into account. North America, Australia and parts of Asia, all part of the economic core, have no tradition of football and are perceived to be the
football (semi-) periphery. Therefore, it is unlikely for players from the economic (semi-) periphery to migrate to this category of countries.
The generalisation of Africa being the periphery is subject to discussion. Paul Darby (2000) argues that Africa as a whole does not share the same tradition in football. The same is applicable for Latin America. The semi-periphery in football in Africa consists of Morocco, Tunisia and South Africa. These countries also have a great tradition in football and are regionally powerful in attracting foreign players from the same continent (Magee and Sugden 1998: 57-69). There is a distinction in the
development of the more highly developed football systems in these countries and the poor developed sub-Saharan ones. Important to note is that the more developed football systems in Africa and Latin America are still not comparable with the economic power of the European leagues, which are able to offer high financial benefits and economic opportunities for talented players (Maguire 2011).
The economic core of football nations is apparent in Europe whilst the dispersion then takes place in the form of the outsourcing of football talent in especially the sub-Saharan African periphery. The economic weakness of these countries and in particular
their football infrastructure is the reason for this diminution. The purchase of sub-Saharan African football talent is relatively cheap compared to the costs involved in training a European player or the purchase of a European or Latin American player (Lanfranchi and Taylor 2001).
Therefore, this thesis focuses on football related migration from the sub-Saharan African football periphery to the European football core. The migration of minor Latin American or Asian football players will not be subject of this thesis. Neither will be the migration of minor sub-Saharan football players to other countries outside of the European football core.
Sub-Saharan Africa consists of the following countries, South Africa excluded: Mauritania, Senegal, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Mali, Liberia, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Niger, Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, Central-African Republic, Gabon, Congo-Brazzaville, South-Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Democratic Republic Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, Zambia, Angola, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Madagascar and Malawi.
In this thesis sub-Saharan Africa is both called Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. The European core of football nations consists of the following countries:
Belgium, Denmark, Germany, France, Greece, Italy, Monaco, the Netherlands, Ukraine, Austria, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Spain, Turkey, United Kingdom, Switzerland and Cyprus.
When spoken about Europe in this thesis, it is to be the European core of football nations.
The use of football labour migration of minors in this thesis is only concerning the international movement of minimum 8 to maximum 18 years old male children for football related reasons.
Football player throughout this thesis is perceived as being a male player playing 11-a-side football.
This thesis is primarily focused on the minor African football players from sub-Saharan Africa that did not and do not succeed in becoming professional football players with a signed contract to a club in the strong European football nations, after being in contact with an intermediary. Besides this, interest is put on players that succeed and succeeded in acquiring professional contracts, which is called trafficking in football
(Esson 2015: 516). Players that succeed in securing professional contracts can also be recruited illegally by football clubs or agents and therefore also subject to this thesis. Although, people can argue on the fact that professional football players are exploited through their contracts and through their ownership by football clubs and agents. They are then traded as commodified humans on the international football transfer market, which will be a point of discussion throughout this research.
However, this thesis focuses mainly on trafficking through football (ibid.). According to Esson (ibid.) and Poli (2010) trafficking through football is subject to the vast majority of cases. Exploitation in here is perceived as in article 3a of the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the UN Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime (UN 2000). Both forms of trafficking are conflated under the term football trafficking.
When spoken about intermediaries and agents in this thesis, it is to be read as unscrupulous football scouts, unregistered agents, human smugglers and human
traffickers, or explicitly addressed otherwise. This thesis is not focused on the behaviour of licensed intermediaries, scouts and agents assisting minor and adult players;
nevertheless, they will be subject of discussion. Although can be argued otherwise following the literature on trafficking in football (Esson 2015: 516), their legal intention is not to exploit minor sub-Saharan African players, but to assist the players with issues and decisions regarding their careers, being subject to international, regional and national legislation.
2.2 Research question and sub-questions
This research is subdivided into three sub-questions to answer the research question:
What factors account for the failed policy responses in combating irregular football migration of sub-Saharan African minors that result in modern day slavery in the European football core and what can be done?
Sub-question 1: Why and how do sub-Saharan African minor football players migrate to Europe and end up in modern day slavery and exploitative networks?
The first sub-question will use the context as well as the stages of recruitment, transportation and accommodation to identify the different logics of the actors and stakeholders involved and to generate an understanding of the processes and size of the human trafficking of minor sub-Saharan African football talents to Europe.
Sub-question 2: Why and how have policy responses failed in prohibiting irregular football labour migration and exploitation of sub-Saharan African minors in Africa and Europe?
