Lichelle Fisser – 10888373
Supervisor: dr. Nicky Pouw
Second Reader: dr. Esther Miedema
MSc International Development Studies
Graduate School of Social Sciences
June 28
th2018
Word count: 24.279
This thesis will be submitted as part of the degree Master of Scienceधारवी और नािशक की मिहलाओं की िलए
For the women of Dharavi & NashikA cknow ledgem ents
I would first like to express gratitude to my thesis supervisor dr. Nicky Pouw of the University of Amsterdam. She consistently allowed this thesis to be my own work, but guided me in the right direction whenever I needed it. I was fortunate enough to receive her valuable insights, turning this study into a very appreciated personal learning process. Additionally, I want to thank dr. Esther Miedema for agreeing to act as second reader. I also would like to thank Emilie Visser, fellow IDS student and fieldwork partner. My time in India would not have been the same without you. Furthermore, I would like to thank Jule Forth and Yolanda Fisser, for your efforts to provide me with assistance during the writing process. और अंत में, मैं नािसक व धारावी के सभी समाज सेवी जैसे की फ़ितमा जी, िनमर्ला जी, सािवत्रा जी, शीला जी, मोरी जी और िनमर्ला जी को तह िदल से शुिक्रया अदा करती हूँ िजन्होंने मुझे आज्ञा दी तािक मैं उनके अच्छे व सराहनीय कायोर्ं से कुछ िसख सखु।
A bstract
Gender-based violence is considered to be one of South Asia’s most pressing crises. Out of all women who live in urban slums, more than half have been victim of gender-based violence. This study investigates a grassroots organization of informal working women, which is active within the urban slums in Maharashtra to fight informal workers’ most pressing problems, including gender-based violence. The organization’s anti-gender based violence strategies are primarily based on peer support.
This qualitative research departs from a critical realist epistemology, aimed to distinguish the different causal mechanisms and power relations through an intersectional analysis. The mixed qualitative research methods of this study (participatory observations, semi-structured interviews and focus groups) ensures profound contextual data relevant for the highly sensitive topic of gender-based violence in urban slums.
This study discusses the complexities of intersectional identities within urban slums and finds profound gender divisions in many aspects of workers’ lives, with income-generating activities reinforcing rather creating empowerment opportunities. Secondly, this study indicates how the constructed narrative during the mobilization process is crucial in laying a foundation for the workers’ self-empowerment. Here, awareness of women’s own position is induced by the union. Third, this research uncovers how political and economic empowerment in the informal setting are primary based upon the foundation of self-empowerment. Conclusively, this divides the grassroots strategies in responses to strategic and practical gender needs, which interconnect through the hybrid platform of the informal union. The hybrid model makes the union membership procedure inherently an empowering exercise, as it goes beyond direct and individual strategies.
Foremost, this study analysis the ability of gender-based violence to maintain itself within Maharashtrian urban slums. Furthermore, there is extensive literature regarding the empowering abilities of women’s grassroots and their strategies. However, the empowering abilities of the mobilization process of these grassroots is not often described. This study addresses these knowledge gaps by examining the empowering abilities of strategies based on peer support.
Based on the findings, the study implies that grassroots women’s movements allow for culturally appropriate responses, as well as a foundational agency-building method, which ensures a sustainable empowerment strategy that moves beyond the general empowerment spheres of the political and economic.
Keywords: gender-based violence, women empowerment, grassroots organization, informal sector, home-based work, urban slums, Dharavi, intersectionality, critical realism.
Tab le o f C o n ten ts
1
Introduction
8
2
Theoretical Framework
12
3
Research Design
23
4
Contextual Background
36
5
The Lives and Struggles of LMKS Members
42
6
Grassroots Mobilization
57
7
Challenging Patriarchal Power Dynamics
64
8
Conclusion
73
9
References
81
10
Appendices
87
L ist of F igures
Description Page number Figure 1: Critical Realist Analysis 25 Figure 2: Conceptual Framework 26 Figure 3: Map of Dharavi 38 Figure 4: Structure of the LMKS union 41 Figure 5: LMKS Process 73 Figure 6: Revised Conceptual Framework 76A cronym s & H indi Term s
Acronyms
CIDCO City and Industrial Development Corporation GBV Gender-based violence HBE Home Based Entrepreneur HBW Home Based Work HBWer Home Based Worker IPV Intimate Partner ViolenceLEARN Labour Education and Research Network (affiliated Labour
NGO LMKS)
LMKS LEARN Mahila Kamgaar Sanghatana (‘Women’s Trade
union’)
SC STs Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (formerly Dalits or
Untouchables) PDS Public Distribution System (ration cards scheme) VAW Violence Against Women
Hindi Terms
Brahmin Priest (the highest caste within the Hindu caste system) Dalits Formerly known as ‘Untouchables’. The castes who layoutside of the Hindu caste system. Now known as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Chai Tea
Ghar ka kaam Home-based work (lit. home work)
LEARN Mahila Aadhar Kendra LEARN Women’s Support Cell (for victims of Gender Based Violence).
Namasté/Namaskar Namasté the general greeting. This greeting is done by folding the hands in front of the heart and a slight bow of the head. (Namaskar is the polite form of namasté, reserved for elders and respected people.) Papad Indian cracker (snack) Swaraj Self-rule/home-rule, term often used by Mahatma Gandhi. Timepass English word used in Hindi to describe ‘activity to pass time’.
1 In tro d u c tio n
Of the 477-million strong Indian workforce, 83% of the people is working within the informal sector and their contribution to India’s GDP is 62% (ILO, 2013; NCEUS, 2007). Informal workers deal with precarious employment, in grim working conditions with no rights to social security, due to their exclusion from most state benefits. The International Labour Office (2013: 3) refers to informal employment as: “arrangements that do not provide individuals with legal or social protection through their work, thereby leaving them more exposed to economic risk than the others, whether or not the economic units they work for or operate in are formal enterprises, informal enterprises or households.”
Within the Indian informal sector women-workers comprise the biggest proportion, mostly active as home-based workers (NCEUS, 2007). The OECD’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) rates India’s gender discrimination as high, due to the very high son-preference and discriminatory family code (OECD, 2018). Because of the high level of discrimination, informal working women face more socio-economical issues than their male counterparts, as a result of their ‘double burden’. This double burden consists of having to use a share of their time for socially productive and reproductive labour as well as their invisibility and discrimination as result of their economically informal activities (NCEUS, 2007; Kabeer, 2000b).
