A woman did that? : violent women of armed groups as political actors

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A woman did that?

Violent women of armed groups as political actors

Student: Wendy Samson Student number: 10674330

Research Project: Armed Groups & Violent Conflict Master program: Political Science -International Relations Supervisor: Dr. R. Manikkalingam

Second Reader: Dr. C.M.L. Hille Date: June 26, 2015

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2 The images on the front page show a collection of revolutionary women made by Shepard Fairey, which are intended to challenge people’s views and perception. With reference to current affaires these images are relevant. These are women or girls that are not only observers of conflict but might as well be active participants of violent conflict. It shows a Muslim women in a Niqab. Angela Davis at the time of the Black Panther Party. A girl from the Zapatista National Liberation Army and a revolutionary girl (source: www.obeygiant.com).

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Abstract

Globally women are included more and more on the political, economic and the social level. The extended female participation has led women to be included in what before was considered as masculine or male only spheres. One of those domains is violence which I argue that is gendered. A women who perpetrates, sexual violence, genocide, terrorist attacks, torture does not seem to apprehend. Violent woman are depicted as abhorrent because these images run counter to the traditional perception of a woman that is maternal, emotional, and peaceful. Women do engage in the same kind of violence as men. However the perception, treatment and explanation is much different which show there seems to be resistance in the evolving female role. Violent women face several aspects that men in do not face, like their role being downplayed, erotized, manipulated, and sensationalized, in which the feminine gender in particular can be strategically used as a weapon in armed conflict. However this thesis argues that this signals gender equity. In order to consider women engaging in violence as political actors, there needs to be an understanding of violent women when and how women engaging in violence and more importantly what the explanation of phenomena is. I argue to deny women’s agency and identity reinforces the traditional feminine stereotypes in which violent women will never fully understood.

Keywords: gender, equality, masculinity, femininity, women, female combatants, conflict, perpetrator

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List of abbreviations

AA Anti Aircraft

AFRC Armed Forces Revolutionary Council ATS Auxiliary Territorial Service

DDR Disarmament Demobilization and Reintegration DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo

ETA- Euskadi Ta Askatasuna

FARC Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia ICC International Criminal Court

ICT International Institute for Counterterrorism IED Improved Explosive Devise

IS Islamic State

LTTE Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam

PFLP Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine PKK Kurdistan Workers' Party

RAF Rote Armee Fraktion RUF Revolutionary United Front SS Schutzstaffel

SSNP Syrian Social Nationalist Party

SLA Sierra Leone Army UK United Kingdom UN United Nations

UNDDR United Nations Disarmament Demobilization and Reintegration US United States

WAC Women’s Army Corps WW II World War Two

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1. Introduction

1.1. General introduction

A killer, a terrorist, a sexual abuser, a rebel, what is the first image that comes to mind? Does it involve a women? The most likely answer would be no. Although one cannot assume that none of the answers would have included a woman as perpetrator, the probability would still be very small. Why is it that thinking of women as perpetrators or aggressors is not considered as natural as thinking of men as perpetrators. These images run counter to the perception of a woman that is maternal, emotional, and peaceful (Kaufman-Osborn, 2005:618). Women in general have been assumed to be less aggressive and more peaceful not only in daily life but also in wartime. This assumption has caused women in general to be seen as nurturing (potential) mothers and non-violent human beings. For example the notion that women should bear life and not take life Nonetheless the role of women keeps changing over time, creating more possibilities not only socially and economically but also politically. Equivocal is the fact why we want to recognize women for competition and leadership like men but deny the fact that women engage in violence. It appears that traditional stereotypes of the assumed female weakness and vulnerability have caused double standards of female violence which, is excused, humored about, or erotized. The fact remains that the overall majority of international crimes are perpetrated by men (Smeulers, 2014:36). Highlighting that a couple of hundred people have been convicted by the ICC for crimes against humanity of which two were female (Smeulers & Quaedvlieg, 2013:579).

However this small percentage of female perpetrating violence does not automatically tell us that women do rarely engage in violence, it could also indicate that women have been excluded from those domains. Women’s violence is seen as something abhorrent even though there are many cases where it shows it not something coincidental. Moreover women in armed groups who commit violence are often identified as women war criminals or women terrorists whereas men are portrayed as war criminals or terrorists. The question that comes to mind is why this distinction is made, even though these words are gender neutral. There seem to be a sense of a natural femininity in which the violent women does not fit. If traditional stereotypes of women cannot explain violent women, what could be the explanation for women engaging in violence?

I argue that violence is gendered. More importantly I feel that there is resistance in the evolving role of not only women engaging in violence but also the role of women in general. Women seem to face different aspects than men in the same positions. Which to me, signals a sign of gender inequity. For example elimination of their femininity, constantly proving themselves, erotization of their roles, being mocked at, limited power, unequal rights are such of those elements. In my opinion female agency of violent women is overlooked or downplayed where it is difficult to

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7 identify the effect these women have on armed groups, social and political life. Moreover this could cause violent women to be overlooked as political actors. After all women have strived for increased roles in the military, equal rights, responsibilities and above all women could have the same ambition as eagerness and nationalism for their will to fight (Feinman, 2007:64). However how women are treated and recognized in violence and misbehavior in comparison to men is another story.

For example women engaging in violence experience erotization or sensitization of their role, men do not seem to be exposed to this. Which could mean that women are not easily considered as political actors. In order to consider women as political actors and identify the implications, one need to understand women engaging in violence. Therefore the central question of this study is: When and why do women of armed groups engage in violence? and what is the

explanation? This is thesis is not only looking in to why and when women engage in violence but also

what the wider phenomena of the female role in violence is and what this means. Furthermore violent women could be engaging in the same kinds of violence and do find equality within the armed group, but this equality often does not automatically translate back in to society. Even though women have proven themselves worthy not only now but throughout history, women seem to be kept behind. I argue that women do have agency in violence however I think that in some cases masculinity is putting restraints on the autonomous choice and activities.