The second sub-question will use the important events in history of football labour migration policies and different current policies, laws, arrests and reports on different levels of government and ways of combating irregular football labour migration, to identify how is been dealt with the human trafficking of minor sub-Saharan African footballers and identifies the problems with and the gaps in current legislative policies.
Sub-question 3: What needs to be done and can be done to reduce the numbers of trafficked minor sub-Saharan African irregular football labour migrants?
The third sub-question will propose different measures to combat the human trafficking of minor sub-Saharan African footballers in both countries of origin as well as in countries of destination.
2.3 Definitions
Intermediary.
An intermediary is a natural or legal person who, for a fee or free of charge, represents players and/or clubs in negotiations with a view to concluding an
employment contract or represent clubs in negotiations with a view to concluding a transfer agreement (FIFA 2015: 4). However, in this thesis, also a natural or illegal person that does not represents the players’ interests for the purpose of the benefits of that player, is also considered to be an intermediary.
Irregular migration.
Irregular migration concerns the movement that takes place outside the regulatory norms of the sending, transit and receiving countries. There is no clear or universally accepted definition of irregular migration. From the perspective of destination countries it is the illegal entry, stay or work in a country. This means that
the migrant does not have the necessary authorization or documents required under immigration regulations to enter, stay or work in a given country. From the
perspective of the sending country, the irregularity is for example seen in cases in which a person crosses an international border without a valid passport or travel documents or does not fulfil the administrative requirements for leaving the country. There is, however, a tendency, according to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM 2004: 34-35) to restrict the use of the term “illegal migration” to cases of smuggling of migrants and trafficking in persons.
Professional football player.
A professional player is a player, who has a written contract with a club and is paid more for his footballing activity than the expenses he effectively incurs. All other players are considered to be amateurs (FIFA 2014: 9).
Third-country national.
Third-country national minor football migrant is an individual who is not a citizen of a Member State of the European Union or the European Economic Area (CEC 2011: 3).
Trafficking in persons, modern day slavery and exploitation.
The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation (UN 2000: art. 3a).
2.4 Data gathering
Little quantitative research has been done on the trade in minor African football players and only a small amount of figures or statistics are to be found. Statistical data is difficult to find because of the irregular character of the subject and the touch upon the issue of human trafficking. As with all statistics, particularly those concerning members of society who may be associated with illegal and stigmatised activities (Esson 2015: 513), these figures have to be threatened with caution. Due to the fact
that human trafficking is a crime, it is an international problem for governments to address. However, according to politicians it belongs in the realm of sports and is therefore the responsibility of the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the worlds’ governing body in football. Both conduct a passive attitude, which result in little data research (Den Boer 2014). However, this research is partly based on secondary data to examine some quantitative figures that show the
magnitude of the subject of this thesis. Poli (2006; 2006a; 2010) and Poli et al. (2014) have contributed to the statistical research based on the visible African player in Europe. They derive conclusions for the irregular part of football migration from the regular and successful part of football migration. This thesis also uses literature and indicators of theoretical concepts to transform the existing data on regular football migration to support data on irregular football migration.
Qualitative data in this thesis is used for gaining an in-depth understanding of the underlying reasons and motivations of football labour migration of minor sub-Saharan African football players. For the qualitative analysis of the research, the most important contributions to relevant debates are being used to make the argument and create different theoretical perspectives on the subject of football labour migration. The majority of research consists of primary sources and secondary literature review. Secondary data is used to recreate the events and examine the processes of minor football labour migration and to generate a better understanding of the different logics and positions of the actors and stakeholders involved.
To analyse the football labour migration policies and identify the problems within those policies, different legislative arrests, regulations, laws, protocols and reports on different levels of government are used, mainly through academic literature and reports from international organisations. Wherever possible, primary data such as FIFA, UEFA and UN reports are used. The policy documents are subdivided in two sections, human trafficking policy documents and football labour migration
documents.
The human trafficking policy documents that are analysed are the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) (1989), two protocols supplementing the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime (2000b) consisting of the United Nations Protocol Against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air (PSMLSA) (2000a) and the Protocol to Prevent,
Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children (PPSPTP) (2000) and lastly the EU Rights of Victims of Trafficking in Human Beings (EURVTHB) (2013).