It comes as no surprise that India’s informally working women face many issues related to gender-based violence, as result of their economically and socially marginalized position. Gender-based violence (GBV) has become increasingly recognized as social problem, which crosses right through regional, social and cultural boundaries (Krug et al., 2002). As part of the Sustainable Development Goal Gender Equality, the UN recognizes the importance of elimination of GBV as part of their aim to dismiss all roots of discrimination (UN, 2017). The UN mentions gender-based violence as “one of the most pervasive human rights violations in the world today” (UN, 2017: 26). This study covers an intersectional analysis of the anti-gender based violence strategies of the LMKS union (LEARN Mahila Kamgaar Sanghatana), a grassroots organization active in different slums in Maharashtra, India. The Mahila Aadhar Kendra project is an initiative by the grassroots women’s union which aims towards empowering female informal workers who experience gender-based violence. LMKS’ strategies vary from family counselling and personal counselling to maintaining linkages with the police and courts. However, all these strategies are based upon a foundation of peer support and ‘strength in numbers’ where women support each other (LEARN India, 2018).
This study aims to pursue data that goes beyond economic and statistical studies of GBV in Indian slums, but rather aims to capture the human essence of GBV and the LMKS union’s strategies to counter this. By touching upon GBV from an in-depth qualitative approach, the accompanying power relations which lead to cases of GBV become visible. In this study, these power relations are addressed from an intersectional approach and giving insight into the efficiency of the LMKS’ strategies.
Additionally, this study gives methodological recommendation for the best approach to evaluate anti-gender-based violence strategies in urban slums.
1.1 Background of the Study
Gender-Based Violence
GBV is one of the most direct ways in which unjust gendered power relations manifest. In India, patriarchal power relations have resulted in a high gender bias and institutionalization of violence against women (VAW) within all levels of society (Oxfam, 2004). Due to this gender bias, India has a high female mortality rate which currently results in an estimated 50 million ‘missing women’ (Oxfam, 2004). This is caused by sex-selection, female infanticide and the neglect of female children.
On international level, violence against women is gaining more ground and is now recognized as a human right violation. Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (UN, 1993) addresses the issue and recognizes the responsibility of states to prevent any form of GBV. This declaration especially addresses: “the role that women's movements are playing in drawing increasing attention to the nature, severity and magnitude of the problem of violence against women” (UN, 1993). Since this study examines a grassroots organization, their role and abilities to counter GBV is closely looked at.
The prevalence of violence against married women in various Indian slum areas was reported to be between 23 and 62 per cent (Das et. al., 2013). The Indian government has implemented various policies to battle the GBV and its causes, however different women’s movements have established their own programs and services to empower women and battle GBV from a bottom-up approach. This in-depth study discusses an example of the struggles and strategies of one of the Indian women’s grassroots consisting of female informal workers.
1.2 Research Objective & Relevance
This study captures the issues tied to gender-based violence within the informality of Maharashtrian slums. Chen (2007) indicates a clear economic division between male and female informal workers and therefore the relation between the marginalized position of informal women’s workers and the relation to high levels of gender-based violence is important. Issues of marginalization within the informal sector, as well as issues of GBV, are based upon unequal power dynamics, which this study tries to demonstrate.
The effects of grassroots empowerment projects upon gender-based violence are examined in this study. This relation is important, especially within the ‘Great Aid Debate’ where developmental bottom-up and top-down approaches are being studies. This study therefore seeks relations between peer support and women empowerment upon GBV. It examines the bottom-up approaches and practices within the broad women empowerment debate.
Furthermore, women’s gender-specific opportunities of empowerment within the informal sector requires more in-depth research. This is especially important within the current era of a neoliberal retreat of the state and the current growing urbanization. This causes an increase of informal urban slums and therefore an increase in women who work within the low segments of informality.
Special mentioning is reserved for informally working home-based workers, who’s position is more marginalized than other forms of informal work (Homenet South Asia website, 2018). Homenet South Asia estimates that around 80% of the home-based workers in South Asia are women (HomenetSouthAsia.net). On of the problems is the fact that home-based workers do not have the means and the agency to organize themselves in unions or labour federations. Additionally, home-based workers face the high possibility to end up in between the multiple layers of exclusion and marginalization, whereas impacts of social issues, like GBV, have a more profound impact than among the formal workers, because of their invisibility and lack of collective bargaining power (Gartenberg, 2015).
Furthermore, many studies on women empowerment are focussed upon the empowering potential of income earnings by women, and the way in which income can contribute towards empowerment in other domains (Kabeer 2000a; Kantor 2003) In India however, this debate needs to be viewed in the light of India’s social context, where women tend to be dependent upon men for social interactions (Kabeer, 2000b). These social norms often effect women’s choices regarding paid work. Many Indian women select home-based work as the most accessible work and best option to start generation of income (Kantor, 2003). This study addresses these socio-cultural and economic
characteristics in Indian context, which create additional problems in relation to the empowering potential of income earning.
Knowledge Gap
First of all, this study uncovers the ability of gender-based violence to sustain itself in the complexity of identity politics in Maharashtrian urban slums.Furthermore, extensive literature points on grassroots women organizations and their abilities to empower. However, the incorporation of the mobilization methods of women within the process of empowerment is not often recognized. In this thesis, the construction of a common identity is viewed as a major part of the mobilization method. This narrative is considered of great importance for further empowerment strategies.
1.3 Outline of Thesis Chapters
This thesis is organized in eight chapters, of which the next chapter starts with elaboration of the theoretical discussions. Chapter 3 explains the research design of this study and the different methods used during the fieldwork period. Chapter 4 explains the broad context in which this study is embedded. This chapter focusses upon the existing empirical evidence of the locational context of a Maharashtrian slum and the informality of the slum’s economy. Chapter 4 also explains the activities of the LMKS union and what their main objectives are.
