Grit, Social and Cultural capitals in accessing tertiary education
among young Syrian refugees in the Netherlands
Grit, Social and Cultural capitals in accessing tertiary education
among young Syrian refugees in the Netherlands
Graduate School of Social Sciences
Masters International Development Studies
2017-2018
Wassim Mahmoud
E-mail: wassim.mhd@hotmail.com
Student number: 11432527
Date: 17-08-2018
Word count: 26617
Supervisor: Dr. Olga Nieuwenhuijs
Acknowledgement
The past year has been an intense learning process in which I have developed not only my academic skills, but I have also grown on a personal level. During this year, I had the opportunity to know and interact with professionals in academia, wonderful fellow students and friends, and supporting advisor team members at the university of Amsterdam. I would like here to express my greatest gratitude and thankfulness to the people who have supported me and helped me during this long process and educative experience.
Frist and foremost, I attribute this work to my parents and brother who have been of a robust emotional support despite the 5 years of a great distance. The love and care I received from them helped me to tackle the continuous obstacles that came my way since leaving my country Syria and until the current moment. I wish I can return even a small part of what you have given me.
In academia, I would like, foremost, to thank my thesis supervisor Dr. Olga Nieuwenhuijs at the Faculty of Social science at the University of Amsterdam for her useful feedback, support and engagement during the time course of seven months in my fieldwork and writing process of this thesis. Every time I finished a feedback session, I walked out the door inspired and motivated. Secondly, I would like to thank the second reader Dr. Jacobijn Olthoff for her acceptance to be the second reader for my thesis and her interest in it. Thirdly, I would like to express my thankfulness to the program coordinator drs. Courtney Vegelin for her professionalism and her compassionate approach with all students. Finally, thanks to all courses professors and lecturers who made an informative, educative and familial atmosphere in the lectures.
Furthermore, heartfelt thanks go to the Syrian refugees who were willing to volunteer as interviewees for the purpose of this research. This thesis is emanating from you and it is dedicated to you. I am not only grateful to their willingness to participate, but also for the cordial welcome into their homes. Being able to enjoy the kindness that I know from my home country, while working on my thesis was one of my favorite aspects of the process.
In addition, I would like to thank the other interviewees from organizations. First of all, I would like to thank Albert de Voogd, head of student advisors at the UAF, who gave me invaluable help and insights by participating in the interview and allowing me to see a preview of his book
(Nieuwe wegen voor vluchtelingen in Nederland). Additionally, I would like to extend my gratefulness to the UAF and the family of UAF for all means of support that they provided along the way in my study. Without the UAF’s sponsorship, starting my studies again would have not been possible.
Moreover, my sincere thanks to Mrs. Najat el Helali, work consultant at the department of work and income at the municipality of Voorburg-Leidschendam. Mrs. El Helali has provided me with elaborate insights. Besides, it was a pleasure meeting Mrs. El Helali, my former work consultant, again after a long time.
I wish to thank all academia expert drs. Claudia Flüggen, the student counsellor, prof. dr. Marjoleine Zieck, the professor of International Refugee Law and Mr. Hein van Lieshout,the project manager of ‘Take off’ project at the University of Amsterdam, for their detailed explanation and insights in the interviews. Special thanks go to my colleague from the previous batch Maria Haygun, who has also participated as an interviewee for my research and who was a source of motivation for me in the beginning of my study.
Finally, I am profoundly grateful for the moral support that I received during the process of carrying out my research and writing this thesis from my family and friends.
Abstract
How do young Syrian refugees succeed in pursuing tertiary education in the Netherlands? The young refugees are those who obtained the residence permit of refugee and are willing to pursue tertiary studies. Having been forced to move to a new place with little knowledge about the culture, traditions, education system, language and no social network is challenging, and it makes it difficult to pursue education. There is little knowledge about how refugees construct social and cultural capital and use them to overcome these challenges. Combining grit as an internal aspect of refugees to the external factors of social and cultural capitals, in this thesis I seek to answer how young refugees gain access to tertiary education, let them benefit from available opportunities and tackle existing obstacles. On the one hand, the refugees’ right to education, the availability of organizations for refugees’ education, and the eligibility to financial loans from DUO are opportunities. On the other hand, long asylum procedures, integration conditions, gathering information about the education system, certificate evaluation and university admission are all challenges. Despite the existence of the rights and opportunities for refugees, it is still not straightforward to pursue tertiary education. The study shows that grit is vital to stay determined, keep hope and be informed of cultural norms to decode formulas to tertiary education. But grit is not enough. Key theoretical notions of social and cultural capitals help explain that young refugees need support from local community and institutions to build social networks that inform of social and cultural codes. Interviews with refugees, the University of Amsterdam, the municipality of Leidschendam-Voorburg and the UAF shed light on the topic from different perspectives. The thesis concludes that grit, social and cultural capitals are interrelated and fostering them is crucial to improve access to tertiary education for young refugees. The thesis recommends further research to diversify the targeted group, use quantitative methods too and do a comparison study between young refugees and locals to test the influence of the three concepts.
This thesis recommends, firstly, the UAF to provide information at an early stage in the AZCs -refugee camps- by giving orientation sessions, trainings to the camp staff about the education system and enrolment procedures. Secondly, it recommends the universities to have focal persons for refugees’ affairs at the admission offices, organize events for refugees, disseminate information and organize inclusion programs. Finally, it recommends municipalities to deal with refugees’ cases on an individual basis and eliminate any chance of official’s biases that push refugees directly to low jobs or low level of studies. Lesson learned, and
recommendations could inform policy makers about best practices to facilitate enrolment of other refugee groups to tertiary education in similar contexts.