This research makes use of the following football labour migration documents. The European Court of Justice Bosman Ruling (ECJBR) (1995), the FIFA
Regulations on the Status and Transfers of Players (RSTP) (2014), the Regulations of the UEFA Champions League 2015-18 cycle (HGPR) (2015), the UEFA, EPFL, ECA and FIFPro Agreement regarding the Minimum Requirements for Standard Player Contracts in the Professional Football sector in the European Union and the rest of the UEFA territory (AMRSPC) (2012), the FIFA Transfer Matching System (TMS) (2014) and the FIFA Regulations on Working with Intermediaries (RWI) (2015). The descriptions and summaries of the documents used concerning football migration and human trafficking policy directives and protocols can be found in the appendices.
To supplement these sources, included are individual in-depth semi-structured (item list in appendix 10) interviews with:
Jean-Claude Mbvoumin, founder and director of Association Culture Foot Solidaire (Paris, April 22nd, 2015).
Michael (real name is made anonymous), 16 year old Ghanaian victim of human trafficking living in Amsterdam (Amsterdam, May 25th, 2015).
2.5 Methods of analysis
This thesis makes use of qualitative analysis to generate an in-depth understanding of the contexts of minor sub-Saharan African football labour migration and uses a continual interplay between theory and analysis to discover patterns and gaps within these atmospheres. The outcomes of this analysis are explanatory and investigative in nature and are essential for providing a broad base of insight on which policy
proposals for combating human trafficking of minor sub-Saharan African football labour migrants are based. Literature review, content analysis and interpretative methods to analyse the in-depth semi-structured interviews are used to analyse the gathered qualitative data.
The little quantitative data that is available will be used to generate an
understanding of the size of the problem and as a supplementing test of the qualitative research.
This research makes use of triangulation to combine theories concerning minor football labour migration, the small amount of quantitative data, the gathered qualitative data and semi-structured in-depth interviews. Due to this way of analysis using more than one method, this thesis will be able to facilitate the validation of data through cross verification from four sources and therefore improve the quality of its research by overcome weaknesses, biases and problems (Oates 2005).
Chapter 3. Theoretical and conceptual framework
Football migration is nothing new. The expansion of the international market of football talent started with the first world cup in Uruguay in 1930. For the first time, a significant number of players moved from one country and continent to another, motivated by better economic promises (Lanfranchi and Taylor 2001: 1-3). Over the last two decades particularly, teams competing in the European leagues are
increasingly a collection of different nationalities. A growing number of talented players move every year across countries and continents to join the top European leagues (Poli et al. 2014).
Theorising football migration is fairly new and, therefore, still developing. According to the current debate, this form of migration should not be isolated from general migratory trends and patterns. Poli (2006: 412) recognises this particular point and argues that an African footballers destiny is not so different from the destiny of more ‘normal’ migrants.
This research makes use of several theoretical and conceptual frameworks to contribute to a better understanding of the topic. This section identifies the most important indicators for each theory and concept in the current debate and distinguishes the links between them.
3.1 Structural and historical theories of migration
The contexts in which micro level decisions are made for migration are dependent on social and economic macro-level structures. Immanuel Wallerstein (1974) theorised the incorporation of less developed regions of the world into a world economy, by dividing the world into three stages of economic development. Industrialised capitalist countries in the core, industrialising countries with characteristics of both the core and periphery in the semi-periphery and underdeveloped countries with weak institutions and highly dependent on core-countries in the periphery. Owners, managers and agents of large firms and organisations in developed countries in the core, look for cheap labour, land, raw materials and markets in poor countries in the periphery, driven by the desire of higher profits and greater wealth (Wright 2002: 70).
Migration is a natural result of the disturbances occurring in this process of market expansion and disruption. Migrants respond mechanically to structural forces
beyond their control (Massey et al. 2002: 13; Esson 2015: 513). As markets control land and labour, flows of migrants are generated. It also makes it easier and reduces the costs for them to migrate to the developed world, because of the extensive and expanding links in transportation and communication.
Bale and Maguire (1994) applied the world systems theory to divide the global world of football in a strong economic and technologically advanced European core and a weak African and Latin American semi-periphery and periphery. The
underlying logic is that football talents tend to migrate in a globalising world from the (semi-)periphery to the core. Processes of economic globalisation similarly generate cultural links between developed and developing countries, and frequently reflect former colonial ties. The colonial origins of the European trade in African football talent facilitate the migration of these talents (Darby 2007: 444). The history of football labour migration shows that African players were of high presence in the professional football leagues of the European coloniser, which implies that European countries recognised that the African colonies were rich in natural resources, raw materials and cheap labour (idem: 445).
Globalisation in football is an ambiguous process. On the one hand a growing density of economic power in the developed European core. While on the other hand this trend results in the extraction of productive resources, through the outsourcing of football talent in the economic underdeveloped African and Latin American (semi-) periphery. This polarisation favours unequal power relationships and different forms of exploitation (Poli 2010).