The sub research questions of this study are addressed in chapters 5,6 and 7, where three different sub questions are answered through the empirical data as collected during the fieldwork period. These three chapters are divided chronologically, along the lines of the LMKS union’s process. Firstly, chapter 5 discusses the daily lives and issues of informal working women and aims to determine expressions of GBV. Chapter 6 then continues to elaborate how these women workers are being mobilized and which of their issues are addressed within this process. Chapter 7 finally explains LMKS’ different empowerment strategies. In the conclusion, Chapter 8, the overall findings are summarized, the research question is answered and further recommendations on a policy level are drafted, as well as methodological suggestions for further research within this domain.
2 T heoretical F ram ew ork
2.1 Introduction
In this chapter, the theoretical underpinning of this study are examined. As this qualitative study regards the empowerment strategies of a grassroots organization, the meta theoretical foundation of this study is based upon the theory of Post-Development. Its perspective of grassroots movements is explained in section §2.2. In order to define my own position within this study, the meta theory furthermore discusses Third Wave feminism. In section §2.3, the foundational aspect of this study, gender-based violence, is theoretically uncovered. §2.4 discusses informal workers precarious labour conditions. Section §2.5 examines intersectionality, a way of analysis which is used throughout this study, in order to place India’s complex identity politics into perspective. The full research is investigated though an intersectional analysis. Finally, section §2.6 discusses the theories of empowerment, which stand in relation to the LMKS union’s process. This comprehensive theoretical framework forms a suitable conceptual scheme for analysis of the retrieved empirical data of this study, which is discussed in the next chapter.
2.2 Meta-Theory
This study is build upon two meta-theories of 1) Post Development and 2) Third Wave Feminism. Additionally, this research’s comprehensive conceptual framework is viewed through an epistemological critical realist perspective. This comprehensive epistemological stance is elaborated in chapter 3.
Post-Development Theory
This study’s foundation builds upon the theory of Post-Development. One of Post-Development Theory’s main scholars is Esteva (2009), who claims that development is a Western construct. The notion of development accordingly creates a non-Western, backwards notion of underdevelopment, holding its roots in colonialism and spreading the idea of a Western hegemony (Esteva, 2009). Additionally, to Western hegemony, first promoters of the term also reduced development to the idea of economic growth, aiming for the underdeveloped to economically catch up with the Western World (Escobar, 1995; Esteva, 2009). Various studies have shown that as a result, in development
development discourses detached from its non-Western reality (Escobar, 1995). By using development discourses to speak over rather than with the supposedly underdeveloped subject, crucial realities were being overlooked (Ferguson, 1990; Escobar, 1995).
Escobar argues that, in order to counter the trend of a modern versus colonial world system, we need to look beyond the idea of the Underdeveloped World (hereafter, Global South) (Escobar, 2004: 225). Social movements and Global Southern grassroots can function as the instruments to counter Western (hereafter, Global North) hegemony and redefine new paradigms of development (Escobar 1995; 2004). Therefore, from a foundational stance, grassroots and small-scaled social movements are considered efficient agents of change within the broad framework of Development Studies. This distinction is essential, since the LMKS union is regarded a grassroots organization and their strategies are built upon peer-support, rather than aid-dependency.
Third Wave Feminism
Along with the theory of Post-Development, the theory of Third Wave Feminism is being considered. This theory aims to avoid application of white feminist perspectives on Global Southern social practices, which has to be taken into account, regarding my own bias as white Dutch woman.Early currents of feminism are defined as: “the goal of challenging and changing women’s subordination to men” (Snow et al. 2004: 557). Here, feminism is based on a notion that all women are within a sisterhood, which shares a similar struggle (Anthias & Yuval-Davis, 2016). From the 1980s, this idea was criticized and white feminism within sociology was blamed for its homogeneous tendencies, because of its focus on white, Caucasian, able-bodied, heterosexual, Global Northern women (Denis, 2008).
Anthias & Yuval-Davis (2016) state that every feminist struggle has an ethnic aspect which has to be considered. The definition of feminism should therefore be expanded into other forms of subordinations and include different social and political identities. This differentiation of definition results in diversity of feminist goals in different women’s social movements (Snow et al. 2004: 578). Third Wave feminism acknowledges the invisibility of many Global Southern women within the white feminist struggle and expands into diverse and poly-vocal feminism.
Haq states that within Feminist theories, models are based upon Global Northern individuality, whereas within the Global South, these models might not apply. Within the Global North society is based upon individualism, while the Indian society’s nature is founded upon collectivism,
been prioritized differently, along the lines of the Indian context and might involve women’s decision-making. In order to focus upon these forms of women’s agency, heterogeneity of the ‘South Indian Female subject’ is assured within this study. Heterogeneity is reached through an intersectional analysis, as further explained in section §2.4.
2.3 Gender-Based Violence
The concept of gender-based violence (GBV) stands at the core of this case study research. The term “gender-based” is used because this type of violence is shaped by gender roles within society. These roles are crucial in defining gendered power relations which lead to gender-based violence (Russo & Pirlott, 2006; Casique & Furegato, 2006; Beydoun & Beydoun, 2014). The United Nations’ Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women defines violence against women in their Article 1 as following: "any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life” (United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, 1993)For this research, gender-based violence is defined according to this definition, whereas violence against women (VAW) is considered a form of gender-based violence which particularly aimed towards women, as a result of their social status. The term gender-based violence acknowledges the embedded power relations based on more than only biological similarities. Therefore, GBV is the preferred term over violence against women within this research. The act of violence is defined according to the WHO’s definition: “The intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, mal-development or deprivation”. (Krug et al. 2002: 5)
Hence, the act of violence is extended beyond the scope of physical and sexual abuse, but incorporates the misuse of power resulting in any mal-development. This includes structural violence or discrimination against women, based on socio-cultural gender roles, but also psychological and economic violence (the abuse based on one intimate partner controlling the other partner's access to economic resources).
Russo & Pirlott (2006) emphasize the complexity and the multifaceted characteristics of gender-based violence and therefore a sophisticated conceptualization and operationalization is required. Ellsberg & Heise (2005) describe in their ‘ecological framework for explaining gender-based violence’ the different levels where gender-based violence take place; societal & communal, domestic and individual. Because of this study’s focus of GBV against informal workers, the research will distinguish an additional level; the level of the workplace or the occupational level. This ecological framework explains how these different risk factors interplay and combine toward a higher risk of violence. This ecological framework is depicted in annex 1 (§10.1).