Table of Content
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT... III ABSTRACT... V ACRONYMS LIST ...IX LIST OF FIGURES ...X
INTRODUCTION ... 1
1. REFUGEES, ASYLUM PROCEDURES AND THE INSTITUTIONS REFUGEES HAVE TO DEAL WITH IN THE NETHERLANDS ... 5
1.1. THE INFLUX OF REFUGEES TO EUROPE AND THE NETHERLANDS. ...5
1.2. THE PROCEDURES OF THE ASYLUM APPLICATION IN THE NETHERLANDS ...7
A. The registration and preparation phase ...8
B. The process of asylum application ...8
C. Post IND Interview phase ...9
1.3. INTEGRATION AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAMS FOR REFUGEES ... 10
1.4. THE ROLE OF MUNICIPALITY IN REFUGEES’ LIVES ... 12
1.5. THE DUTCH EDUCATION SYSTEM ... 13
1.6. NUFFIC AND DIPLOMA EVALUATION ... 15
1.7. ORGANIZATIONS AND SOCIAL INITIATIVES SUPPORTING REFUGEES IN THE NETHERLANDS ... 16
A. The UAF ... 17
B. Refugee Start Force (RSF) ... 18
1.8. CONCLUSION ... 18
2. SOCIAL CAPITAL, CULTURAL CAPITAL AND GRIT ... 20
2.1. BOURDIEU’S CONCEPTS OF CAPITAL. ... 20
2.1.1. SOCIAL CAPITAL ... 21
2.1.2. THE CULTURAL CAPITAL ... 22
2.2. BOURDIEU’S CONCEPTS OF CAPITAL AND EDUCATION ... 24
2.3. GRIT ... 25
2.4. CONCEPTUAL SCHEME ... 27
3. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGIES ... 28
3.1. RESEARCH QUESTIONS... 28
3.2. UNIT OF ANALYSIS AND PLACE OF RESEARCH ... 28
3.3. SAMPLING CRITERIA AND STRATEGIES ... 29
3.4. DATA COLLECTION METHODS ... 30
3.4.1. SEMI STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS... 31
3.4.2. FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ... 32
3.4.3. AUTOETHNOGRAPHY ... 33
3.5. DATA ANALYSIS METHODS... 33
3.6. LIMITATIONS AND ETHICS ... 34
4. AVAILABLE OPPORTUNITIES FOR REFUGEES TO PURSUE TERTIARY EDUCATION ... 37
4.1. THE PERSPECTIVE OF REFUGEES ABOUT THE OPPORTUNITIES. ... 37
4.2. THE OPPORTUNITIES FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF EXPERTS FROM THE DUTCH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AND INSTITUTIONS. 45 4.3. THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE SPOKESPERSON OF THE MUNICIPALITY OF VOORBURG-LEIDSCHENDAM ABOUT THE OPPORTUNITIES ... 47
4.4. THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE SPOKESPERSON OF THE FOUNDATION OF REFUGEE STUDENTS (UAF) ABOUT THE OPPORTUNITIES. ... 49
5. HINDERING OBSTACLES TO PURSUE TERTIARY EDUCATION FOR REFUGEES ... 52
5.1. THE PERSPECTIVE OF REFUGEES ON THE HINDRANCES ... 52
5.2. THE EXPERTS’ PERSPECTIVE OF THE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE HINDRANCES. ... 58
5.3. THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE OFFICIAL OF THE MUNICIPALITY ON THE HINDRANCES. ... 61
5.4. THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE HEAD OF STUDENT ADVISOR AT THE UAF ON THE OBSTACLES... 62
5.5. CONCLUSION ... 64
6. DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS ... 66
6.1. ANSWERS TO THE FOUR SUB-QUESTIONS ... 66
6.2. ANSWERING THE MAIN QUESTION ... 69
7. CONCLUSION ... 71
BIBLIOGRAPHY ... 73
APPENDIX ... 78
1- SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR REFUGEES ... 78
2- TRANSPARENCY TABLES ... 79
LIST OF INTERVIEWEES, METHODS USED, DATES AND PLACES ... 79
LIST OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM, THE UAF, THE MUNICIPALITY OF VOORBURG-LEIDSCHENDAM, AND PROJECTS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS. ... 81
Acronyms list
1951 Convention: 1951 Refugee Convention relating to the Status of Refugees ALMPs: Active Labor Market Polices
AZC: Asielzoekerscentrum, Asylum Seekers Center
COA: Centraal Orgaan Opvang Asielzoekers, Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers
COL: centrale ontvangslocatie, Central Reception Location.
DT&V: Dienst Terugkeer en Vertrek, Repatriation and Departure service
DUO: Dienst Uitvoering Onderwijs, Ministry of Education, Culture and Science HAVO: Hoger Algemeen Voortgezet Onderwijs, Senior general secondary education HBO: Hoger beroepsonderwijs, Higher Vocational Education
IDW: Internationale Diplomawaardering, international credential evaluation IND: Immigratie- en Naturalisatiedienst, Immigration and Naturalization Services KNM: Kennis van de Nederlandse Maatschaapij, Knowledge of Dutch society NUFFIC: Dutch organization for internationalization in education
ONA: Oriëntatie op de Nederlandse Arbeidsmarkt, Orientation on the Dutch labor market POL: Procesopvanglocatie, Process Reception Center’
RSF: Refugee Start Force RTS: Remit Tracking System
UAF: Stichting voor Vluchtelingstudenten, Foundation for Refugee Students UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNHCR: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
VMBO: Voorbereidend Middelbaar BeroepsOnderwijs, Preparatory vocational secondary education
VWN: VluchtelingenWerk Nederland, Dutch Council for Refugees
List of figures
1- Map of the Netherlands ……….page 1 2- The Dutch education system diagram ……….page 15 3- Conceptual scheme………page 27
Introduction
This study evolved by looking back at my own experience as a refugee who left everything behind and arrived in the Netherlands, where I had a very limited social network and where the culture and norms of the Dutch society are different from the ones of my own country, Syria. After arrival I was determined to complete the studies I had to break-off in Syria because of war. I used to think that this would be a straightforward process in such an organized and institutionalized country like the Netherlands. However, at every
step that I took a number of unexpected issues came to the surface. Some of these were related to the asylum procedures, the limbo and unproductive life I had in the AZCs, the inauguration phase settling down in my accommodation, and the admission procedures at universities. Along the way, I happened to get to know local and international people as well as people from my own country who fulfilled a seminal role in helping me understand cultural norms and values and providing me with information that was invaluable in tackling obstacles and shortening routes to begin my studies. This process of expansion of the social network and familiarization with the hosting country’s core norms and values was not straightforward. The idea of this study crystalized when sharing experiences with other young refugee friends and acquaintances who wanted to pursue tertiary education and listening to how they struggled to achieve their end. I observed that, among other issues, the lack of both social capital and cultural capital was a common problem. For example, obstacles related to language barriers, lack of information about the asylum, municipal and educational system, and lack of social network that can advise, and help were inevitable for refugees. In other words, a lack of both social capital and cultural capital seemed to be the main challenges standing in the way of their attempts at overcoming the ingrained obstacles in the asylum procedures, communicating with the municipality about work and education plans, evaluating diplomas and going about the university admission
processes. The persistence and grit that young refugees have is the strong impetus to tackle those obstacles and achieve their ends in pursuing a tertiary education program. Some of these young refugees could indeed overcome them while the others are still trying in the process.