Building on the world systems theory arguing that players migrate from the periphery to the core, Darby (1997: 110-113) links the migration of African footballers to neo-imperialism by the use of dependency and underdevelopment theories. The dependency theory debates the flow of resources from the periphery to the core, enriching the developed countries at the expense of the third world (Darby et al. 2007). Due to the migration of African football players to Europe, economic and cultural dominance is performed by the core without having any form of political authority. The European core acts as a magnet for football labour migrants on a global scale (Taylor 2007: 9).
Darby et al. (2007: 157) emphasise the advantage of Europe by the developed underdevelopment of African football to maintain the purchase of cheap football talents. They take a neo-Marxist point of view and argue that the first world prospers
through the underdevelopment of the third world. The loss of Africa’s football
resources to Europe can be perceived as colonial and neo-colonial exploitation, which increases the impoverishment and underdevelopment of Africa and its football (Darby 2007). Darby (idem: 446-447) and Darby et al. (2007: 157) argue that developed countries draw continuously on previous colonial linkages (for an overview of these linkages is to be seen table 1) to source cheap but highly skilled football labour for consumption and exportation on the European market. This can be interpreted as further neo-imperialist exploitation of the developing world by the developed world. Globalisation is generally associated with the process of the new international division of labour. Major international companies, located in global cities (Sassen 1991), are not only looking for markets or raw materials in the periphery, but also for a cheap, abundant and well-disciplined labour force (Wright 2002: 70). The
relocalisation of production is reflected in a strong increase of products made in countries having progressively acquired an advantage regarding human capital and factors of production. In football such a process occurs simultaneously, encouraged by an increase of the numbers of players imported from Africa and Latin America (Poli 2010: 495).
The focalisation on macro-economic perspectives and the analysis of political processes of economic and cultural domination entails the risk of framing individuals as passive actors without the capabilities to influence positively the structures in which they are embedded. World systems and the dependency theory help to
understand economic logics and the underlying power games. However, these macro-structural perspectives do not provide the analytical and conceptual tools to
understand the ‘socio-spatial’ logics adequately (ibid.).
3.2 Neoclassical economics
According to neoclassical economics, complete markets for goods and services exist and are functioning well, performing perfect information and competition. Rational individuals enter these markets in order to maximize their utility (Massey et al. 2002: 11).
Neoclassical theory defines international labour migration as a cost-benefit calculation. Migration would not occur in the absence of wage differentials between countries. According to this theory, international migration derives from geographical
differences in the supply and demand for labour (idem: 9). Countries with a large labour force relative to capital have low wages. Countries with a limited labour force relative to capital have high wages. This difference motivates workers to move from low wage countries to high wage countries, which lead in the long-term to an
economic equilibrium between countries (ibid.).
Rational actors expect international movement to lead to positive (monetary) net returns. This micro-economic model of decision-making argues that migrants are in search of places where, given their skills, they can be most productive, earn more and have more political freedom (idem: 10; Castles et al. 2014: 28). According to neoclassical economics, rational utility-maximising actors calculate the possible benefits of migration to different countries by adding the material costs of traveling, the costs of sustenance while moving and looking for work, the effort involved in learning a new language and culture, the difficulty experienced in adapting to a new labour market and the psychological burden of cutting old ties and forging new ones. Migrants move to wherever the net returns are estimated to be the highest, also called expected destination earnings (Todaro and Maruszko 1987; Massey et al. 2002: 10). These types of analytical frameworks used by individuals to determine possible migration are commonly referred to as push-pull models (Passaris, 1989). These models identify economic, environmental and demographic factors, which are assumed to ‘push’ people out of their countries of origin and ‘pull’ them into new countries of destination (Castles et al. 2014: 28). Push factors include population density, the lack of economic opportunities and political repression. Pull factors include the demand for labour, economic opportunities and stable political
environments. Furthermore, migrants’ fortune abroad also encourages others to make similar migratory decisions (idem: 44).
Regarding African football players, the success of others in the highest European leagues shows the potential of African talent and creates a demand for African players in Europe (Darby 2007: 447). On the other hand, European clubs are able to offer types of salaries that do not exist in African countries, which explains the irresistibility, temptation and attraction for African talent to play in Europe (Poli 2006a: 278-284). Extreme poverty, political instability, weak professional football infrastructure, weak economic structures and the lack of possibilities are the reasons that contribute to the motivation of young players to migrate and earn the almost unimaginable riches European football can offer when successful (Darby 2007: 449).