In this framework, the inner circle represents a perpetrator’s individual behaviour which lead to violence behaviour. The second circle represents the immediate context in which violence takes place, mainly within domestic relationships. As this study is focussed on informal workers, the interplay between domestic and occupational relations are explained by the third circle. This circle includes additional institutions and social structures, both formal and informal, in which relationships of the informal women’s workers are embedded, such as neighbourhoods, the workplace, social networks, and women groups. The fourth, outer circle includes the economic and socio-cultural environment of the informal worker (conceptual scheme drawn from Ellsberg & Heise, 2005).
2.3.1 Structural Risks
Research has shown that gender dynamics construct a basic risk of gender-based violence on structural basis (Russo & Pirlott, 2006). As a result of societal gender inequalities women and men have different entitlements which lead to unequally divided power relations. Also, gender roles can create an extra caregiving and reproductive burdens upon the women within the domestic scope, while these women might not have access to any crucial coping resources (Russo & Pirlott, 2006).
violence, sexual violence and emotional/psychological abuse (UNICEF, 2000: 1). This type of violence receives extra attention in relation to informal workers, as generally, women are emotionally involved with their aggressors and economically dependent on them (Casique & Furegato, 2006). However, this has not been studied within the scope of informal women workers, whereas many of the women’s occupational and domestic spaces intertwine or are relatively invisible. This invisibility of informal workers who work from their homes also relates to Sen’s notion of ‘perceived contribution in the household’ where earnings made outside of the household are being perceived differently (Sen, 1985). Purnima et al.’s research in Mysore, India (2014) suggests a relationship between a woman’s income and her risk of intimate partner violence (IPV). This study indicates that female employment only is a protective factor if the husband is earning as well. When the husband is unemployed, her risk to experience IPV increases.
2.4 Precarious Labour
This study focusses upon issues of gender-based violence within the informal sector. The informal sector is often viewed as a waiting room for workers, who can gradually move into the direction of the formal economy (Breman, 2009). The informal sector was long considered as a traditional economy, which would fade away and die out with the arrival modern, industrial growth (Chen, 2007). However, Breman and Chen found the opposite to be true: “due in large part to the onslaught of market-driven policies, the retreat of the state in the domain of employment and the decisive weakening of organized labour” (quoted in Breman, 2009: 34; Chen, 2007). Neoliberal policies have resulted in dismantling of job security, labour rights, collective bargaining and ultimately led to the process of informalization of the market and the loss of organized sector jobs and weakening workers’ position.
Chen (2007) mentions a gender division within the informal economy, where men tend to be represented in the high paid segments of the informal sector, while women tend to be over-represented in the bottom, low-paid segments. Therefore, informal working women have the tendency to be trapped within low segment jobs and are even further marginalized, as compared to their male counter parts. In order to tackle issues related to the informal sector, local governments have taken an increasingly capital generating and entrepreneurial focus. This allows them to turn a blind eye to the fate of the marginalized part of the informally working, especially to the female population (Nijman, 2006). Because of this, Nijman (2006) underscores the importance of facilitating collective action and participation for the sake of slum development. However, these so-called
shadow-state agencies (NGO’s, community organizations and grassroots) have accelerated the further retreat of the state (Nijman, 2008).
However, the informal sector often offers a large part of the population an opportunity to generate income. This is particular true in India, where informal work is frequently the only opportunity to employment, especially for women who face gender divisions of labour (Kantor, 2002). Home-based work Home-based work (HBW) is very common among Indian women, since it offers a solution to social expectations of household work while generating income at the same time. At the General Conference (1996) of the International Labour Organization (ILO) home-based work is defined as following: “the term home work means work carried out by a person, to be referred to as a homeworker, (i) in his or her home or in other premises of his or her choice, other than the workplace of the employer; (ii) for remuneration; (iii) which results in a product or service as specified by the employer, irrespective of who provides the equipment, materials or other inputs used” (C177 - Home Work Convention, 1996, No. 177) In defining a home-based worker (HBWer), a distinction should be made between a piece-rate HBWer and a home-based entrepreneur. The concept of female home-based entrepreneur (HBE) is defined by Pouw (2017: 101) as women who “combine paid activities and resources with unpaid activities and resources to produce goods and services that are bought and sold in the private or public sector, or traded in kind in the unpaid economy with other HBEs, households and individuals, and social groups/communities of people”. HBEs are therefore taking up the space within their communities where paid and unpaid economies intertwine. Pouw draws upon the extensive study by Verrest, where different types of home-based economic activities are distinguished, based on livelihood or business ambitions (Verrest, 2007:162).
A piece-rate HBWer is a person who engages in ‘piece-work’, where a middleperson delivers raw materials and picks up the order after a couple days. In this type of HBW, there is great emphasis
Another special type of worker is the home-based mess worker. A mess or mess hall is an area where groups of people eat their lunch and dinners. Mess work in the slums entail big kitchens where freshly made warm lunches are being packed and send for people work or their homes. Mostly bachelor migrants use these services, although some restaurants also have mess workers cook some of their dishes (Gartenberg, 2011). Chen states that the informal and formal markets are mutually dependent upon each other (Chen, 2007). Chen argues that home-based workers (HBWs) are therefore also the place where the formal and informal connect, for example through formal firms hiring informal HBWs (Chen, 2007). An important feature of HBWers is the relative invisibility of home-based economic activities, in relation to for example a more visible informal job like street vending. In a LMKS union report, Gartenberg mentions this invisibility as the reason for issues in representation of HBWers and HBEs in national or regional unions or other representation bodies (Gartenberg, 2015). This is the environment in which the LMKS operates.
2.5 Intersectionality
Investigating the role of women workers in the Indian context requires exploration of the intersection of gender with other identities and social factors. In her article, Haq (2013) gives an elaborate overview of the different challenges faced by women in the Indian society. Haq (2013) states that the intersection between marginalization based on gender and marginalization based on other identities cause additional challenges which Indian women have to overcome. Haq (2013) emphasized importance of the intersection between gender and caste, race, skin colour and age, which are especially apparent in India and thus require extra attention. Interestingly, Haq lists many different struggles of the ‘Indian woman’ and in doing so creates a picture of a homogeneous marginalized identity in a society which is “opening its doors to western influences [which] have challenged historical, cultural and religious views in many ways” (Haq: 2013: 177). Haq’s description of women’s intersectional struggle gives a profound Orientalist description. However difficult this struggle might be and however crucial the importance of intersectionality, this study aims to avoid this way of patronizing analysis of the ‘Indian female informal worker’ through an intersectional analysis, where different aspects of identities are considered.