Problem statement
Tertiary education for young refugees is extremely important for their integration in society and their participation in the labor market. It is crucial and necessary that young refugees pursue tertiary education to be able to contribute in the new society and labor market within their abilities and talents (Beckers, 2018). Being able to access the labor market after having the residence permit and the right to stay is an exceptional case. In other words, it is not easy for young refugee to find a job without diplomas and qualification directly after they receive the permission to stay in the Netherlands. This is mainly because the diploma that refugees brought with them from their countries of origin are not recognized by the Dutch employers or because they cannot communicate in Dutch on the work floor (Beckers, 2018). What makes it more complicated for young refugees is that the pathway to tertiary education is not straightforward. In 2015 and 2016, an unprecedented 90,000 people sought asylum in the Netherlands or joined family members already there, and in 2016, only around 600 refugee students were enrolled in the Dutch tertiary education system (Darroch, 2017). There is no exact statistics of how many refugees are in the age of tertiary education and how many of them want to complete their studies. However, the proportion of refugee students accessing tertiary education represents a very small fraction when looking at the overall numbers of refugees. Out of that number, about 20 percent were enrolled in ‘mbo opleiding’ (vocational training) and a little more than 3 percent were enrolled in a higher education programme at university (Nationale onderwijsgids, 2016). The report does not provide further information on the type of programme the remaining 77 percent pursued. Moreover, young refugees who are in the age of tertiary education and want to pursue their education in the Netherlands wait on average four years before beginning a study program (Darroch, 2017). Furthermore, the cultural capital refugees bring along with them is often incompatible with that of the host country. Similarly, regarding the social capital, refugees probably left/lost their social capital behind when escaping. Therefore, it is for them problematic to start a new life in the Netherlands where they have neither social capital nor cultural capital. Both capitals are vital to survive in the western world and obtain respect and recognition. According to Bourdieu
second chapter of the thesis. Additionally, I develop the notion of grit in the second chapter since it is the salient impetus for refugees that made them seek for a better and safe haven in the first place and seek dreams and fulfill ambitions in the host country.
Aims and Objectives
This thesis has three objectives. Firstly, it investigates the different perspectives about the obstacles and opportunities that young Syrian refugees encounter to pursue tertiary education of the refugees themselves on the one hand, and the other the municipality, university and help organizations. Secondly, it compares these stakeholder’s perspectives while applying the three notions of social and cultural capital and grit. It seeks to investigate how all parties perceive them and their importance in the new community with the different features to pursue tertiary education. Thirdly, it seeks to help bridge the gap between the different perspectives by suggesting how to better manage expectations. This will help shed light on the importance of social and cultural capital and grit to re-start education again and provide insights for stakeholders in how to design programs for refugees’ engagement in tertiary education.
Relevance of the study
There has been little research done including the notions of cultural capital and social capital in combination of the notion of grit to investigate how they all impact refugees’ chances to pursue tertiary education. Combining grit as an internal aspect of refugees to the external factors of social and cultural capitals will help contribute to the knowledge with a new framework. In this sense, this study attempts to fill the gap in the literature. Similarly, with regard to both concepts of Bourdieu of social and cultural capitals, there is small body of research that studies the relation between them and tertiary education in the context of the country of refuge. Regarding the practical and social relevance, this study seeks to provide recommendations and best practices for all refugees, municipality, university and help organization by pointing out the existing obstacles and the opportunities to pursue tertiary education. This will be done while applying the aforementioned notions to help in designing programs that focus on reconstructing Bourdieu’s capitals which lead, in turn, refugees to pursue tertiary education and contribute effectively and equally and with applying their talents in the labor market and society in the hosting country.
The structure of the thesis
After explaining the context of asylum procedures and getting admission to tertiary education which refugee go through in chapter one, I will illustrate the concepts of the thesis in the second chapter. After this, I will elaborate on the methodologies on which I drew in the third chapter. This is followed by two chapters on my research findings. I will analyze how all parties perceive the existing opportunities and obstacles to pursue tertiary education in both chapters four and five respectively. At the end of the thesis, I will discuss the main findings and answer the thesis’ main and sub questions. Finally, I will conclude the thesis with summarizing the main objectives, providing recommendations for all stakeholders and recommendations for further research.
1. Refugees, asylum procedures and the institutions refugees have to
deal with in The Netherlands
To understand the context of refugees in the Netherlands, this chapter gives background information about the refugees (status holders) from the moment they arrive in the Netherlands until they are assigned private accommodation in different municipalities and start their journey to tertiary education. Knowing the procedures that asylum seekers undergo before and after acquiring the residence permits and the circumstances that join the process helps apprehend the implications of the waiting time on the status holders and the insecurity associated with the instability and continuous moving. Moreover, knowing the municipalities’ integration policies of the status holders’ helps to understand what role the municipality plays in the status holder’s integration in the Dutch society with respect to culture, labor market and education. In addition, illustrating the education system, the certificate evaluation system and the organizations that help refugees serve to apprehend how refugees build their social and cultural capitals, moreover, the trajectories of certificate evaluation and university admission related to them. I begin this chapter describing the influx of refugees to Europe and the Netherlands in (section 1). In the second section, I explain in detail the asylum procedures, and in the third the integration policies and programs that are imposed by Dutch government on refugees. In the fourth section, I describe the municipality’s role in the lives of refugees with regard to work, study and social welfare. Next, I describe the Dutch education system and the laws and rules for refugees in the system in (section 5). The sixth section is about foreign diplomas evaluation and the institution of NUFFIC. The final section explains the role of the UAF (Foundation for Refugee Students, Stichting voor Vluchelingstudenten) and other social initiatives to support refugee students in their new environment.
1.1. The influx of refugees to Europe and the Netherlands.
The warfare and protracted conflicts that are taking place in different place in the world, have resulted in many people seeking protection and a safe place to live. According to the UNHCR, refugees from Syria, Afghanistan and South Sudan comprise around 55 percent of the refugees across the world (UNHCR, 2017). Travel restrictions and difficulties to obtain visas make that the vast majority of refugees stay in countries adjoining their country of origin. Hoping to return back to their homes as soon as the war stops, refugees fleeing from conflicts also prefer
to stay nearby towns, cities or close to the borders (Fleming, 2015). Nevertheless, there are other refugees who travel further for several reasons. Firstly, the duration of the war. Secondly, the fragile economic and political situation, and restrictions on work and access to social services in adjoining countries. Thirdly, the shortage of international aid for refugees in the region. Finally, children being out of official school for a long time (Fleming, 2015). In the summer of 2015 a large number of refugees crossed the Mediterranean Sea from both Asia and Africa to reach the European continent. That influx of refugees was called by Europe at that time, the refugee crisis. In order to reach Europe, the refugees took different hazardous routes, but both Turkey-Greece and Libya-Italy routes were the main two routes in which the refugees had to cross the sea with no any safety measures in very crammed rubber boats. During those precarious sea journeys many refugees lost their lives, their number totaling according to UNHCR 3,771 fatalities in 2015. Once landing in Greece or Italy, most refugees start their land journey to search for better life in richer European countries like Germany, France, Sweden, the Netherlands and others. In order to manage the unprecedent influx of refugees to the EU, the Dutch government together with other European countries have come to consensus to distribute 120,000 refugees among the different EU member states. The distribution quota was calculated based on the four following points. 1- the number of inhabitants, 2- national income, 3- the number of asylum applications, 4- unemployment figures. According to this agreement, the Netherlands pledged to receive about seven thousand asylum seekers out of the 120,000 who are staying in Greece and Italy over the course of 2 years (Ministry of Justice and Security, 2018). In both 2015 and 2016 according to the Ministry of Security and Justice in the Netherlands, the number of asylum applications and family reunification applications were 28,880 and 58,900 respectively. Once arriving in the final destination, fleeing people get hosted in receiving centers. During the waiting time for the decision about their application they are called asylum seekers and when they obtain a positive decision and can stay, they are called refugees or status holders.