Neoclassical theories, however, are not able to explain circular migration flows when an economic equilibrium is not yet accomplished. Logically, rational utility-maximizing actors should want to stay permanently in the country of residence to benefit from the higher wages, consumption and institutions. Nevertheless, every year big amounts of money are remitted back home to improve life in countries of origin (Massey et al. 2002: 11). The assumptions of neoclassical economics do not occur alike in a world that is considerably more complex, where markets for goods and services may not exist, be imperfect or even fail completely. Individual actors, even when they are rational, they do not enter markets as autonomous individuals, but as members of families, households and communities, that at times, might need to cooperate collectively (ibid.).
3.3 New economics of labour migration
Theoretical reasoning of new economics of labour migration (NELM) has more room for human agency compared to neoclassical theories and has parallels with theoretical livelihood approaches. NELM assumes that individuals do not make migration
decisions as isolated actors, but within larger units of interrelated people such as households, families and communities. People work collectively to overcome failures in capital, credit, insurance markets and public goods (Massey et al. 2002: 11).
NELM approaches show that factors such as social security, income risk and inequality, the chances of secure employment, access of the poor to credit and
insurance and product markets can also be important migration determinants (Castles et al. 2014: 39). In relative poor countries, for example in sub-Saharan Africa,
insurance markets and markets for futures are not well developed. The governments in this region are also not able to offer substitutes for support. In comparison with most developed countries who manage a household’s welfare through private markets and government insurance programmes, relative poor countries are not only poorer than developed countries, they are also exposed to a greater risk (Massey et al. 2002: 12).
Most Africans have strong and powerful family ties and do not live as solitary individuals acting as an independent rational utility-maximizing actor, but see
migration as risk-sharing behaviour (Castles et al. 2014: 38). These households manage their risks by diversifying their allocation of productive resources in different
labour markets, often abroad, remitting money back home (Massey et al. 2002: 12). These remittances are not only a source of income, but also function in the absence of a stable and efficient banking system as a way to accumulate cash, generate savings in a short period of time and to overcome other capital and insurance market constraints (ibid.; Castles et al. 2014: 38).
Migrants generally start off foreign labour as target earners. They do not view low incomes in the country of destination as a matter of prestige or status within that country, but solely as means of income as remittances to buy social status back home (Massey et al. 2002: 16). Poorly paid, mostly physically intense jobs with unstable, unpleasant conditions and limited mobility prospects are part of the labour-intensive secondary sector. This is contrary to the capital-intensive primary sector, consisting of professional, stable and skilled jobs. The demand for migrants in developed countries arise from the labour-intensive secondary sector and is mostly of an exploitative character (idem: 17). Native workers are not interested to work in the secondary sector. Nevertheless, migrants complete this deficit in demand and remain willing to put up with exploitative jobs. They view these jobs as temporary and the earnings as supplemental and not threatening their social status back home (idem: 17-18). On the contrary, NELM sees migration as a response to relative deprivation. Having the feeling of being less well off than other community members, is an incentive to reach a higher social status through migration, rather than remaining in absolute poverty within migrant sending societies and communities (Castles et al. 2014: 38). Economically indigent African communities, families and players are dependent on the transfers to Europe to generate benefits. Poli (2010a: 1001) argues conformably that African families, households and communities see the opportunity for a single member to become a football player with a professional contract, as the possibility for an increase in socio-economic status and welfare and an escape from poverty.
Prevailing migration theories such as neoclassical theories, structural and historical theories and the new economics of labour migration emphasise the importance of the theoretical premise of global institutional structures and self-sustaining nature of migratory processes. However, focusing on migrant agency, the experiences of people and the spaces through which they move are equally important, if not more (Carter 2011: 67).
Poli (2010: 502) and Carter (2011: 67) argue that people matter more than the structures that attempt to shape those individuals’ actions. The scale and context of international sport migration needs to take into account both macroscale- and mesoscale patterns, as well as microscale patterns. That is to say population
movements, international political economic relations and global governance as well as family, mobility, places and careers. Individuals’ experiences with various
institutions and ways in which people produce their own mobility have to be emphasised to create a better understanding of the issue of international football migration (Carter 2011: 67).
3.4 Migration network theory and migration systems theory
Migration network theory and migration systems theory analyse how ‘migrants’ agency’ creates social, economic and cultural structures at the micro-, meso- and macro-levels by carefully tracing and describing migratory channels. The theories use the paradigm of relationism, in which contextuality and process in sociological analysis is important (Poli 2010: 492). It shows that globalisation is a structural process directly linked to human agency and that the increase in international sport migration concretely depends on the actions of multiple actors that cause the interconnection between specific zones of departure, transit and arrival (ibid.). To provide a strong micro-macro bridge, the analytical unit used within the framework of the football players’ labour market is the transfer networks of players, and not only the players individually or the macro-economic structures they are integrated in. Networks consist of functionally interdependent individuals that use social capital contemplation of moving abroad (idem: 494).