2.5.1 Intersectional Analysis
An analytical framework of intersectionality was provided by Crenshaw in the 1980s in which she critiqued the sole focus of feminists on white women whereas marginalization of black women was
assigned to their race (Crenshaw, 1989). This feminist critique occurred in the same period as the flourishing of Third Wave Feminism, as discussed in §2.2. Crenshaw (1989: 166) states that that every feminist analysis must include analysis of race and other identities. Correspondingly, in every anti-racism strategy there must be a feminist analysis of sex and patriarchy included (Crenshaw, 1989: 166). This expansion of feminist theories aims to give a full disclosure of social complexity of marginalisation and is especially helpful in Indian context, so identities of caste and class can be taken into account. Collins used Crenshaw’s framework in order to identify three branches of study within the field of intersectionality (Collins, 2015). Collins states that: “The term intersectionality references the critical insight that race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, nation, ability, and age operate not as unitary, mutually exclusive entities, but as reciprocally constructing phenomena that in turn shape complex social inequalities”. (Collins, 2015: 2)
Collins (2015: 12) describes the use of intersectionality as an analytical strategy. In this strategy, intersectionality is used as ‘a way of thinking’ where multi-categorical lenses approach different facets of complexities of social issues. Collin (2015) states that this strategy is especially useful for analysing violence against women, since this type of societal violence requires a broad understanding of complex social inequalities and the way different types of violence are again responsible for maintaining these inequalities (Collins, 2015: 12).
2.5.2 Critiques
One of the most prevalent critiques of intersectional analysis draws upon its complexity. Denis (2008: 685) states that a multivariable intersectional analysis can be challenging, especially in a qualitative study with a small sample size. However, in order to maintain the complexities of the gender relations prevalent in Indian context, these identities should especially be preserved. Also, these ‘identity categories’ are a social construct, which have to be recognized as such. The intersectional categories of this study are not rejected, rather focused upon the social processes which construct these2.6 Empowerment
The rhetoric of empowerment is closely related to the alternative development strategy of the grassroots experience. Grassroots like LMKS are working on a micro level in order to understand issues and ideas coming from their members’ everyday life and offer an appropriate solution. However, as Kabeer (1994: 224) states, the idea of empowerment has been taken away from this context and is rather used as a buzzword in major international development agencies. In order to bring the rhetoric of empowerment back to its grassroots level, because that is the level where true empowerment takes place.
The concepts of power and powerlessness lay at the base of the concept empowerment. Kabeer argues that ‘the ability to choose’ is closely related to real power women hold. (Kabeer, 2000b: 19). In line with this study’s Third Wave feminist approach, focus lies upon the opportunity to chose, rather than determining the value of what eventually has been chosen. Consequently, women empowerment can be viewed merely as process rather than an end, which always comes back to personal decision-making and overruling others’ decisions (Kabeer, 2000b; 2001). Kabeer (2001: 19) formulates empowerment as following: “empowerment (…) refers to the expansion in people’s ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this ability was previously denied to them”.
Pyke (1996: 528) states that “the main mechanisms that link macro-structural relations of power and micro practices are cultural ideologies woven into the fabric of common knowledge”. In this way, the interpersonal or household practices can be utilized to explain the common social ideologies and consequently, in order to empower, the common knowledge has to be adjusted. This has effect on micro and macro level, but eventually impacts society’s main power dynamics.
Eyben et al. (2008 :8) distinguish three different categories of empowerment: social, economic and political empowerment. Social empowerment (or self-empowerment) is the part of the empowerment process in which the individual is building capacity and agency. This category is mainly concerned with the individual’s own capacity and how their identity is respected within their communities. This category of empowerment forms the basis of the empowerment on economic or political level, as discrimination on basis of gender or ethnicity can cause a sense of lack of self worth (Eyben et al., 2008). This lack of self worth results into profound internal dehumanization and therefore lose the ability to empower oneself on other political or economical questions.
Secondly, Eyben et al. (2008) discuss the category of economic empowerment. This is considered the ability to benefit from the process of growth, based on women’s own dignity and respect they earn (Eyben et al., 2008: 10). This category centres around the idea of a free market, however incorporates people’s access to these markets and their ability to negotiate a fair distribution. Economic empowerment is also related to the earning of assets beyond basic social
needs, but rather give people the opportunity to exercise choice and agency by using their financial assets. Due to centralizing economic empowerment around the free market, Eyben et al. (2008) realize that economic inequalities have the tendency to reproduce themselves. Facilitating economic empowerment is the opportunity to counter these reproductions and have structural impact.
The third category of empowerment is the political empowerment, which deals with equal representation in political institutions (Eyben et al., 2008). This included people’s ability to hold the state accountable for failing to create equal opportunities and responding to the interests of the poor. Political mobilization helps to build individual as well as collective political capabilities and will strengthens a marginalized group’s political agency. This type of political mobilization often holds it origins in local social or economic struggles (Eyben et al. 2008: 16). Political mobilization also results in deepening democracy, where political empowerment leads to sustainable political involvement and co-governance of marginalized groups. The operationalization table of empowerment is found in annex 2 (§10.2)
Vyas and Watts (2009) state that theoretically economic and social empowerment have the ability to negatively impact the women’s risk to domestic violence, however this is empirically inconsistent. This thesis examines this relationship more closely and seeks to determine empirically how social mobilization of women increases their empowerment, as well as lowers the risk of gender-based violence. In order to use determine if there is an empirical relationship, the notion of women empowerment is conceptualized and operationalized.