The United Nations Convention on the status of Refugees of 1951 stipulates the rights of people who flee their countries to seek asylum from persecution and threats upon their life. In article 1 of the Convention the refugee is defined as “someone unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion” (UNHCR, 2010, p.3). While the definition of the asylum seeker is the “person who has left their country of origin
When asylum seekers arrive in the Netherlands, they are sent to the main reception and registration center in Ter Apel in Groningen where they can request for asylum. The procedure starts with having their finger prints taken, followed by an initial interview in which they are asked about their personal documents and the route they took to enter the Netherlands. After having that, the process of asylum application is started, a process that I discuss in more detail in the next section.
The COA (Centraal Orgaan Opvang Asielzoekers, Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers) is the organization that is managing all refugee camps in the Netherlands. These camps and refugee centers are located in different places across the Netherlands and the type and functionality of these camps differ depending on the stage of the asylum process (COA, 2018). Some of these camps and centers can be located together in one location. While going through the asylum procedures, all asylum seekers have to pass through three types of camps. The first type is called ‘central reception center’ (COL), in this center the asylum applicant requests for asylum and register him/herself at the office of Immigration and Naturalization Services (IND) which is in the center. While staying in this center, the asylum seekers obtain shelter, food and access to health services and receive guidance on the asylum process. The second type is the ‘process reception center’ (POL). These centers are usually located close the Immigration and Naturalization Service (IND) to facilitate the first and second hearings interviews for the asylum seekers. In this camp, asylum seekers meet the lawyers who are assigned to them. Moreover, they receive assistance and advice from the Dutch Council for Refugees (VluchtelingenWerk Nederland) on their file case. The third type is the ‘asylum seekers’ center’ (AZC) where the residents have obtained the status of refugees who are called then the ‘status holders’ and also the asylum seekers who are going through the extended procedures who have to wait for their case decision. The period of time that the status holders and the asylum seekers with extended procedures have to stay here is the longest in this camp before they are assigned an accommodation of their own. The residents are more independent in this camp as they receive some money allowance to spend on their own food and their individual needs (COA, 2018).
1.2. The procedures of the asylum application in the Netherlands
Here I discuss the stages of the asylum procedures that refugees must go through starting from the moment they arrive in the country until they obtain the final decision about their case. The
Dutch government applies these procedures to determine which asylum seekers are entitled to protection (Ministry of Justice and Security, 2018). Pending their case, as explained above, applicants have only basic rights of shelter, food and medical care. Upon receiving a positive decision, they obtain a temporary residence permit; hence, they will be able to enjoy the same rights of nationals with regards to housing, employment in the Dutch labor market and compulsory education up to 18 years of age. The asylum seekers undergo several steps in their process as followed.
A. The registration and preparation phase
In this phase, asylum seekers should register themselves in the main reception center in Ter Apel where the Aliens police record their personal data and examine their luggage, take their picture and register their fingerprints. Police officers also ask asylum seekers whether they have sought for asylum before, either in the Netherlands or in other European country. In order to record personal data, asylum seekers must provide all available document they have, such as, ID card, Driving license, birth certificate or diploma. In addition to that, asylum seekers are asked about their journey route and how they arrived in the Netherlands. To submit those documents and answer the police questions, asylum seekers receive help from VluchtelingenWerk Nederland (VWN). The documents will be examined by professionals to verify their originality, so the Immigration and Naturalization Services (IND) can use them when assessing the applications. Afterwards, Asylum seekers have to wait in Ter Apel to undergo a Tuberculosis test, later, they are sent to the process asylum center (POL) that is close to the IND offices as mentioned earlier, where they get referred to the health center in the facility (GCA) to receive medical care and to make sure that they are mentally and physically in good health and can conduct the interviews with the IND. During their stay in the (POL), they also receive support from the VluchtelingenWerk (VWN) to prepare for the interviews. VWN provides information about the procedures and organize their documents. Moreover, asylum seekers are assigned a lawyer form the Raad voor Rechtsbijstand (Legal Aid Board) and this board is an independent entity associated with the government. The lawyer job is to assist and prepare them to conduct the interviews with the IND. The period of this phase might range from one week to two or three months, depending on the number of refugees arriving in the Netherlands (Ministry of Security and Justice, 2018).
B. The process of asylum application
questions set about these topics are investigated to check whether the asylum seeker speaks the truth. The documents and the story will be tested to make sure they are authentic. If not, this might have a negative effect on the asylum decision. During interview, the asylum seeker can ask to be accompanied by someone from VluchtelingenWerk (VWN). The questions of the interview are in Dutch and are translated to the asylum seeker. At the end of the interview, a copy of the transcript will be shared with the asylum seeker through his/her lawyer. In day two, the lawyer discusses the report from the previous day with the asylum seeker in the presence of a translator in an office of the IND facility where the interviews take place. The lawyer’s job is to revise the report with the asylum seeker to check if there is something missing or has been recorded incorrectly. Before finishing the meeting, the lawyer prepares his/her client for the interview of the third day. On this day, the IND officer asks questions about his/her personal story and the reason behind leaving his/her country and asking for protection. Same as the first day, the asylum seeker will have an interpreter and can also ask someone from the (VWN) to join him/her. A copy of the report is shared with the asylum seeker through the lawyer. Next day is very similar to the second day on which the lawyer revises the report with asylum seeker and notifies the IND. On day five, the IND assesses whether the case fulfils the conditions for granting a residence permit to the asylum seeker. The IND decision is decisive, and there are three possible options. First, a positive decision in which the asylum seekers is granted the residence permit to stay in the Netherlands. Second, IND decides if it needs more time to investigate the application. Consequently, the case file goes into the extended asylum procedure. Thirdly, IND decides that the asylum seeker does not comply with the conditions to be granted a residence permit, hence, his/her application is rejected. The reason of rejection is then discussed with the lawyer. On the sixth day, in the case the IND intends to reject the application, the asylum seeker discusses the possible options available with the lawyer who will then send a written ‘viewpoint’ on behalf of the asylum seeker in which the s/he can express why s/he disagrees with the verdict. On day 7 and 8, the IND assesses the viewpoint and follow the same process as in day 5 (Ministry of Security and Justice, 2018).