Within the global world of football migrant networks consist of the interrelationships between club officials, managers, agents, talent scouts,
intermediaries, investors and players and their relatives at zones of departure, transit and arrival (ibid.). These networks facilitate migratory action, including human smuggling, human trafficking and exploitation. The imbalance between the large supply of people who want to enter capital rich countries and the limited available visas, work places, housing and, professional contracts, in combination with restrictive migration policies of developed countries, create a “lucrative niche for
entrepreneurs promoting international movement for profit, yielding a black market in migration services” (Massey et al. 2002: 20).
Globalisation has increased the ability of migrants to develop and maintain network relationships over long distances, especially through improvements in technology, transport and communication (Castles et al. 2014: 41). Due to the developments in telecommunication, satellite television and the internet, people in countries considering migration are able to notice what is happening on the other side. This creates transnational communities. The accumulation of social capital takes place over time and space. Each act of migration alters the social context within which migration decisions are made, and therefore increasing the likelihood of additional migration. Once the number of network connections in a society or community reaches a critical threshold, migration becomes self-perpetuating (Massey et al. 2002: 20). This process of cumulative causation of migration leads to a positive increase in the probability of migration by reducing the risks and costs of subsequent migration and settlement; showing that migration is a ‘risk worth to take’.
Football migrants are building on previous broken bridges and take the existing routes to destination countries being subject to migration regimes (Esson 2015: 514).
Migration systems theory does not only focus on the role of social capital or on transnational communities in making migratory decisions, but also at how
migration is intrinsically linked to other forms of exchange, such as flows of ideas and money. Feedback mechanisms, through which information about migrants’ situations and progress is transmitted back to countries of origin, are often perceived as
favourable information that encourages further migration (Castles et al. 2014: 43). The exchange in goods, capital (such as remittances), ideas and information between hosting countries and countries of origin can be an incentive for people to move. Therefore, if migrations ‘pioneers’ (Maguire 1999) become strongly associated with success, residents of economically underdeveloped countries will perceive migration as a possibility to escape poverty (Poli 2010; Castles et al. 2014: 44).
African media coverage of European football and the cult of stardom of footballers playing abroad, contributes to the construction of the myth of football as means of upward social mobility. The success of international ‘pioneer’ migrant players in Europe is the reason for households, families and communities to see the opportunity for a single member to become professional football migrant as an escape from their
current desperate situation (Poli 2010). However, not all international sport migrants are athletes. They are only one aspect of transnational sport-related labour. The vast majority will not make it as a professional and earn the additional unimaginable riches (Carter 2011: 80).
Chapter 4. Football trafficking
Talented football players are constantly on the move, trying to reach Europe’s wealthiest clubs. An increasing number of players move every year across international borders to try and acquire professional contracts (Poli et al. 2014). However, the global football labour market contains exploitative practices, human trafficking and irregular migration. Human trafficking is a business operating system, operating in the multinational market of migration (Salt and Stein 1997: 477;
Wheaton et al. 2010).
Drawing on the results of this thesis, a typology of different types of football migrants can be distinguished, drawing on Magee and Sugden’s (2002) typology and based on the trajectories at the stages of recruitment, transportation and accommodation (figure 1) (CEC 2013). Throughout this chapter this typology will be used to point out what type of third-country national minor football migrant is spoken about at what stage of the migration process.
Type A, the exile (Magee and Sugden 2002: 432). Minor sub-Saharan African football talents that are illegally recruited by intermediaries at illegal academies for purposes not related to football. Resulting in a vulnerable and homeless situation and possibly exposed to exploitation in Europe, if not returning home or ending up in the hands of authorities. Subject to trafficking through football.
Type B, the unsuccessful ambitionist. Minor sub-Saharan African football talents that are illegally recruited by intermediaries at illegal academies for football purposes and by their agent offered to a European club. Resulting in rejection by the club, after a trial, remaining illegal in the country of destination and ending up in a vulnerable and
homeless situation, possibly exposed to exploitation, if not returning home or ending up in the hands of authorities. Subject to trafficking through football.
Type C, the successful ambitionist. Minor sub-Saharan African football talents that are illegally recruited by intermediaries at illegal academies for football purposes and by their agent offered to a European club. Resulting in acceptance for a trial by the club and ending up with a professional contract. Subject to trafficking to both trafficking through and in football.