2.6.1 Capabilities Approach
The notion of social empowerment partly resonates with Amartya Sen’s Capabilities Approach, where resources and agency form Sen’s classic description of capabilities (Sen, 1985; Sen, 1992; Sen, 1999; Robeyns, 2003; Kabeer, 2005). Sen states that the question of gender inequality can be understood much better in relation to capabilities (effective freedom) than to the resources (or potential functionings), or the means to achieve these (Sen, 1992). Sen rejects measurements of commodities, in order to determine an individual’s well-being (Sen, 1992; Sen, 1999).Additionally, empirical studies have shown that income generation alone is not affecting the amount of control in which Indian women can exercise their ability to make choices (Kantor, 2003). Income can indirectly improve women’s positions, but due to the complexity of gender-based household roles and social norms, economic empowerment should be viewed through a broader
workers in this study, who are all earners, however all face issues as result of gender dividing power dynamics. This therefore already indicates that income generation alone is not affecting dominant power relations.
2.6.2 Involvement of men
Kannabiran & Kannabiran (1991: 2131) indicate that “social relations of caste and gender are based upon the exercise of power through force”. This is due to the fact that force needs to be exercised, in order to maintain the current patriarchal power dynamics. In the context of Indian urban slum communities, various social identities create power imbalances, which allows for the men and higher castes to exercise its power in a violent way. Kabeer (1994) states that if there is no conflict, the marginalized groups either compromise or are unaware of their rights or capabilities. Kabeer (1994: 227) refers to the feminist perspective, which explains this lack of conflict by accusing the patriarchal structures as the cause of actively suppressing awareness of marginalization. This indicates the essentiality of involvement of men within the empowerment process, in order to allow power dynamics to disintegrate the patriarchal stance, but rather move into a feminist standpoint.
The theoretical relations between society’s power dynamics and gender-based violence are combined with this study’s epistemological stance and visualized as such in §3.3.
2.7 Concluding Remarks
This chapter intents to expose theoretically how empowerment, patriarchal power relations and gender-based violence are interlinked. This research meta theoretical foundation build on theories of Post-Development and Third Wave feminism. In line with these meta theories, intersectional analysis is used to reveal underlying intersectional power relations which increase power imbalances within communities. This is especially important in the Indian context, because of society’s profound focus on caste, race and religion. The discussed theoretical underpinnings are combined with this study’s epistemological stance in the following chapter. The next chapter further examines the comprehensive research design of this study, including the methodology, methods of analysis, and limitations of the study.
3 R esearch D esign
3.1 Introduction
After elaboration of the theoretical discussions surrounding this research’s most important themes in the previous chapter, this chapter explains the accompanying epistemological perspective, research methodology and research methods used for data collection and analysis. This study is based upon an eight weeks’ fieldwork period, focused upon in-depth, qualitative data collection. The fieldwork took place from February 1st until March 29th 2018 during an internship at the LMKS (LEARN Mahila Aadhar Kendra) union in Dharavi, Mumbai and Uttam Nagar, Nashik.Section §3.2 portrays the research questions of this study and section §3.3 elaborates the accompanying epistemological stance in relation to the conceptual framework. Finally, section §3.4 comprehensively discusses this study’s methodology.
3.2 Research Questions
This study addresses the following main research question: How are the LMKS union’s anti-gender-based violence strategies contributing towards empowerment of female informal workers in different slums in Maharashtra? In order to answer this research question, the following sub-questions are addressed:I. What are the living and working environments for female informal workers within different slums in Maharashtra and which expressions of gender-based violence are prevalent in their daily lives?
II. What strategies of mobilization are being adopted by the informal women’s union?
III. What are LMKS’ strategies of empowerment and how do these effect issues of gender-based violence?
3.3 Epistemological Stance
This study adopts a critical realism approach, in line with Pawson & Tilley’s (1997, 2004) recommendation that a critical realism approach is beneficial to all studies regarding questions of programs of social betterment. This is recommended because realist evaluation ‘seeks to discover what it is about programmes that works for whom, in what circumstances, in what respects, and why’, rather than only questioning does it work? (Pawson & Tilley, 2004: 19). Critical realists assume that there is a real world, however this cannot be directly proved in a way constructivists and positivists might argue. The realist approach is especially important in this study, since this study emphasized intersectionality of gender with other identities.
A realist evaluation is specifically a theory-driven evaluation. Within this study, the realist evaluation is based upon an intersectional analysis, as described within the previous chapter. Easton (2010) argues that critical realism works particularly well with case studies, because it justifies research on any amount of research units and particularly advocates an in-depth study with the objective to understand things the way they are.
Pawson & Tilley (1997) stress that critical realism allows for a better understanding of the different layers of society, like the individual, interpersonal and institutional systems. This is especially important due to the intersectional theoretical approach of the social problems addressed within this study. Intersectional analysis demands an underlying epistemological question regarding how emerging patterns will contribute to intersectional dilemmas (Collins, 2015). Social phenomena such as actions, texts and institutions are concept dependent and therefore their construction needs to be understood and their meanings interpreted (Easton, 2010). Hence, realist evaluations of case studies distinguish clearly between making universal claims and place related claims. This is especially useful in this research, where an intersectional analysis aims to deconstruct contextual meanings of empowerment strategies in the Maharashtrian informal context. The critical realist epistemology is visualized as following:
(Figure 1: based on Fletcher, 2017)
This framework is based upon Fletcher’s (2017) model, in which the empirical level, the actual level and the real level are distinguished. The empirical level comprises the activity or process as experiences by the respondent. The actual level encompasses the activities which actually occur, whether we do or do not observe them (Fletcher, 2017). The third level is the real level, which seeks for deeper causal mechanisms as the producers of the events (Fletcher, 2017).
The link between the epistemological perspective and the theoretical conceptual framework is visualized as following:
(Figure 2: Conceptual Framework. Based on Eyden et al., Fletcher, 2017; 2008; Kabeer 2000;
Pyke, 1996)
3.4 Methodology
3.4.1 Unit of Analysis
In this study, the unit of analysis are the LMKS union’s strategies aimed against gender-based violence. In order to analysis these, the main unit of observation are the LMKS members: female informal workers of slum communities in Dharavi, Mumbai and Uttam Nagar, Nashik. These workers have participated in the LKMS union’s project against issues of gender-based violence. This project (LMKS Mahila Aadhar Kendra) functioned to develop women’s peer-support network in order to fight against gender based violence within their communities.