1.2. Statement of the Problem

Why is women’s violence seen differently than that of men, why is this something abhorrent and why does it sometimes seem that women have to prove themselves more than men? This especially counts in previous male only institutions, activities and behavior. Moreover if women are perpetrators of violence, it often happens that an alternative explanation is sought; this does not happen with men as perpetrators as violence is related to masculinity and therefore comes more natural. The problem appears that violent women are not understood according the assumptions of the female gender. The argument is not that women’s violence is equivalent to men’s violence, but stereotyping violent women both politically, socially and economically neglects women’s agency and the bigger phenomena of understanding the role of women and more importantly how the role of violent women come about in international relations.

I argue that violence is gendered, and that by stereotyping women as there is natural femininity reinforces traditional stereotypes of gender and keeps the framework of femininity much more narrower than that of men. Emphasizing that the perception and treatment of violent women is very different than in the case of men, although women could engage in the same kind of violence as men. This is a problem that needs to be addressed. Women in many societies are thought to be

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8 equal however there still remains discrepancies in many different contexts about this equality. Remarking that to what extent equality counts, could very much depend on the social construction of femininity and masculinity as to where female violence is placed.

Therefore this thesis argues that women are in fact not treated and perceived equal to men, which in my opinion is still a resistance to the evolving female role. Traditional stereotypes of man and woman have led to a perception of abhorrence when women ‘’act’’ outside their traditional gender stereotypes of the particular domain they are in. This thesis is trying to analyze, women engaging in the same kind of violence as men, as it is thought women are not capable of committing those kind of atrocities. However traditional gender stereotypes is putting limitations to women not only being perceived capable of the same capabilities of men but also led to ignoring or downplaying female agency in global politics. Next to this masculine The borders of gender stereotypes are hard to define, invisible and very much depend on the social construction of that particular domain. The glass ceiling of gender therefore is very contextual. One could say that social and political life is gendered and does depend on social construction of society. However, more importantly violence is gendered. Furthermore, masculinities and femininities are not only used to define or understand choices and identities but also roles of man and woman in a violent conflict.

1.3. Scientific relevance

This research project was initially emerged from a general interest in the role of women during violent conflict. My personal focus is on the way that female perpetrators of violence are represented, perceived and treated different than that of men’s violence. The first observation was that women engaging in violence causes an extra shock or a perception of abnormality. The aim of this research project is to show violence is gendered and that the framework of femininity is much more narrow than that of masculinity. The capabilities or behavior that have been traditionally assumed to be a part of masculinity, cannot be naturally transferred into the framework of femininity. Especially when it comes to patriarchal domains or traditionally exclusive male domains. Next to this is the aim for awareness that not considering the female agency and identity as violent political actors will mean that violent women and their impact will probably never be fully understood. In this way reaching real gender equality on all levels will maybe take more time to achieve. Moreover women engaging in violence will be stuck in this cycle of aberration, emotionally distressed, crazy, or sexualized figures, rather than look for motivations and meaning of violent women in the context of global politics. In examining violent women, it will show how the femininity sometimes is strategically used in armed conflict, meaning not only by the women themselves but

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9 also by men. Moreover it will also give more inside how violence is gendered and both masculinities and femininities affect each other and both face different treatments and conceptions.

1.4. Research question and sub questions

1.4.1. Research Question

When and why do women of armed groups engage in violence and what is the explanation?

1.4.2. Sub questions

 What is gender?

 What is a violent woman

 When do women of armed groups engage in violence?

 Why do women of armed groups engage in violence?

 What factors explain the variation of the violent role of women of armed groups?

 What role plays gender expectations in armed conflict ?

 How are gender and gender stereotypes subjected to social change?

 Can one lose their femininity or masculinity?

 Are women as perpetrators of violence accepted as being women?

 What are the political and social implications of violent women?

1.5. Methodology

1.5.1. Research methodology

This thesis will be on the foundation of qualitative research by using existing literature from various sources. This study has been based on biographies, memoirs, interviews and literature that have been established by academic scholars, historians and perpetrators themselves. A qualitative research will help to understand and explain violent women and how gender is used throughout social and political arena. Gender perspectives could appear different than various cases which show what in reality happens. A variety of violent women will be used and analyzed to show that women engage in violence too. Furthermore, how these women are perceived, treated, and how the female gender is used in that socio-political context. These are cases of female combatants being member of armed groups both state and non-state funded for example the military, terrorist organizations, guerrilla troops and social movements.

1.5.2. Limitations

The purpose of this study is not to explain that men and women are equally violent. The primary objective is to uncover when, why women engage in violence and how this phenomena of female

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10 perpetrators of violence is explained in a wider sense. The main limitation of this study has been that of creating a general answer to the phenomena of violent women due their extensive own individual identities, choices, and circumstances. Due to time constraints, there was no possibility to go out in the field and conduct my own interviews with some of these violent women. It takes much time to create trust and to build a relationship with the people in armed groups; more time than available for this thesis. Given these constraints, I argue that the contemporary organization of my research is probably the best way to come to a clear answer for my research question.

1.6. Chapter outline

This thesis will start with a theoretical framework about the social construction of gender. In the second chapter not only gender is explained but also how masculinity and femininity work their way through in war and peace. Furthermore how violent women challenge traditional roles of men and women. Then is explained how violent women challenge conventional feminine stereotypes. Hereafter the agency and identity of women is discussed which has often been overlooked in international relations. In chapter three, several cases of violent women are presented such as the Second World War, LTTE, FARC, RUF, Abu Ghraib, PKK, PFLP. This chapter includes not only violent women in practice but also motivations for women to engage in violence, the actual meaning of violent women, and violent women post conflict. In chapter four the implications, perception and acceptance of violent women are discussed. Moreover this will analyze what the phenomena of women engaging in violence means. Chapter five will conclude the main statements and findings of this thesis. Last there will be bibliography which includes the used sources for this thesis.

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2 Theoretical Framework

2.1. Feminism and Gender

‘One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman’ – Simone de Beauvoir, (1949). This bold quote for

that time signaled a strong message which to many needed explaining and understanding that femininity does not come from differences in biology or psychology it rather comes from the construction of the social world. Moreover, according to Beauvoir the differences that exist between man and woman derive from the situation they are in, thus a woman learns her role from others in society. De Beauvoir claims in her book The Second Sex (1949) that women are not born as passive women but society constructs women to do so. Because feminism in the 1990’s started to adopt constructivism approaches, constructivism will be explained first in this chapter.