Type D, celebrity superstar (Magee and Sugden 2002: 433). Minor sub-Saharan African football talents that are legally recruited by European clubs or legal
agents, resulting in a trial and subsequently in a professional contract. Subject to trafficking in football.
To investigate the football migration system and its processes, this research analyses three stages of human trafficking, drawing on secondary sources and primary data, with the emphasis on human agency (Castles et al. 2014). This chapter will use the context as well as statistical analysis and the stages of recruitment, transportation and accommodation (CEC 2013) to identify, for each type of football migration, the different logics of the actors and stakeholders involved (Doomernik 2013). This will be to generate an understanding of the processes and size of the human trafficking of minor sub-Saharan African football talents to answer sub-question 1. Why and how do sub-Saharan African minor football players migrate to Europe and end up in modern day slavery and exploitative networks?
Figure 1. Football migrant typology
4.1 Context
The context and surrounding circumstances are the beginning factors to the decision of migration. To contextualise the migration of minor African footballers to Europe, the particular circumstances surrounding football in most sub-Saharan countries have to be taken into account.
Structural theories and historical theories of migration shape the world of football into an African periphery and semi-periphery being dependent on the European core of football nations (Magee and Sugden 2002: 428). Developed
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countries in Europe with strong economic and material resources explore markets with cheap labour and resources, to contribute to their labour market, aiming for high profits, greater success and more extensive wealth. In the case of football migrants type B, C and D, the growing density of economic power in the European football industry exploit the disturbances within the global market of football by the
recruitment, transportation and accommodation of the poor and vulnerable situation of African minors and their families. Regarding type A counts that the discrepancies between the core and the (semi-) periphery is exploited by unscrupulous
intermediaries, with the intention of personal financial and material gains at the expense of the vulnerable for reasons not related to football.
To exemplify, in 2011, according to the World Bank, 46.8 per cent of the
Sub-Saharan African population was living on less than $ 1.25 a day (WB 2015). Extreme poverty, political instability, weak professional football infrastructure and weak economic structures ensure low wages and few job opportunities. The total GDP per capita of these countries was in 2013 $ 1,643 trillion, compared to the total of $ 17.96 trillion of the EU (WB 2015a).
In sub-Saharan Africa 77 % of the official primary school aged children are enrolled in school. 70 % completed primary school education. In the EU 97 % of the children enrolled in primary school completed their primary education, in 2012. 31 % of sub-Saharan African children of official school age are enrolled in secondary education, compared to 65 % in the overall world (WB 2015a).
Political instability and political risk in Africa are other disadvantages that face the Africans population. Almost all sub-Saharan African countries are subject to medium, high and extreme political risk, except for Botswana (Maplecroft 2014). Local dynamics and politics are subject to bad management, bad infrastructures, corruption and personal gains (Darby 2010: 34-38). This political and social
fermentation as well as post-war economic crises are determinants that contribute to the outsourcing of African football talent. Players are relatively easy to persuade due to the unsafe and insecure environments (Darby 2007: 448).
The weak professional football structures of sub-Saharan countries cause underdeveloped physical education and sport participation, low financing of sport and a small amount of sport facilities (Adreff and Szymanski 2007). Sub-Saharan Africa has little organised (youth) football, no protection of minors and no sports policies
(Darby et al. 2007). In Senegal and Cameroon players playing in so-called
professional leagues earn $ 95 a month and many are not getting paid (Homewood 2013). The consequence of the underdevelopment of sports is, among others, the migration and outsourcing of talent. The talents have better opportunities to develop their skills and careers in a country with a better infrastructure, education, social welfare and health care.
Africans that completed secondary education are mostly unemployed or receive low wages (Amare 2014) and therefore, according to these children and their family, is football the solution against poverty and does school not result in the escape from their current situation. The processes of migration of football migrants, result in this extraction and structural underdevelopment of African productive resources, also called the African muscle drain (Darby et al. 2007: 144).
The dependency theory and underdevelopment theories explain this
polarisation by arguing that the economic and cultural dominance performed by the core, causes, at the expense of the African periphery, the structural developed underdevelopment of African football and for type A, the structural shortage in manpower. By doing this, European football is continuously able to extract cheap and high skilled football labour out of the African market for consumption on its own market. It is to be argued that the loss of African football resources to Europe is an effectuation of neo-colonial and neo-imperialist exploitation (Darby 1997: 110-113; Darby et al. 2007; Poli 2010).