C. Post IND Interview phase
If the asylum seeker’s case is accepted, s/he is transferred to a ‘Centeraal Orgaan opvang Asielzoekers’ (AZC) where the refugee has to wait to be assigned an accommodation and to commence the integration program offered by COA and VWN. The integration program is focused on providing information about the Dutch culture, core norms and principles, labor market and education. The integration policy and programs will be demonstrated in the
following section. In case of application rejection, the asylum seeker has an option to appeal against the decision. The lawyer helps him/her with the appeal process and can also plea to provide the client the right to stay in the Netherlands while waiting for the decision. If the ensuing decision is positive, then s/he becomes a refugee and should continue the process of assigning an accommodation and integration as mentioned earlier. If the decision is negative, the asylum seeker has the personal responsibility to leave the Netherlands in a timeframe of 28 days, and in case of non-compliance the DT&V (Dienst Terugkeer en Vertrek, Repatriation and Departure service) organizes his/her departure. (Ministry of Security and Justice, 2018).
The arrival of large numbers of asylum seekers to the Netherlands, which peaked in both years of 2015 and 2016, caused the asylum-seeking system to congest and slowdown dramatically. People were housed in emergency shelters which were set up in old schools, sport centers halls, empty prisons and even tents. Living conditions were severe, with many people being crammed in one place and sharing bathrooms, kitchens and bedrooms. The situation was made even more burdensome because they became uncertain about their future. Waiting time increased from nine months up to two years for both asylum and family reunification procedures (van Heelsum, 2017). As they had to stay in the POL and AZC centers for longer and longer, asylum seekers lost hope and became desperate.
1.3. Integration and citizenship programs for refugees
Since 1998, the Dutch government made civic integration in society obligatory for all newcomers (Scholten et al., 2017). This is not confined for status holders only but encompasses all third-country nationals (European Migration Network, 2015). In 2013, the government came with a new vision of civic integration which changed drastically and involved both language acquisition and culture and civic courses. The general timeframe for accomplishing and passing these integration programs was set at three years. When the asylum seekers receive their residence permits, they receive also shortly afterwards a letter from the DUO (Dienst Uitvoering Onderwijs, Ministry of Education, Culture and Science) announcing that the status holders are obliged to do the integration exams and to pass them all within 3 years (Scholten et al., 2017). The letter also states that the status holder is granted ten thousand euro to spend on the civic courses and the exams fees, however, if the status holder fails to pass the exams
Moreover, failing the exams can have a negative effect on acquiring the permanent residence permit and naturalization (Scholten et al., 2017). The exams include four language skills tests (reading, listening, writing and speaking), orientation on the Dutch labor market exam (ONA, Oriëntatie op de Nederlandse Arbeidsmarkt), and the culture orientation exam (KNM, Kennis van de Nederlandse Maatschaapij) (Dienst Uitvoering Onderwijs, 2018). Theoretically, status holders have three years to integrate, but they receive this letter shortly after they are transferred to an AZC to wait for an accommodation of their own, a period that can last from one month to more than a year. During this time, it is not feasible for refugees to register at a language school to learn Dutch, for they do not know when they will leave the AZC. Therefore, registering at a language school will be a waste of money and time. Moreover, many permit holders apply for family reunion and they are very concerned about their family members whom they left behind which, in turn, gives them no peace of mind to learn Dutch. Therefore, they start in practice their integration courses only after they move to permanent housing (Klaver et al., 2015). Some municipalities urge refugees to obtain the language certificate before beginning working, but in other municipalities, refugees are stimulated to start working immediately and “usually the immediate work option is appreciated more, though it can be disappointing that the options are only manual and low- paid jobs” (van Heelsum, 2017). Recently the private language schools have been heavily criticized as the results were very disappointing. The 10,000-euro loan that each status holder receives from DUO to pay for his/her language and integration courses and leaving the provision of these course to the free market made the status holders to be a significant target group for the language schools. Moreover, this encouraged the establishment of many new language schools to get benefit as well. However, according the refugee students, they were only seen as money sources by the schools which did not provide what they promised in their courses. In many schools, the classes per week were few, the academic difference between the students was not taken into consideration when forming the class and the classes were theoretical and detached from the application in real life (Joop, 2016). The association of Dutch municipalities (VNG, Verenging van Nederlandse Gemeenten) confirms the problem with the school system and the low quality of the courses. The key issue is that the language courses do not qualify status holders to pass the integration exams nor prepare them for the labor market (Joop, 2016).
1.4. The role of municipality in refugees’ lives
After having been assigned an accommodation at a municipality, status holders are permitted to receive minimum social welfare. Refugees as same as Dutch citizens who cannot find jobs are subject to the Active Labor Market Polices ALMPs and schemes that the municipality has. The municipality wants to apply this for refugees to encourage them to enter into the labor market as well as the employers to create job opportunities for them in order to stop the social welfare as soon as possible (van der Meer and Bax, 2016, p.7). Apart from the responsibility of providing financial aid, the municipality is also responsible for the integration of status holders. It facilitates this integration through implementing mentorship scheme. During refugees’ residence at AZCs, information is gathered and organized in their physical and digital file which later is shared to the municipal authorities by way of the Remit Tracking System (RTS). This information is about their educational and professional background and future plans (Scholten et al., 2017, p.48). For municipalities, it becomes more productive to utilize this information and set follow-up plans for refugees to better and faster start their lives at the new municipality. However, due to the lack of a unified and systematic mentorship scheme, each municipality can opt to conduct its own scheme that it believes is the most pertinent (van der Meer and Bax, 2016, p.6). The municipality of Amsterdam is an example of an effective system for refugees’ integration through the inclusive case management program. This program encompasses employment, education, participation, health and language, in which specialized case managers are responsible for the its implementation. The case managers work closely with the status holders and build together a personalized integration plan which targets to direct them into pathways of education or employment. “After special guidance for three to six months, the refugees are incorporated into either the generic youth or activation trajectory, and receive a new caseworker” (Scholten et al., 2017, p.48). The municipality focuses on the language development and orientation on the Dutch culture, norms and values. For the case managers, they have various of tools at their disposal to lead refugees to the labor market, for example, job trainings, organizing field visits to employers and cooperate with the employers to provide tailor-made mentorships and internship to refuges (Scholten et al., 2017, p.48). In general, the municipality of Amsterdam seeks to pave way for refugees to participate in the labor market and be responsible for themselves. The municipality of Eindhoven also focuses on the engagement of status holders in the labor market and it aims at accelerating access to it
through creating opportunities for internships, vocational apprenticeships, job opportunities, as well as education (Scholten et al., 2017, p.49).