2.1.1 Constructivism

The idea of a constructed reality came about near the end of the Cold War, where mainstream international relations theorists could not explain various happenings of that time. During the late 1980’s, constructivism entered the field of International relations as other post-positivists theories did. The ideational system constructs the world and does not focus on given agents and material as traditional International Relations do (Adler, 2013:112). Although constructivist approaches range widely, including take ideas as causes or, in a more post positivist approach, is aimed at language (Tickner, 2014:2182). Despite the broad range of types of constructivism, these concede that international life is social and that agents and structures are produced.

This common ground is based on two understandings: the social constitution of knowledge and of social reality (Adler, 2013:113). It shares the epistemology (study of knowledge) that interpretations makes up a fundamental part of social science and emphasize on contingent generalizations. Moreover, the ontological (study of being) claims of the different strands of constructivism stresses the social world as intersubjective and that interpretations give collective significance to its structure and process (Adler, 2013:121). Which means that material resources acquire meaning of human action by ingrained structure of shared knowledge. As the material world is not given or classified, knowledge depending on interpretation and language, makes them social artefacts (Carlnaes, 2013:312). This inherently cause collective meanings that are attached to the material world used as social reality and as scientific knowledge.

As Wendt (1992: 397) puts it: ‘’people act towards objects, including other actors, on the

basis of the meanings that the objects have for them.” According to constructivists, the social world

is: 1) made of intersubjective understandings, subjective knowledge and material objects. 2) constituted by social facts that derive from human agreements, which actors classify and refer some people to ‘’self’’ and ‘’others’’. 3) Knowledge and ideas originate from beliefs and meanings in

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12 peoples mind in which actors feel and know in the context of in reference to collective understandings (Carlsnaes, 2013: 312-314).

Constructivists claim that knowledge and ideas have considerable effect on social reality, constructivism is especially about change, depends on social communication and the relationship among acting communication and rationally depends on language and practices (Carlsnaes, 2013:312-314). For example, culture is not only in peoples mind, discourse and interactions but also the performance of these practices.

The division between the distinct types of constructivism could be made in a normative ideational and the identity strand. Normative ideational constructivists take norms as pieces of a social structure emerging from the behavior of actors, which shape such behaviors by creating identities and actions of actors. The goal is to present how social norms influence states understating of the external, material world by demonstrating shared ideas about appropriate behavior (Carlsnaes, 2013:312-314). The constructed nature of the state and its interest by highlighting identity which provides a framework that helps to structure their relationships in relation to others.

Another approach is more a holistic interruptive approach which focusses on languages and discourse (Carlsnaes, 2013:314). It focuses on analyzing identity and beliefs, and what the ascribed identities means to others. To understand their behavior, it is explained how these mutually identities are constructed (Tickner, 2014:2182).

2.1.2. Feminism

The shift to the ‘’third debate’’ in International Relations occurred around the early 1980’s and 1990’s (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:170). The shift has been noted from the beginning of the post positivist era and resulted in the opening up of the debate for feminism. The last ten years feminism has been acknowledged and created more understanding in the field in International Relations, in which it increased its popularity. Feminist theory is an extensive field of analyzing which could take different structures into account when analyzing women in global politics. Feminist theory includes various epistemological and methodological approaches which could be found in aspects of liberalism, Marxism, postmodernism, post-colonialism (Ackerly, Stern, & True, 2006:3). But what is important is that most feminists try to rethink what knowledge means. It could be said that feminism is multidisciplinary and theorizes from social, natural sciences, humanities and philosophy (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:171). Their conflicting views led to interesting debates, which are interwoven with several fields of International Relations. However all of them have a focus on the role of women (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:115).

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13 The subordination between man and women on the social, political and economic position, is what is considered the main concern of feminist theory (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:170). Feminists research about inequities or asymmetry between man and woman and question how to overcome this asymmetry. Feminists challenging and converging the boundaries between public life of politics and economics and the private life of families, domestic labor, reproduction, the right to birth control, and above all gender equality (Tickner, 2014:2185).

The twentieth century had been noted for stressing equality between men and women, in strands like liberalism, modernism and individualism (Cockburn, 1999:2). The adopting of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights in international law was major a breakthrough for recognizing gender equality (Connell, 2005:1801). This formed a basis for the UN Decade For Women between 1975 till 1985, which has been a key factor for international feminism.

Feminists consider gender as hierarchies of power which affect those at the margins of the international system (Tickner, 2014:2185-2186). Essential to feminists is how the gendered structures of power in political and economic structures exists and what this effect has on individuals lives. Even more than analyzing how world politics itself is gendered, it is showing how International Relations as a research field is the outcome of masculine politics and economics. Whereas existing theories tend to focus on public life which are associated with men and male political behavior. The focus on a private sphere provides a new view that analyzes the gendered micro and macro linkages that created international politics and economics.

Who gains and who differentiates are typical questions for a feminist gender analyst. Gender differentiation is recognized as a social process (Cockburn, 2001:15). Gender analysis is therefore uncovering the differentiation and asymmetry of masculinities and femininities which bases on governing principles, idealized qualities, practices or symbols (Cockburn, 2001:16).

Gender is seen as a social hierarchy that, like other social hierarchies, is constructed by the international order which consequently have effects not only on security but also on the functioning of the global economy and the even distribution of economic reward. As a result, it affects individual security mainly at expensive of the margins of global politics (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:180).