The figures above show a considerable divergence in livelihood and wage gaps between Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, it is not difficult to understand why talented African football players want to maximise their economic utility by offering their services in Europe. An important determinant in explaining the underlying logics of African football migration is the calculation made by football talents. Neoclassical economics reduce international labour migration to a simple cost-benefit calculation by individual rational utility-maximizing actors, moving to wherever the net expected destination earnings, given their skills, are estimated to be the highest (Castles et al. 2014: 28; Massey et al. 2002: 10). Minor football players are pushed out of their countries of origin by poverty and the lack of economic beneficial football opportunities. European clubs, associations, investors and intermediaries exploit this irresistible desire of Africans to participate in European
professional football by convincing them of the achievability of this possibility. This attraction to Europe is stimulated by the minimum wages for third-country nationals in European leagues (UEFA 2012), which sets a standard for Africans of what they will be able to earn. However, this is a dual process. Whilst minors and their families assume that this is what they will obtain, European clubs try to circumvent these regulations concerning the minimum requirements of player contracts by recruiting
players at a young age and elude the scope of football regulations. Poli (2006a:
288-289) argues conformably about a strong correlation between GDP per capita and the average age of African players in Europe, which indicates a link between their migration and the economic situation in the country of origin. The poorer a state is, the younger are the players going abroad seeking better living conditions.
African minor football talents are aiming to be the next African celebrity star, just as, among others, Didier Drogba (Ivory Coast, currently playing for Chelsea in England) with an annual salary of $ 8.6 million in 2011, Samuel Eto’o (Cameroon, currently playing for Sampdoria in Italy) with an annual salary of $ 24.5 million in 2011, Yaya Toure (Ivory Coast, currently playing for Manchester City in England) with an annual salary of $ 14 million in 2011 and Michael Essien (Ghana, currently playing for AC Milan in Italy) with an annual salary of $ 5.5 million in 2011 (The African Economist 2012).
The success of African national football teams, consisting of African players with professional contracts in Europe, at international tournaments (CEC 2013: 170), is an incentive for many minor Africans to aspire towards European football and develop similar careers as the members of the national team (Milanovic 2003: 9). Every time an African football player succeeds in Europe, 10,000 minors are ready to go (Loore and Job 2014).
It can be argued that the globalisation of the world of football creates a new international division of labour. This increases the possibilities of migration and inherently reduces the costs. The constant flow of African talent to the European markets is a determinant in the procreation of the colonial links of European nations in Africa, propelled by the logics of governments, associations and clubs in aiming to maintain and increase their position in the core. This thesis’ analysis shows that the economic position of African football and their talents as a source of productive resources is easily to be exploited.
4.2 Academies
Every morning, African minors are not going to school, but to the local football field (Mbvoumin 2015). In sub-Saharan African cities football is played in every district. So-called academies are aiming to train young football talents and transfer players to European clubs securing professional contracts. According to FIFA (2014: 6) an academy is an organisation or an independent legal entity whose primary, long-term objective is to provide players with long-term training through the provision of the necessary training facilities and infrastructure. The founders, organisers and holders of these academies are aiming to gain financial benefits and profits through the solidarity mechanism and training compensation (idem: 23). It states that any club or academy that has contributed to the training and education of a player shall receive a percentage of the transfer fee (ibid.).
Darby (2007: 452) distinguishes four types of academies. (1) African academies, with legal, financial and de facto links to a club. Organised and run by African sides or national associations (ibid.). In Abidjan only, is the existence of 185 academies acknowledged by the national government and football association of Ivory Coast (Moors and Sileghem 2014). Important to note is that these ‘legal’ academies are not necessarily licensed because of their attempt in securing a safe environment for children, but also because of the corruption of politicians or administrators (Mugisha 2015). These academies are ‘legalised’ by reporting and registering all minors that attend the academy to the association upon whose territory the academy operates (FIFA 2014: 22). The football association of the specific country keeps a register of the names and dates of birth of the minors that have been reported to it (ibid.). This type of football academy recruits football migrants type D.
Besides the legal African academies, an unknown large number of (2) non-affiliated improvised illegal academies exist (Darby 2007: 452). These academies have no legal, financial or de facto links to a registered club and set up as
neighbourhood teams on an informal basis providing a field of sand and poles as a construction of a goal. They lack qualified staff and proper infrastructure. People claiming to have knowledge about and experience in football training, hold the academies, only to gain personal profit (Esson 2015). According to McDougall (2008), in Accra alone there are more than five hundred illegal academies operating and thousands more in the rest of Ghana. In the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, 80 % of