3.4.2 Sample Selection
As a research sample, a number of representative cases were provided by the LMKS union’s leaders. The sample consisted of women who had participated or were currently involved in the Mahila Aadhar Kendra project and willing to participate in this study. These LMKS union selected all women who’s whereabouts and contact information were known. Because of the sensitive and personal nature of this study, different women eventually chose not to participate in the study, which reduced the sample size to 14 women.
The cases included women from different castes, different religions and different educational levels. The cases were also all dealing with different types of gender-based violence, ranging from domestic violence to community bullying and sexual harassment. The union leaders, who all held a personal relation with their members, contacted the women in order to introduce the purpose of this study.
3.4.3 Research Methods
This research followed an extended case study design. Additionally, as part of the intersectional analysis, this research aims to gain an in-depth understanding of the social, cultural, and economic complexities of the LMKS union’s Mahila Aadhar Kendra project. These insights give deeper understanding of the process of women’s grassroots. An extended case-study design provides the best opportunity to gain this understanding and collect new context-specific knowledge that aims to go beyond economic and statistic studies of slum communities and look into deeper causal mechanisms. A concise extended case-study design should precisely assess the mechanisms through
cultural traditions. The extended case study design allows to extract the general features from the unique cases and to move from the “micro” to the “macro” (Burawoy, 1998) and allows the LMKS union to be put in a broader social perspective. An extended case study accepts for the researcher to test the social dynamics which are present in a single setting (Eisenhardt, 2018: 534). Gerring (2013) argues that well-constructed, small sampled case studies, allows the researcher to dig deep into causality and locate the intermediate factors lying between structural causes and intended effects and therefore result in profound understanding of the process. The critical realist approach requires a differentiation between empirical, actual and structural levels of the collected data, in order to locate these intermediate factors. This is especially beneficial in this study, since it covers the highly sensitive topic of gender-based violence where different social values and power dynamics can play a crucial role. This study is exploratory in nature, as it seeks to make space for the diverse viewpoints and themes, which emerge from the narratives from the participants of the project. Case studies typically combined different data collection methods, such as interviews, questionnaires, and observations, resulting in qualitative and/or quantitative evidence (Eisenhart, 2018).
This study involves a qualitative mixed methods methodology, consisting of participatory observations, personal interviews (semi-structured) and focus groups, during a fieldwork period of 8 weeks. The qualitative methods ensure a deep understanding of the social and cultural context and will give a profound understanding of the dynamics prevailing in the case study. This relates to the in-depth nature of the research question and its accompanying three sub questions. The mixed methods methodology, additionally, allow for triangulation of the received data by different methods of data collection. Eisenhart (2018) argues that this a crucial part in establishing the internal validity of the study. In order to receive insight into the broader phenomena within the sample, this study departs from typical-case study selection (Gerring, 2007: 91). The empirical knowledge generated from extended case-study research allows finding common patterns and phenomena in the sample. Qualitative methods a) Participatory Observations A comprehensive participatory observation method is used throughout the duration of eight weeks’ fieldwork period at the LMKS union. This includes ethnographic observations during office hours at the LMKS office in Dharavi and Nashik, as well as during the home visits on fieldwork trips together with the union’s leaders. The leaders often visited the women who had received interventions of LMKS Mahila Aadhar Kendra project. During these observations, the broader issues in the slum
community for informal workers became clearer. During the data collection process extensive field notes were written, which distinguished observations and reflections. The thick description of these field notes were used during the mapping of daily activities of different informal workers. This created a general profile of an informal worker within a Maharashtrian slum. These general profiles created a contextual basis for the in-depth interviews, as described in the next paragraph. In the field notes, non-verbal communications and details of the scenes are also extensively described. After returning from the field, these thick descriptive notes have added extra value of the participatory observations (Ellsberg & Heise, 2005: 135). The different settings of meetings and interactions have been observed, as well the involvement of other individuals who do not take part in the LMKS project.
This research method was especially supplementary to the sub question I, where the contextual basis for the lives and struggles of informal workers is laid out.
b) In-depth Interviews
In this study, semi-structured interviews were used to generate a more in-depth understanding of the moral values and attitudes towards the LKMS project and its intended or unintended impacts. The interviews additionally allowed profound understanding of the lives of the female informal workers and their personal stories and beliefs. I gained this insight through working along a ‘focused conversation technique’ (Ellsberg & Heise, 2005: 130) which allows for feelings, life histories and interpretations. The participants were interviewed anonymously along the lines of an interview-guide which was established beforehand.
The first interviews took place after three weeks of participatory observations. In this way, the social contexts in the slums and the regular lives of female informal workers were understood prior to the interviews. Ellsberg & Heise (2005: 96) have described interview techniques which are especially aimed towards studies on gender-based violence. First of all, they stress the importance of establishing a good rapport with the woman interviewed. Also, they recognize the possibility that female interviewers are better able to obtain personal information from women (Ellsberg & Heise, 2005: 96). My ability to conduct the interviews myself, in Hindi, contributed to the good rapport and a personal relationship with the respondents. Different interviews had to be conducted in Tamil or Mahrati, due to the limited Hindi speaking capabilities of the women. During these interviews, a translator was present.
their favourite activities. This part established a general profile of the respondent, as well allowed for a good rapport.
After the structured part of the interview, the interview was followed by a semi-structured setup. This part of semi-structured (and sometimes open) interview gave respondents the opportunity to steer the interview in their preferred direction and talk about topics that they themselves found important, but which might lay outside of my pre-established knowledge and the interview guide. The detailed interview guide is found in the annex 3 (§10.3). A transparency table of the semi-structured interviews and focus groups is found in annex 4 (§10.4).
This research method was especially supplementary to sub questions II and III, where the different strategies of mobilization and empowerment were discussed and in-depth explanation of the member’s experiences was required.
Discussing Sensitive Issues
Regarding the sensitive nature of the research topic, different interview techniques were taken into account and assessed carefully after the first interview. In order to gain in-depth knowledge on the women’s perception and experiences, Ellsberg & Heise (2005: 136) recommend alternative qualitative methods that go beyond the regular interview techniques. Prior to the fieldwork, I studied these alternative methods, profoundly. These included, ranking pairs, open-ended stories, genograms and role plays.