2.1.3. Gender

Most International Relations theorists claim that gender is a description but feminism uses it also as an analytical basis (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:175). Feminists define gender as a set of characteristics that are socially and culturally constructed. Change of gender relations happen on a world scale but these patterns of gender do not change at the same pace or direction which make them very

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14 complex (Connell, 2005:1804). It is said that these characteristics vary over time and culture but seem to serve male power and the subordination of women (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:6). Gender norms can be used as an evaluative framework which helps to understand the world. Expectations of gendered behavior is weighted by people consciously or unconsciously. In which the definitions of masculinities and femininities highly depend on each other. Gender analysis makes people aware of the intentionality of differentiation between sexes (Cockburn, 1999:3). For instance, this uncovers the asymmetry between masculinity and femininity as governing principles and idealized qualities. Feminist consider gender as hierarchies of power which affect those at the margins of the international system (Tickner, 2014:2185-86). Essential to feminists is how the gendered structures of power in political and economic structures exists and what this effect has on individuals lives. Even more that analyzing world politics itself is gendered, showing how International Relations is a the outcome of masculine politics and economics. Whereas existing theories tend to focus on public life which are associated with men and male political behavior. The focus on a private sphere provides a new view that analyzing the gendered micro and macro linkages that created international politics and economics. Consequently, new social relationships on world level could potentially create new patterns of gender relations (Connell, 2005:1804). This thesis defines gender as the following:

‘’Gender refers not to anatomical or biological distinctions but to the social construction, which is always culturally speciﬁc, of masculine and feminine as hierarchical and oppositional categories. Symbols, theories, practices, institutions, and, of course, individuals are gendered, meaning that their characteristics can be associated with, or construed as manifestations of, masculinity or femininity. A gender-sensitive lens enables us to see how gender hierarchy shapes our ways of thinking, knowing, and doing and therefore has patterned consequences.

Peterson’’ (1998: 41).

With seeing gender, it is important to realize there is another concept which is essential in analyzing gender, and that is sex. Distinguishing the concepts sex and gender in which sex is biological and fixed, and gender is cultural which supposed to be flexible is common. However Goldstein (2003:2) claims this is wrong, because culture has a significant impact on the expression of the genes and biology of humans. Besides there is not a universal biological aspect of sex but only a complex system of possibilities that are activated through internal and external influences. Gender is used to cover masculine and feminine roles in different aspects which are biological and cultural dynamics, structures and roles which are correlated with a specific gender group. Sex is perceived as a membership in the biological categories signifying male, female or other gender, and has labeled with expected characteristics associated with the perceived membership, better understood as

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15 masculinities and femininities (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:172).

When taking a closer look, ‘’it reveals that even the biological dichotomy between male and

female is the product of the social construction of simplicity where complexity exists’’ (Sjoberg &

Gentry, 2007:5). The distinction of biological sex and social difference in which some feminists question the difference of biological sex and social gender is often questioned. Arguing that some biological sexes cannot be understood as male or female, some fall in to the categories of asexual, intersexual and transsexual.

2.1.4. Gendered violence

The earlier literature of political violence and armed groups was somewhat gender blind. Women were not identified or their participation was not found valid to mention. The problem with gender blindness is that women are taken as a whole without taking their agency in to consideration (Moser & Clark, 2001:3). This was partly due to the fact that armed conflict was a male domain . One of the first divisions of gender roles where the traditional division of male as perpetrator and female as victim. Academics started to make a division of stereotypical roles, in this context the men were seen as the active aggressor and women as the passive peaceful actor. Cockburn claims that perceptions of man and women are inevitably gendered perceptions (1999:2).

The start of building a gendered framework begins with recognizing that both conflict and violence are gendered activities (Moser, 2001:30). An important note is that conflict is not always violent, therefore violent conflict is defined as: those skirmishes which use force, either psychical or psychological (Moser & Clark, 2001:6). Conflict can be nonviolent and can be solved peacefully, where violence inflicts psychical hardships on each other.

However both in peace and in violence where both man and women ideologically have ascribed gender roles and identities. This means that both experience conflict and violence differently, have different access to resources during time of conflict (Moser, 2005:30-31). In peace women and man have different roles and identities during the peacebuilding, both have different needs and interest therefore it is necessary that a framework is included that also covers gendered power relations. Gender roles and gender equality do effect the female life experience and therefore also the female experience when engaging in violence. Next to this can help explain the certain differences in the involvement of violence and the roles they play in violence (Smeulers, 2015:251). Moser (2001:36) has introduced a gendered continuum framework of violence (see table 1), where she distinguished three types of violence, political, economic and social. This shows a more holistic view with different categories of violence being interrelated. It is seen as political opposed to both political and economic.

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Category Definition Manifestation

Political The commission of violent acts motivated by a desire, conscious, or unconscious, to obtain or maintain political power.

Guerilla conflict, paramilitary conflict, political assassination, armed conflict between political parties, rape and sexual abuse as apolitical act, forced

pregnancy/sterilization.

Economic The commission of violent acts motivated by a desire, conscious or unconscious, for economic gain or to obtain or maintain economic power.

Street crime, carjacking, robbery/theft, drugs trafficking, kidnapping, assaults, including rape occurring during economic crimes.

Social The commission of violent acts motivated by a desire, conscious or unconscious, for social gain or to obtain or maintain social power.

Interpersonal violence such as spouse and child abuse, sexual assaults, arguments that get out of control.

Table 1. (Source: Moser & Clark, 2001:36)

In war, the man holds the war gender and the woman the peaceful gender, to put it differently, war is often seen as male occupation (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:117). In various cultures anthropologists have found that men despite the differences, men are the dominant combatants in warfare. But who is a combatant? According to the Third Geneva Convention in 1949 a combatant takes part of a national army or irregular military, or participates in military activity, or is involved in recruiting and training military personnel, or is in command within the national army or armed group, or carries weapons in a host country in a military uniform or is placed in a military structure (UNDDR, 2014:24).

Having explained what a combatant means, and that the dominant combatant is male, some even link war and masculinity to that of hormones. However testosterone does not cause aggression while social interactions do (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:117). By traditional belief women are not perceived as combatants, but assumed to be more nurturing and caring than men, either by nature or socialization.

Looking at language, postmodern feminist have been deconstructing discourses of war like the terms power and potency. Many terms refer to the state and capability of male fertility. Also the military depends on phallic objects, which are designed to shoot projectiles, hit targets and explode. Even atomic bombs signaling their great ‘’potency’ have been spoken out of sexual terms (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:124). The phrases for example like female combatants presents the belief that combatants are male or military exists only of males ( Cohen, 2013:389). Women participating in war has been limited through history due to established stereotypes (DeGroot, 2001:23.