1.5. The Dutch education system
Education in the Netherlands is compulsory for the children in the age group between 5 and 18 (Nuffic, 2018). The education system comprises three cycles, primary, secondary and tertiary education. Firstly, the primary education consists of 8 years and it is for the children in the age group between 4 and 12. In the age of 5, it becomes compulsory, and in the age 12 children undergo exams that define which type of secondary education they will continue to afterwards. Secondly, the duration of the secondary education varies from 4, 5 to 6 years depending on which type of secondary education the child is pursuing which is also determined by the exams results from the primary education. The secondary education has three types:
I. Preparatory vocational secondary education (vmbo) - 4 years in duration II. Senior general secondary education (havo) - 5 years in duration
III. University preparatory education (vwo) - 6 years in duration (Nuffic, 2018).
Thirdly, the tertiary education includes the senior secondary vocational education (MBO-5) and the higher education level which also constitutes of ‘research-oriented education’ and ‘higher professional education’ (NUFFIC, 2018).
Regarding the senior secondary vocational education (MBO-5), admission to this level is possible on the basis of the MBO-4 diploma. The holder of this diploma can have exemption of the first year in case it is acquired in a related study field.
Concerning the higher education level, it is a binary education system. That is, there are two different kinds of higher education:
● "Research-oriented education (wetenschappelijk onderwijs, WO) is traditionally offered by research universities.
● Higher professional education (hoger beroepsonderwijs, HBO) is offered by universities of applied sciences (hogescholen)” (NUFFIC, 2018).
The universities of applied sciences provide programs which are practically oriented and prepare its students for professions. The programs qualify students to either a bachelor’s or master’s degree. The research universities provide students with theoretical programs in order to be able to conduct research. The programs qualify students for university bachelor’s or
master’s degree. After that, students can pursue a PhD degree (NUFFIC, 2018). Below is an illustration of the Dutch education system (diagram 1).
With respect to education for asylum seekers and refugees in the Netherlands, as is mentioned in the article 3 of the Compulsory Education Act, asylum seeking children and children with residence permit are both entitled to the right to education on the same basis as Dutch children. For the asylum seeking and refugee children who are living in the AZC, the AZC runs schools in the camps or facilitates children’s registration in nearby schools (Dutch Council for Refugees, 2018). Adults are also entitled the right to pursue education, however, only after they receive a residence permit. “In theory, they are entitled to access the entire education system and its accompanying services. In practice, however, depends on how quickly they can find regular housing in a municipality” (Scholten et al., 2017). Moreover, it depends on how quickly they can command academic Dutch or English before they reach to the age of 30, for they will not be entitled to obtain a study loan from the ministry of education, culture and science (DUO) after that (van Heelsum, 2017). However, the UAF supports adult refugees who want to continue their tertiary education by providing financial aid and advice. I will illustrate the function of the UAF more in detail in section 6. Another prerequisite for adult refugees’ registration in a tertiary education is the evaluation of their diploma which is the topic of the following section.
(NUFFIC, 2014, p.3) diagram: 1
1.6. Nuffic and diploma evaluation
Nuffic (Netherlands Universities Foundation for International Cooperation) is the entity responsible for the evaluation of foreign credentials and diplomas for people who want to continue their education or want to work in the Netherlands. Nuffic evaluates also the credentials of refugees who could not bring all their documents and are no longer in possession of their diplomas. Refugees need certificate evaluation in order to pursue education programs or find jobs that comply with their acquired diplomas in the Dutch labor market. The certificate evaluation is free of charge for the refugees (Nuffic, 2017). Furthermore, Nuffic provides a
toolkit for Dutch higher education institutions to support them in creating admission procedures for refugees who could not bring their documents. Refugees apply for certificate evaluation via the information center for credential evaluation (IDW, Internationale Diplomawaardering) which is the joint digital office for both SBB (Samenwerkingsorganisatie Beroeponderwijs Bedrijfsleven, vocational education and labor market) and Nuffic. SBB is responsible for the evaluation of foreign diplomas on the level of Preparatory vocational secondary education and training (VMBO) and Senior secondary vocational education and training (MBO). While Nuffic is responsible for the evaluation of foreign diploma on the level of Senior secondary general education (HAVO), Pre-university secondary education (VWO), Higher professional education (HBO) and University education (WO) within the Dutch educational system (IDW, 2018). The IDW evaluates the diplomas in line with the principles of the Lisbon Recognition Convention which was jointly designed by the Council of Europe and UNESCO and aims at facilitating the recognition of qualifications of all party members (Council of Europe Portal, 2018). In order for refugees to apply for the diploma evaluation they should comply with two conditions. Firstly, they should have residence permit. Secondly, they should have received the letter of ‘integration requirement notice’ (Kennisgeving inburgeringsplicht) from DUO. The evaluation or the ‘indication of level of education’ is normally ready within four weeks after the request submission (Nuffic, 2018). Even if in principle evaluation should be non-discriminatory, the discrepancy between the Dutch and Syrian education system results in a devaluation of Syrian diplomas. This obliges Syrian refugees either to start study programs below their level or to do a bridge course of a half to one year.
1.7. Organizations and social initiatives supporting refugees in the
Netherlands
There are some organization in the Netherlands that provide help and assistance for refugees in various life directions. ‘Stichting voor Vluchtelingstudenten’ (UAF) stands out in assisting adult and higher educated refugees to pursue tertiary education in the Netherlands. Since the influx of refugees to Europe and the Netherlands in 2015, many local people started initiatives to help refugees once arriving and while they are living in their private accommodations. Some of these initiatives concentrate on organizing volunteer language groups and by matching people in a ‘language-coach program’. Others helping in better understanding Dutch culture
by organizing social events and activities. Refugee Start Force is an initiative that stands outs for the breadth of its services. Below, I outline what both the UAF and Refugee Start Force do. A. The UAF
The Foundation for refugee Students UAF is the oldest refugee organization in the Netherlands. It was founded in 1948 by the Dutch universities in response to the influx of Czech students after the Soviet Union had invaded Czechoslovakia to help them continue their studies and find pertinent employment. Now, the UAF support refugee students by offering them grants and loans to pay for costs related to their studies, like for example, tuition fees, books, language courses, transportation costs and a computer. In addition, the UAF provides consultancy and advice services to refugee students by informing them about the education system in the Netherlands and advising them on their choice of the study program as well as guiding them during their studies. For the new registered refugees, the UAF focuses its help on the language courses and developing the learning skills. It creates also opportunities for prospective students and graduates to meet up and share experience and advice. On the policy side, the UAF advocates for the rights of refugee students through promoting the interest of both refugees and asylum seekers in higher education, as well as influencing the local and national policies concerning education for refugees. The UAF also organizes public dialogues and seeks properly targeted media exposure (UAF, 2018).
For refugees to become clients at the UAF they have to fill in the questions of a ‘Support Scan’. The UAF deals with all applications on an individual basis. Refugees should comply with all the following requirements to become clients:
1- They should have the necessary qualifications for studying at higher education level.
2- They should be proficient in Dutch or English.