However, first analysis of the data collection methods after the first interviews in the third week of the data collection period, proved that these alternative qualitative methods were unnecessary. The women were willing to share their life stories, without the need of any special interview tactics and therefore, regular semi-structured and open interviews proved most efficient. Elaborate findings and recommendations regarding the chosen qualitative research methods for discussing sensitive issues in the Indian informal context are further elaborated in Chapter 8 Conclusion.
During the personal interviews, most of the women’s experiences with violence were generated through an open interview strategy. I chose this strategy due to the low education of the women and the fact that they often did not understand my questions regarding their own perceptions and personal feelings. These questions proved not suitable in the interviews, because the women were not used to talking about their conceptions and feelings, whereas talking about their real-life situations and problems was more comfortable for them. Many of them wanted to speak about their issues and opened up easily.
For this reason, an open-interview technique proved most efficient for the women to express their problems in the most comfortable and natural way. Some semi-structured questions and key topics were consulted to keep the interview somewhat focused. Due to this strategy, I have gained a deep insight in their daily lives and struggles leading to their current or former situation as a victim of different types of violence.
d) Focus groups
The focus-group method provided an understanding of the perspective and attitude of the stakeholders who take part in the LMKS project. Because of the personal nature of the research topics and anonymity of the study, a focus group was only organized between leaders of the LMKS union without any LMKS members present. As stated by Hennink et al. (2010), the focus groups will ideally consist of six participants, allowing a diversity of perspectives to emerge and possible triangulation of the data. Focus groups are viewed as especially effective when there is a significant social distance between the researcher and the researched (Hennink et al, 2010), which was assured during the focus groups.
3.4.4 Data Analysis Methods
For this research an intersectional analysis is pursued. This type of analysis allows for the discovering of sources of domination, which are responsible for marginalisation of the respondents in this research. This data analysis is of special importance in this research, since it regards a critical realist epistemology which addresses the multiple layers of realities and their causal mechanisms. The intersectional analysis method is especially useful for sub questions II and III (chapter 6&7), since these are aiming to uncover underlying power dynamics.
Additionally, for sub question I, a narrative analysis method is used. Riessman states that in the case of disruptive life events, a narrative analysis will emphasize historical and social processes (Riessman, 2001). A personal narrative of a respondent on their own troubles shines light on the specific context of an event and the social space the respondent inhabits within society during these events. From the rich ethnographic field notes and in-depth personal narratives broader social and historical processes appear. These processes are especially important for the mapping of daily activities of the LMKS members, as found in sub question I, chapter 5.
of the coding key categories appeared from the data. The method of coding within Atlas.ti involves dividing the transcripts into smaller fragments and labelling each of these with a code in order organize and find patterns in the data (Boeije, 2010).
The collected and coded data was analysed along the previously discussed three layers of the critical realist epistemology. This resulted in two layers of codes: first a layer of descriptive coding, followed by a second layer of theoretical and realist/causal coding. This ensures an understanding of the power dynamics and causal mechanisms of the items discussed in the different empirical chapters.
3.4.5 Quality of the Research
Validity
This study follows a case-study design, with a particular social context and particular location, and therefore does not claim to be representative of all informal workers in different urban slum areas around the world. As a result, this study has a low external validity. This limitation is not only due to the geographical location, but also related to the, by definition, relatively small sample size of 14 interview respondents. However, Gerring (2013) states that the patterns which derive from the data of qualitative studies might align with similar locations and circumstances. Nonetheless, generalization of the data onto other cases has not been a purpose of this study and therefore external validity is not considered a real weakness of this study.
The study’s internal validity, i.e. alignment between observations and theoretical constructs, was ensured due to extensive theoretical research within the available literature, a priori of the fieldwork. The internal validity was strengthened by triangulation of the interviews’ outcomes and respondents’ answers by analysing these with the LMKS leaders. In this way my theoretical ideas regarding the data could be discussed.
Reliability
Since this study has only pursued qualitative research methods it has a low external reliability. The ever changing context of the research makes replicability of the exact same data difficult. However, the fact that in qualitative research, the researcher is the research instrument, which makes replication of the study more likely when a different researcher would adopt a similar kind of role as the original researcher, in order to maintain the social settings (Bryman, 2012: 390).
The internal reliability of this research is strong due to the fact that many preliminary outcomes and thoughts have been shared with my local supervisor dr. Indira Gartenberg and Emilie Visser, a fellow student who conducted her individual research at the same union. Due to constant
evaluation of our outcomes we were able to generate a bigger picture of our data and ensure full-bodied internal reliability and inter-observer consistency.
Trustworthiness
In addition to the criteria mentioned earlier, Bryman (2012: 391) discusses four criteria of trustworthiness. These criteria are parallel to reliability and validity, however, these are especially focussed on qualitative studies. Trustworthiness is based upon the following criteria: credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. The credibility, or link with a social reality, is ensured by triangulation of preliminary theoretical ideas and outcomes of the respondents’ interviews with the LMKS leaders. Transferability is ensured by a detailed and thick description of the participatory observations of the lives and activities of the respondents. These descriptions can contribute to judgements regarding transferability of these finding into other (similar) social environments (Bryman, 2012: 392). Concerning dependability, I have kept complete records of the data collection process (i.e. selection of respondents, thick descriptions of observations) to ensure the correctness of procedures (Bryman, 2012: 392). And finally, confirmability is concerned with the objectivity of the study. This is difficult to ensure within qualitative social research. Personal biases are always present within qualitative research and therefore recognition of my Western, female, high-educated biases is important. Bryman (2012) describes ensuring confirmability through acting within good faith, however this rather vague description is not measurable. Confirmability of this study is therefore rather weak. However, through the previous mentioned methods of triangulation of data with the LMKS leaders and discussions with student intern full efforts to avoid any subjectivity were made.
3.4.6 Further Limitations
During the duration of the fieldwork, my mediocre knowledge of Hindi was not advanced enough to understand highly technical conversations. Therefore, some nuances or wrong translations might have occurred. Also, some respondents were only able to speak in their local dialect (Marathi and Tamil). Therefore, different translators were required for some parts of the data collection process. Translators can act as active participants in the research process, which can affect the message received by the researcher (Bujra, 2006). Another limitation could be the use of different translators, who all might have altered with the consistency of the questions and their differences in personal biases.