However some of these standards might have changed. Traditionally war has been qualified as two armies fighting each, but this has changed, where war and armed conflict have been characterized mostly by internal armed conflict rather than large militarized operations. Here the blurred lines between combatants and noncombatants have caused civilians to be exposed to

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17 violence and even deliberately attacked (Smeulers, 2015:208-209). This melting pot of war, organized crime and violations to human rights resulted in a significant increase in civilian casualties. The United Nations states that the percentage of civilian casualties went from 10 % in the beginning to an increase of 90% at the end of the century (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:176). The vast majority of refugees are particularly women and children, which have been proven to be most vulnerable in times of conflict.

Not only atrocities like genocide, which have been displayed in Yugoslavia and Rwanda, but another key point war causes, is the widespread of rape (Sjoberg& Tickner, 2013:176). Rape has been proven not just as a coincidental byproduct but as a strategy of war especially used as a strategy for ethnic cleansing (Wood, 2009:132). The assumption is that men are perpetrators of war time rape and women the victim is not always true, seeing that men are also victims of these crimes (Cohen, 2013:385). However this varies from conflict to conflict in which is said that rape is not inevitable in war (Wood, 2009:152).

These social structures that found a place in the system of militarized sexual relations has called for new policymaking (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:178). Women have been linked to motherhood and protection. The myth of protection is problematic in the sense that it sees women as victims and not as agents. War and conflict acquires or changes the roles and degree of independence. Women in war are more likely to work outside the home and participate in military conflict. These new roles acquires women to be soldiers, terrorists, war criminals or active participants of violence, something that is biased due to the standards and behaviors characteristics that are linked to masculinity. Since the vast majority of these ‘’perpetrators, state leaders, diplomats and soldiers are male, the most logic option is to study these as male (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:114). However, women more often fulfill these positions and women, for example as state leaders do not appear to be more peaceful or less committed in for example to state integrity than male leaders (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:114). Women have proved to be capable of leading in war and in peace. Even claiming that these women tend to be more warlike to compensate being a female in a traditional male role (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:120).

There is still a fear of the effect that a female presence has on male soldiers, this caused a limitation on women joining combat. The idea in which discipline and focus is derived from male only bonding and single minded focus (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:178). Even though more and more positions are opened up for women. These days although women have been accepted more into nontraditional positions, some combat positions do remain off-limits. Allowing women into men roles, however, sometimes requires more effort than letting men fulfill their original roles (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:10).

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18 Even though roles of women varies from one society to another, some women are perceived as only providing logic support to male combatants, other supportive roles or purely seen as mediators. In reality women do take part in combat. However only 15% U.S. military is female and has highest female militants proportion in the world (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:119). Most liberal feminist see this as a gender imbalance and try to demonstrate that men and women have the same capabilities. Meaning that gender equality would make better diplomats soldiers or politicians. The main argument is that women could handle power just as men do, even in the positions that are thought to be male oriented. Still, selecting women in traditional male positions at the base of their suitability, could result in women not acting as an ‘’average women.’’ This demonstrates that using gender group stereotypes cannot judge individuals.

Moreover there has been no biological and anthropologic proof that women care taker functions are in way connected to behaviors of nonviolence (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:118). Female violence has been studied less but the evidence does not show in any aspect that women are not capable of extreme violence. The capability of human biology is flexible and there the complex behaviors of war and violence, which cannot be seen as predetermined or biologically driven (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:117). Yet all strands of feminism recognized that war is a masculine construction.

2.2. Masculinity and femininity

Masculinities and femininities are the categories in which gender is divided and determines behavioral expectation, stereotypes and rules (Enloe, 2004:14). These are applied to people in order to understand the members of particular sex categories. Even though gender could undergo changes with various socio political contexts, the fact remains that the subordination of femininities to masculinities still is a very valid feature of social and political sphere. This social classification and as a result treatment is based on perceived gender, this is called gendering (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:6).

Traditionally the hegemony values with masculinity in culture or social life naturalizes the gendered identities in everyday life (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:174). An important note is that masculinity itself is not a gender but a norm. This can be found in gendered: institutions, discourse and research which present themselves as gender neutral. It can be said that gender hierarchy shapes peoples place in the view of the world, gender hierarchy can be identified as a structural nature of social and political life (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:172). Although masculinities an femininities highly depend on each other, without femininity there is no masculinity. However these norms still are unequal. The inequality is clear through some of the gender norm characteristics.

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19 Moreover gender has certain stereotyped characteristics, for masculinities these are associated with: public, power, autonomy, rationality and activity (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:172). The other half of gender norm, signs the opposite, femininity is associated with: private, weakness, connection, dependence, emotionality and passivity. Another feature of men is that they are supposed to be natural born leaders according to traditional norms, women are supposed to follow male leadership (Smeulers, 2015:231). The beautiful soul as women are sometimes referred as, expected to be against war and violence but should in times of war fight to protect her innocence and virginity. Although these characteristics could change across time and culture but on average there seem to be a continuous female subordination and support to male power (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:172).

Therefore women and men are subjected into socialized subjective and roles, as seen before is that women consent to male domination. However the perceived view that women are inherently violent is not always true (Cohen, 2013:3840). Women have shown to be active fighters and perpetrators of extreme violence with men. Women may function more as than cooks and sexual slaves and do the unthinkable. This conventional wisdom of perpetrators of sexual violence assumed to be male is not always the case. Women do perpetrate extreme violence and commit atrocities, although to a lesser extent.

In global politics the role of women could be considered to be fetishized (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:51). But traditional gender norms are still very much intact and remain thriving. Women have been accepted into the military but have arguably been placed into uncomfortable position where they have lost aspects of femininity and do not receive the same status as men (DeGroot, 2001:30-31). The role of women in armed groups stresses their femininity.

Therefore one core dilemma of gender is that constructing women and feminized others in ways that calls for masculinized identities and action (Peterson, 2010:28). It is taken for granted that structurally equal arrangements are thought unthinkable. The phenomena of female violent behavior does transgresses the typical female behavior and associated norms (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:13).The occurrence of women breaking out of their traditional or stereotyped women as peacefulness or nonviolent, raises the question of women engaging in violence by choice. There is not a general belief that woman are capable of atrocities, rather they are deemed to be abnormal, sadists or mentally insane and some even more evil than their male counterparts (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:166). Women who decide to engage in violence defy the feminine stereotype of being helpless and peaceful (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2008:7).