3- They should be willing to learn Dutch at an advanced level.
4- They should not have graduated from a Dutch higher education program before (UAF, 2018).
In response to the dramatical growth of the number of refugee applicants because of the refugees’ influx in 2014 and 2015, the UAF was able to enlarge its capacity thanks to the help and donations of educational institutions, firms and the ministry of education, culture and science. However, in May 2018 as a result of the sharp increase of applicants, the UAF became unable to manage new applications. Therefore, it changed its priorities to extend its financial
aid and support only to the refugees who have no other source of support but the UAF. The UAF pledges to still provide consultancy and advice services to its all clients (UAF, 2018).
B. Refugee Start Force (RSF)
Refugee Start Force is the biggest networking community worldwide for refugees, locals, organizations & companies. The main aim of this professional network is to help refugees to integrate more quickly in Dutch society, learn the language and to find opportunities for volunteer work, internships and jobs. The guiding compass of (RSF) is empowering refugees and make way to participate in the Dutch society and the labor market as soon as possible and construct the foundations of a successful life in the Netherlands. RSF seeks to achieve that thought matching refugees, locals, organizations and firms based on professions, skills and expertise. The implementation is based on the networking groups, projects and events that the RSF conducts to facilitate finding contacts who can help to further develop refugees’ professional skills and ambitions (Refugee Start Force, 2018). The structure of RSF’s Facebook groups is very detailed with various specializations to match up both refugees and other interested parties. That is, through creating groups as per regions and interests, among other Teaching & Education, Job vacancies and Volunteer work & Internships. Through RSF and other social network platforms created for refugees, refugees can build their social and human capital as soon as possible to get back on the track of life again.
1.8. Conclusion
This chapter had addressed five dimensions of the context in which refugees seeking access to tertiary education must operate. First, the Dutch education system does not exclude refugees from pursuing tertiary education and provides them with opportunities to continue studying. Second, it facilitates the evaluation of certificates but devalues them in most cases. Third, asylum seeking procedure and the waiting time and the movements among different camps makes it difficult for prospective students to realize their educational plans. Forth, organizations like the UAF are of great support for refugees who are capable and willing to pursue tertiary education, but the registrations requirements are getting more and more difficult which allow less and less applicants to be financially helped. Fifth, the local people initiatives play role in accelerating the integration process and helping build both the social and human
are many hurdles along the way that make it particularly challenging to pursue tertiary education. So, the question is, how do refugees deal with these impediments and how do they take advantage of existing opportunities to ultimately succeed in pursuing tertiary education?
2. Social capital, cultural capital and grit
In this study I investigate how the social networks and the knowledge of the host community’s culture codes and specifications aid refugees to get enrolled in a tertiary education program. I use predominantly Bourdieu’s two concepts of social capital and cultural capital. In addition, I draw on the concept of ‘grit’ as a third concept to explore the refugees’ motivation and persistence and how this fosters their progression to pursue tertiary education. The two concepts of social capital and cultural capital are articulated clearly in the body of the main research question. I drew primarily on them for they are crucial concepts of capital which are different from the economic capital. This is relevant to the study since refugees have usually lost all sorts of capitals. Losing their economic capital that refugees used to have in the country of origin and living in the host country on the social welfare system is a feature that refugees have in common. However, refugees bring along with them some remnants of social and cultural capitals. These capitals are not necessarily compatible and acknowledged in the host community. Therefore, having lost the two capitals partly or completely is also prominent feature in the new context of refuge and to reconstruct these capitals again is crucial because, according to Pierre Bourdieu, they help to improve the position of a person in a community. There is a small body of literature that uses these two concepts of capitals together with the concept of grit to study how refugees make use of them to pursue tertiary education in the context of the host country. Moreover, the concept of ‘grit’ is also relevant as it is ingrained within refugees and is the reason that pushed them to search for a better and safer place to live in. The concept of ‘grit’ helps to explore the role of self-efficacy and the agency that refugees have to acclimatize and flourish in the new hosting context. The outline of this chapter is as follows: The first section sheds light on Bourdieu’s concept of capital to then delve into social capital and cultural capital respectively. Bourdieu’s concepts of capital and education are discussed in the second section. Finally, the third section is about the concept of ‘grit’ as applied to refugees.
2.1. Bourdieu’s concepts of capital.
the one form recognized by economic theory” (Bourdieu, 2018). The concept of capital is an overarching concept that comprises the immaterial understanding of the word which are the social capital and the cultural capital (Bourdieu et al., 1993). According to Bourdieu, capital has three fundamental shapes. The first one is the economic capital, “which is immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the forms of property rights” (Bourdieu, 2018). The second shape is the cultural capital, “which is convertible, on certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the forms of educational qualifications” (Bourdieu, 2018). The third shape is the social capital, which is “made up of social obligations (‘connections’), which is convertible, in certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the forms of a title of nobility” (Bourdieu, 2018). Capital is considered as a powerful tool that grants power to people to control and have the decision over their lives and the future of others. On top of this, it is considered as the linkage between the community and the person. Capital is an aspect that demarcates classes in a society and the division of all sorts of capitals is the foundation for the class relations in a community (LiPuma, 1993).
2.1.1. Social capital
Bourdieu defines social capital as “the aggregate of actual or potential resources which are lined to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition – or in other words, to membership in a group – which provides each of its member with the backing of the collectivity-owned capital, a ‘credential’ which entitles them to credit, in the various senses of the word.” (Bourdieu, 2018). According to Bourdieu, the existence of these relationships might be merely in the practical state, in material and/or symbolic exchanges which serve to preserve these relationships. The application of a common name like (the family name, the class, the tribe, school or party) may guarantee and socially institute those relationships (Bourdieu, 2018).
The size of the social capital owned by an individual depends mainly on the volume of the network of connections that he/she has and on the size of economic capital and the cultural or symbolic capital he/she possesses. The volume of the capital is key for shared acknowledgement and the exchange of this acknowledgement. To put it differently, each individual of a network or group gives and receive equal capital to the group, thus this relationship becomes a symbiotic relationship where each individual exchanges benefit with
the others. The maintenance of the social relationship to last for short or long term necessitates a continuous effort and time to be invested on both the individual and collective level. These relationships can take place in different places, workplace and neighborhood among others (Bourdieu, 2011). In addition, reproducing social capital is not only a matter of how much time and effort one spends on the relationship, it is also substantially related to the expenditure of economic capital. The direct and indirect expenditure of economic capital is by any means inevitable to maintain the social network (Bourdieu, 2011). The advantages that members can attain from their memberships in the group or social network is the foundation of the solidarity happening among them which, in turn, remakes the advantages possible. “This does not mean that they are consciously pursued as such, even in the case of groups like select clubs, which are deliberately organized in order to concentrate social capital and so to derive full benefit from the multiplier effect implied in concentration and to secure the profits of membership – material profits, such as all the types of services accruing from useful relationships, and symbolic profits, such as those derived from association with a rare, prestigious group.” (Bourdieu, 2018).