As a result women (and men) who defy the stereotype seem to be a deemed suspect which just has social problems or unnatural desires (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:8). Some of the terms that

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20 have been used for women that do not fit the stereotype are matriarchs, man haters, career women, feminists, anti-family, or depraved. Men are socialized into subjectivities and male roles are supposed to be aggressive or being in control as in (emotionally, economically, politically or physically). This neglects that men could experience vulnerability, ambivalence and anxiety. Female soldiers are not just soldiers but ‘’female soldiers’’(Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:9). The same counts for other roles that hold the conventional wisdom it is an all male domain. There is a significant difference between male and female perpetrators: terrorists, criminals, warriors. All these roles, once a women is involved, need the caption of woman: female terrorist, female criminal,

female perpetrator and female warriors. The fact is that this does not occur in behavioral choices

where traditionally the role of women is accepted or expected like mother or for example

housekeeper. These gender expectation are at costs of men and women and societies (Peterson,

2010: 27). However it is claimed that the notions of masculinity and femininity are mechanisms that are produced, but this could be very well reversed by deconstructing those terms (Butler, 2004:42). Proving manhood are captions associated with masculinity however some can be emasculated simply by accusing the man of gayness, weakness, or lacking of control (Peterson, 2010: 27).

Another problem in the lacking of recognition of women’s active role during armed conflict and political violence is their the complexity of the active role (Moser & Clark, 2001:7). For example ex combatants in el Salvador (who both joined guerilla groups by consent or by force) found reintegration within society could be extremely difficult. This showed women were both perpetrators and also victims.

2.3 Challenging the stereotypes

Women engaging in the rape of women in Liberia, women as perpetrator of genocide Rwanda and women engaging in the abuse of Iraq prisoners, these are examples of atrocities which was not expected by world (Cohen, 2013:385). The fact that women were molesting men was to many was a great shock and highly disturbing (Peterson, 2010:24). Example: violent women abusing Iraqi prisoners, or women pretending to be pregnant but secretly carrying explosives or weapons. Masculine and feminine stereotypes ignore the fact that women can choose to be violent, however these disrupt the stereotypes (Smeulers, 2015:228).

Feminists challenge the stereotypes of the man as warrior and the female as the beautiful soul. As previously mentioned women are not just passive bystanders but also: active participants, victims or perpetrators of war. Noting that approaches of protection of women and non combatants against war do not always work. Although war is often gender oppressive, stereotyping perceives men, even the unarmed ones, as combatants, and women as civilians (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:4).

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21 However these labels causes men to be legitimate targets of violence (Smeulers, 2015:209). Feminists question why men who are killed are seen as a fair game whilst women and children killed an abomination. Just war theory -as a set of rules and concepts during war are thought too abstract and do not justify the various roles women play and have played throughout history (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:124).

The subordination in global politics has a great impact on women’s social and political options and their frame of reference (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:4). In human security female perpetrators are not really considered. However women, like men, are capable of violence and where their freedoms increases so will their violence. Female motivation to commit various sorts of violence are rational and some irrational. Sometimes women, just like men, see violence as the best option to their political end, either by depravity, economic reason, or other motivation.

However discussing women’s violence is often expressed in gender norms: women are by nature not supposed to be violent (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:2). Traditional explanations of all peaceful women or all women as victims are incompatible with women who express their personal and political dissatisfactions by violent means (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:3). Violent women are assumed to disrupt the feminist image of women as capable and equal, but not prone to men’s faults, violence or excesses.

The individual cases of violent women have not been very explanatory or create an prevailing reaction to the wider phenomena of female violence (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:4-5). As explained in the previous paragraph instead violent women have been characterized nothing like regular soldiers, regular criminals or regular terrorists, but have been captured in highly fantasized storied fantasies that completely denies women’s agency but only seems to reiterate the gender stereotypes and subordination.

2.4. Identity and agency

De Beauvoir, in her book The Second Sex (1949), distinguished sex and gender from each other, in which gender is needed to form identity . However this female identity and agency in International Relations, has often been disposed or neglected by many scholars. Moreover even feminism focuses on structural analysis of female oppression or the woman as victims and sometimes ignore analysis of women’s: power, agency, subordination, and choice (Fitzroy, 2001:13). But women like men are also hierarchically socialized and categorized member of society into opposing groups, as inferior and other as superior.

By stereotyping women as victims and men as perpetrators, men and women are treated as objects, which in place denies their agency and individual voice they have in the process of violence (Moser & Clark, 2001:4). Notwithstanding women must act and be identified as agents capable of

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22 the provision of their own security because these notions traditionally rely on protection which reinforces gender hierarchy (Sjoberg & Tickner,2013:179). Consequently demising women’s and some men’s real security.

So therefore by studying the gendered constructions of war and gender, it helps to understand not only the causes of war but also that certain way of thinking have been legitimized at the expense of others in global politics (Sjoberg & Tickner, 2013:177). In order to understanding male and female actors one must consider that their gendered identity affects views and decision process (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2009:114).

The experience of violence is different for men and women and not built upon one single discourse (Moser & Clark, 2001:5). The social constructions of gender are drawn from available discourses that are shared with other individuals. The interpretations of agency consequently varies from place and location, the widespread of these multiple locations are important to understand the constructions and differences in the constitution of identity and agency. Discourses are drawn from traditional or stereotypical beliefs have the expectation of women to serve particular roles exclude women’s agency and feminine value to the politicized world. Equally, this counts for female violence in the global political arena which it does exclude women’s agency in that violence (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:10).

However agency makes sure that women as agents are seen as making their own choices (Alison, 2004:449). To understand female motivations for violence in armed conflict it is vital to identify the individual female combatants who engage in violence (Cohen, 2013:387).Basically, in order to understand women’s violence in armed conflict and how this is perceived, the recognition of a woman’s identity and agency need be revealed and studied.

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3. Violent women

Women engaging in violence is not something from the last decades, although it could be said that the acceptance of women in these previous male only domains, is becoming more and more. Throughout serval global conflicts women have tried and have participated, which seems to be sometimes forgotten. Women have found fighting as being members of resistance groups, insurgents, guerillas and partisans, but all have been fighting in defending their own hearts (Solaro, 2007:98). Throughout many societies, the expectation of women as being nurturing and nonviolent and directly is not suited as combatant is a common notion that not has not been temporal (Alison, 2004:448). This chapter is a study of various female combatants being a member of a state funded or non-state funded armed groups, including coerced and non-coerced combatants. This analysis provides a greater view of not only ideological and practical grounds for women to participate in violence but also views of women participating in violence in more institutionalized armed groups like the military. For this thesis a broad conceptualization of combat is adopted because this includes terrorist activities and other traditional forms of armed conflict (Alison, 2004:449). This chapter looks into the violent role of female combatants, a combatant which are partially defined by taking part of a national army or unconventional military (UNDDR, 2014:24). Why ask questions about women being a combatant, being appalled or confused about women’s brutality, seems like still focusing on the stereotyping of women as victims and men as aggressors. The researched cases will be The WW II, LTTE, RUF, FARC, Abu Ghraib, PKK and PFLP. The selection of these cases has been done on the basis of its wide variety of violent acts, like war crimes, terrorist attacks, sexual violence, genocide, torture, assassinations and other sorts of violence. This is done to prove my argument how violence is gendered and that women do engage in the same kind of violence as men. This chapter will look into why and when women as combatants engage in violence.

3.1. Violent women in practice

3.1.1.Shooting and Camps

The history of only men fighting in the second world war, is one that is not completely true. This part of history still holds the invisibility of women fighting in World War II. At that time women fighting being a profound contradiction to the traditional stereotype of the mother and wife who is awaiting husband to come home from his masculine mission to fight for the country (Campbell, 1993:302). The first to Women to be included in the army of a World War, were the Soviet women in World War one in 1917 (DeGroot, 2001:27).

However other countries like the U.K. started to recruit women for the WW II. The British women helped serving the AA Units and the ATS, it was a mixed brigade, allowing more men being available to fight on the European front (Campbell, 1993:302-303). In one such unit Churchill’s

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24 daughter was also enlisted. By 1943 a total of 56,000 women were included in the AA brigade. Although knowing every aspects of the job, the women were restricted in any type of shooting (Campbell, 1993:308).

Then as an American experiment the Women Auxiliary Army Corps was established in 1942, in 1943 this was known as the WAC. However based on gender assumptions of the public opinion and the general hostility against the women in non-conventional roles, the experiment was terminated. Although stereotypes of women assumed women were too weak to be combatants, it was however confirmed that women met the necessities on the psychological, physical and intellectual level (Campbell, 1993:306).

In Germany Adolf Hitler officially gave the order in 1944 to not train women with weapons. Surprisingly he created a female infantry battalion which was originally to shame cowardly men into enlisting. However the battalion never went to battle due to the end of the war (Campbell, 1993:317-318). Other participation of the German women in the war involved, women were camp guards, nurses of euthanasia program important bureaucrats which could decide who died and lived (Smeulers & Quaedvlieg, 2013:583-584). However women were not eligible for becoming an officially member of the SS. The 3508 female camp guards were about 6% of the total, next to 51,500 men. These female camp guards were, according to witnesses, cruel and sadistic. Irma Grese, a camp guard who served in Auschwitz, Bergen Belsen and Ravensbruck, eligibly killed 30 people per day. A wife of a camp commandant in Buchenwald, Ilse Koch, although having no official function in the camp, gave orders to kill and have made lampshade from the skin of her victims. Next to her, other cases of female camp guards were all described as exceptionally sadistic, they were even more vicious than their male counterparts.

In the Soviet Union the largest female fighting force was found in the Red Army (Cardona & Marwick, 2009:240-241). Stalin approved enlisting women when there was a shortage of male personnel in 1942, there were about 200,000 women recruited. In total there were a number of 800,000 women in of which 2/3 where directly involved in heavy gunnery, unlike other female units, the soviet female forces surpassed the status of auxiliaries (Campbell, 1993:318). The role of women in WW II has been used in propaganda, not only to promote the role of the state but also to recruit new members (Cardona & Marwick, 2009:241). Many of these female forces turned to be more than effective, for example the Night Witches an all-female bomb force, due to their effective targeting caused German men to be more freighted of them than the soviets male forces (Campbell, 1993:319-320). The role of women was limited but they functioned as pilots, snipers, anti-aircraft troops, and patricians. Nonetheless these were exceptions (Cardona & Marwick, 2009:262). The Soviets were the only female combatants that have made public, others in Germany,

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25 America and British have made female combatants roles not public. Political decisions were a cause because of the strong public opinion about stereotyping, which did not consider the effectiveness of the women in combat roles, even though they have proven to be effective (Campbell, 1993:321-222). Combat roles were a sign of virility and manhood, so men could feel threatened thinking it would not be a manly job if a women could do it. Although the female forces were never official, women defended their motherland beside to men, equalitarian with the same patriotic sentiments (Cardona & Marwick, 2009:262) However after the war, the discrepancy between women’s equality in the red army and daily life changed. Women were send back doing industrial work without any veteran status, or further signs of emancipation. If a man would involve in supportive roles, like cooking carrying ammunition nursing soldiers, they would still be soldiers, however women did not get that status (DeGroot, 2001:25).

3.1.2. Terror and I.E.D.’s

Women throughout history have participated in terrorist attacks, although often forgotten or overlooked. Going back to women in the Russian Narodnaya Volya of one woman helped assassinate The Russian Czar Alexander II in 1881 (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2011:59). Women have including that of the Klu Klux Klan, the Zapatistas of National Liberation, the Popular Front for the Liberation Palestine, the Irish Republican Army, Al-Qaida, and many others (Bloom, 2007:94). Women have not only participated as supporting personnel but also as having prominent roles in the terrorist organization. However women in terrorist organizations do seldom have leadership roles (Qazi, 2011:47). Although they have been found in the German Baader-Meinhof Group, the Italian red Brigades, the Basque ETA, the Japanese Red Army.