The owner of an inherited social capital who is known because of his reputation is more likely to convert circumstantial relationships to more prolonged relationships. Those individuals are looked for because of the volume of social capital and they are well-known as well as they are worthy to be close to their network cycle. Their actions of sociability are renowned when they are implemented, moreover, they have a high degree of productivity (Bourdieu, 2018).
In the case of refugees, who are in a new community where they have very few social contacts, individuals who belong to the host community and are well-informed of all life aspects, especially those related to existential and basic life needs and the trajectories to tertiary education are highly worthy to know and to be close to. The compelling question that is stemming from the role of social capital for refugees’ enrollment in tertiary education is how the social capital helps refugees tackle existing obstacles and enhance opportunities to pursue an educational program at a Dutch educational institution? This will be reflected and discussed thoroughly in the analysis chapter.
2.1.2. The Cultural capital
labor market and to achieve well educationally (Savage, et al., 2018). Cultural capital is not about money and economic capital a person has, however, cultural capital can be exchanged for money and this money, in turn, can be used to obtain more cultural capital. Bourdieu believes that cultural capital can cause social disparities (Bourdieu, 2018). Pursuing a study and owing a degree is key for increasing your cultural capital, therefore, being situated in a precarious situation will not serve in maximizing the cultural capital a person has. For example, in a case of a student who is in a poverty situation and who is working to finance his family and study. He is going to be inevitably affected by the precarity conditions. This, in turn, will lead him to get lower scores because his few study and attendance hours he has which will impact, in turn, his final results and his attainment of university degree (Sociology Live, 2015). According to Grenfell, cultural capital is “that capital which results from engagement in and with education and culture” (Grenfell, 2007, p.60). Bourdieu denotes to the cultural capital as the combination of symbolic aspects for example, tastes, skills, style of cloth, posture, materials etc. that an individual owns. Individuals can collect these elements through belonging to a specific social class. Having these elements in common between the members of a certain social group generates a feeling of “collective identity and group position.” (Routledge, 2016). Bourdieu states that cultural capital has three different forms, and these are the embodied state, the objectified state and the institutionalized state. “[T]he embodied state, i.e., in the form of long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body; in the objectified state, in the form of cultural goods (pictures, books, dictionaries, instruments, machines, etc.), which are the trace or realization of theories or critiques of these theories, problematics, etc.; and in the institutionalized state, a form of objectification which must be set apart because, as will be seen in the case of educational qualifications, it confers entirely original properties on the cultural capital which it is presumed to guarantee.” (Bourdieu, 1985).
• The embodied state
The embodied state, according to Bourdieu, is the accumulation of cultural capital in the shape of both cultivation and culture. In other words, it is the form of knowledge that exits within an individual. A procedure of embodiment and incorporation are required to congregate the cultural capital which, in turn, necessitates an investment in time and work (Bourdieu, 2018). An example of an embodied cultural capital is the dialect or accent that an individual has (Routledge, 2016).
• The objectified state
It is related to the material objects that one’s has which denote to which social class he/she belongs, for example, drawings, writings, monuments etc. “Cultural goods can be appropriated both materially which presupposes economic capital and symbolically which presupposes cultural capital” (Bourdieu, 2018). This state of cultural capital is the most remarkable and easy to notice because it is both bonded with the material objects that one’s has, and we usually tend to refer to people belonging to certain social class depending on the type and the value of materials they have (Hager, 2015).
• The institutionalized state
The institutionalized form of cultural capital “refers to credentials and qualifications such as degrees or titles that symbolize cultural competence and authority.” (Routledge, 2016). The institutionalized state is a way in which society measures the social capital. For example, society classifies people who have bachelor’s degree higher than people who have got no degrees at all, and similarly it classifies people with master’s degree in a higher position than the ones with only bachelor, hence, the higher degree a person has, the more prestige and higher cultural position it entitles him/her than the previous one. The cultural capital gathered in this form could be exchanged with economic capital since the higher degree is more likely to facilitate making more money in the future through acquiring higher job positions with higher salaries (Hager, 2015).
2.2. Bourdieu’s concepts of capital and education
As previously shown in bourdieu’s concepts of social and cultural capital, to produce and reproduce both capitals, one has to have them inherited and transferred to him/her through the family that already owns them. In addition, they could be produced and accumulated through socialization and education. In that sense, educational institutions are important to acquire capital in its cultural and social forms for the higher degree one attains the more capital he/she can collect. Moreover, educational institutions provide the social atmosphere for students to socialize and build relationships on basis of sharing mutual interests and exchanging mutual favors. This is also added to the main advantage of education in forging the cultural capital. In the case of the Syrian refugee, who recently arrived in the host country, the Netherlands, and want to start their lives, they start their lives with either very minimal or no social or
valid in the new context of the Netherlands because the new society has different cultural aspects. Similarly, the former, social capital, is either totally or partly lost as a result of arriving in the Netherlands alone or with a few numbers of family members, hence, they do not have the social capital that is gained from their new context.
Drawing on Bourdieu’s concepts, one can make the analogy for refugees living in a country with a different language, norms and culture. For instance, a refugee cannot use the cultural capital inherited through family because it is not compatible with the host society. However, the social capital could be built through either/both socializing or/and education attainment. From this theoretical analysis, a compelling question to be raised is how refugees who in the first place have no means of communication and next to zero cultural and social capital can get enrolled in an educational institution where they can build their social and cultural capital? Do they have to have specific personality characteristics that hearten them to start from zero level to build a life from scratches? This is where the concept of ‘grit’ comes in. Next section discusses the ‘grit’ concept in the case of refugees.
2.3. Grit
In her study on refugee-background students in New Zealand, Diane O’Rourke claims that “[a] lack of cultural capital relevant to New Zealand universities (e.g., understanding of the system, the terminology, and the cultural practices for stating needs, requesting help, and communicating) is exacerbated by the lack of social networks effective in this context. Refugee-background students often lack both peers with university experience and adult role models.” (O'Rourke, 2011). To bridge the existing gap institutional, governmental and individual endeavors are mobilized to help in building both social and cultural capitals. That is mainly through organizing notably, language, academic skills and integration courses. Nevertheless, “the costs in time and money often appear daunting for people who feel they have already lost many years of their lives as well as their financial resources.” (O'Rourke, 2011). On top of these obstacles, there are other ones related to the ramifications of war and the incidents happened while escaping, the asylum procedures, living in refugee the in the AZCs, and communicating with the municipality and complying with its obligation. This is why I explore in the thesis if refugees who endeavor to pursue tertiary education in spite of all difficulties mentioned are endowed with the trait of grit. There has been growing interest in how it relates to education both in academia and popular culture. This relation is used to explain