One such women in a leading role was Ulrike Meinhof in the RAF also known as the Baader-Meinhof Group. In the 70’s she can came to be known as the Mother of the German terrorism. Especially being a mother and an educated public figure, her participation of several terrorist attack led to challenging the traditional division of roles man and woman (De Graaf, 2012:22). Another well-known female terrorist was the Palestinian women Leila Khaled. She was involved in a successful 1969 plane highjack and one failed highjack attempt in 1970 (Gentry, 2011:120). Making a huge impact at that time, she was depicted as a beauty queen or somebody who betrayed her female gender (Gentry, 2011:129). Violence for her was not only political but also to challenge the patriarchal society showing she could do the same as her father, brothers, sons (Bloom, 2005:146). At the age of fifteen she joined the Arab National League in 1959, mainly due to the involvement of her family in the organization (Gentry, 2011:122). When the PFLP was formed she joined. However she mentioned in her interview with Gentry that being a women it was extra challenging as combatant, participation was circumscribed. Although having the same rights and

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26 duties in the organization, male and female were not the same due to old traditions and culture , claiming women would come second (Gentry, 2011:124). She claims in reality the women would prove themselves and work hard. Participating was her own choice and a manifestation of her own political beliefs (Gentry, 2011:125)

Another part of terrorist acts are conducting suicide attacks. According to Boaz Ganor of the ICT suicide terrorism is a method where the act of the attack depends on the perpetrator ‘death (Bloom, 2007:99). Women are said to be more effective as suicide bombers because security personnel have been focused on profiles and stereotypes of men as terrorist, women do not fit the conventional profile as terrorist. Women blend adopt the street style and blend in, and do get higher death due to getting more close to their targets as they are not being stopped at checkpoints (Bloom, 2012:21-22).

The first female suicide bomber was believed to be Sana’a Mehaydali, a 17 year old girl Lebanese girl. She was sent by the SSNP and killed five Israeli soldiers in 1985. Out of 12 SSNP suicide attacks, half were conducted by women (Bloom, 2007:94). From there on using women as live bombs would spread to secular and religious organizations in Turkey, Sri Lanka, Israel and Chechnya. More importantly women did not cause any suspicious whereas for example for a Palestinian unmarried man under 40 it would be difficult to approach the Israeli border without severe checks (Bloom, 2005:144).

Another terrorist that has been for their female members is found in Chechnya. In 2002 50 Chechen rebels took hostage 0f 800 people in a theater of which 129 died during the failed attempt to rescue them. Out of the 50 people 20 were female, they were called the Black Widows in which most attention did go out to the women (Smeulers, 2015:222). Out of the suicide attacks 81% was conducted by women, their name was linked to the revenge these women wanted to take for loss of their husbands and family members (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007:98-101).

Also in the PKK 11 out of the 15 suicides attack were conducted by women, although suicide attacks have been adopted as a manifestation of nationalism for a very short period of time after being dissolved in 2003 (Bloom, 2005:102). The claim was that these women between 17-27 had little prospects in daily life, they were unmarried and uneducated. Moreover that girls did not know what kind of impact it would have and that they were allegedly brainwashed (Bloom, 2005:107). However terrorist leader would since the more alarming or shocking would increase exposure. 3.1.3. Assassinations and bombs

The LTTE also known as the Tamil Tigers have included female combatants that were initially used as propaganda, fundraising or the medical sector (Alison, 2004:450). In 1983 the LTTE founded the Vituthalai, a special women’s wing and first military trained in 1985 in India, with its own military

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27 division. Vituthalai started to battle in 1986 and later in 1987 began training women in Jafna, Sri Lanka. Hereafter the LTTE started recruiting female combatants, making up to and estimated 1/3 of the organization. Some even claiming that the female of the LTTE is much higher. Women have been involved in half of the organized suicide attacks (Bloom, 2011:32). One most recognized female Tamil suicide bomber has been Dhanu, where she would pretend being pregnant but hiding an explosive under her shari, kneeling before the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi 1991 and detonated the explosive (Bloom, 2005:159). She became a heroin and her story helped win new recruits. The LTTE female fighters have been said to more violent and sometimes had frightening reputation as being more fierce than the LTTE men (Alison, 2004:457). A former Tamil combatant Niromi de Soyza elaborates in her memoir ‘The Tamil Tigress’ (2011) on her hopes of becoming a political correspondent who would tell about the Sri Lankan war Although that was no women’s job unless it was about cooking. She disapproved of the government treatment towards the Tamils, having feelings of frustration, vulnerability and helplessness of the Tamils collectively being target as the enemy (De Soyza, 2011:62-63). Her best means to change her situation to her was being a Tamil member. However women where not enlisted. In the traditional culture it would the damage her reputation and “fighting was something men did, not girls-

especially not for middle class girls’’ (De Soyza, 2011:63). Even she thought, like others, if the Tamils

enlisted females, the women could not do much anyways. The constant fear of being bombed, killed or raped, which happened constantly around her, she did not want that to happen to her. She claimed making the decision of joining the Tamils made her more in control and taking charge of her own life0F

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After convincing the leader of the student wing of the LTTE, Niromi became one of the first female Tamil Tigers in 1987. This was something groundbreaking because, just like her father thought, it ‘was not a women’s job‘. Although being accepted in the organization was not something easy she and her friend Ajanthi were both from a middle class family, waited months before seeing any combat. She struggles through not with her own personal feelings and choices but also that of outsiders and civilian Tamils. Unlike in the Tamil and Singhalese society, within the LTTE women experienced total equality with their male counterparts (Alison, 2004:445). However LTTE however within the organization leadership was considered to male exclusive only ( Alison, 2011:145)

3.1.4. Drugs and kidnapping

The FARC started in 1964 as an wing of the Colombian Communistic Party (De Graaf, 2012:222). Being a representation of the poor farmers and miners against the elite and upcoming influence of

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Adelaide film festival .(2013, March 13).Tamil Tigress Niromi de Soyza Part 1. Retrieved on May 10, 2015 from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-imQl57EtBg