Dispelling Myths and Understanding Realities: Working Conditions, Health Status, and Exiting Experiences of Sex Workers

W R I T T E N B Y

Cecilia Benoit and Alison Millar

S P O N S O R E D B Y

Prostitutes Empowerment, Education and Resource Society (PEERS)

F U N D E D B Y

BC Health Research Foundation*

Capital Health District

BC Centre of Excellence on Women’s Health

Working Conditions,

Health Status, and Exiting

Experiences of Sex Workers

Dispelling Myths

and

Understanding

Realities

Dispelling Myths and Understanding Realities:

Working Conditions, Health Status, and Exiting Experiences of Sex Workers

Written by

Cecilia Benoit* and Alison Millar

October 2001

*Corresponding author’s address: Department of Sociology, University of Victoria, B.C., Canada, P.O. Box 3050. V8W 3P5. Phone (250) 721-7578, fax: (250) 721-6217 e-mail: cbenoit@uvic.ca

Errata

Please note that there is a technical error in the report in regard to by-laws in the Capital Regional District (CRD)of BC (see pp. 7-8). When preparing the report, we were under the understanding that the City of Victoria by-law No. 93-134, the so-called "Escort and Dating Service Bylaw", was no longer in place due to new developments to harmonize bylaws across the municipalities that make up the CRD. We have since learned, however, that the City of Victoria escort

bylaw is still in place. The fee for the escort business license is $1,500 a year, and $250 per escort worker is also charged. There are 3 agencies licensed in Victoria proper, and 14 licensed ones in the neighbouring municipality of Saanich, where the licensing fee is similar to other businesses.

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Foremost, we would like to thank the sex workers who participated in the interviews that inform this report. Without their voices, this project would not have been possible. In addition, a special thanks goes to our research assistants who devoted not only their time and energy to the project, but also a dedication to extend and deepen our understanding of sex workers’ lives. Barbara Taylor deserves special mention for help in interviewing research assistants and commenting on the research instrument, among countless other tasks. Judy Lightwater was also invaluable for her project co-ordination and community networking skills. We commend the Ad Hoc Advisory Committee - Linda Canham, Sherri Lee, Linda

Poffenroth, Jannit Rabinovitch and Chris Downing - for their valuable expertise and advice. We thank Mikael Jansson for his time and patience in helping us design the research instrument, code and clean up the data and get the analysis off the ground. We also thank Munaza Chaudhry for her careful editing and formatting expertise and Judy Adler for her informative conversations and careful comments about doing research with those who have little power. Our gratitude extends as well to the following organizations: Sandy Merriman House, the Needle Exchange, AIDS Vancouver Island, the BC Health Research Foundation for their major financial contribution; and the Capital Health Region, BC Centre of Excellence on Women’s Health and the University of Victoria for the additional

financial and in kind support. Finally, we would like to graciously thank PEERS for its multi-faceted support for this research project, without which it would have been difficult to bring to a final conclusion.

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Background

Much of the research to date on the sex industry and its workforce has adopted a social problem orientation. Individual sex workers, almost always depicted as street walkers (those who are observable to the public and invariably the source of complaints by residents in neighbourhoods where the street trade is active) have been the main focus of

analyses, with much attention given to background factors that lead them into the sex trade, risk behaviours while working in the trade, and the short and long-term physical, sexual and mental health outcomes of sex trade involvement.

A small body of literature, however, has taken the view that the sex trade/industry is far more complex than most believe, involving a number of sex occupations/venue locations other than street prostitution where it is estimated less than 20 percent of activity takes place. The sex trade is not unlike other types of service work that are found in high income countries such as Canada, involving a bundle of tasks done directly to please the recipient of the service (customer/ client), or indirectly to fulfill the expectations of a boss or manager overseeing the delivery of services. What these ‘square jobs’ have in common with the sex trade is that an exchange of services makes it possible for the worker to make a living. The research reported here looks at the sex trade from a work perspective, arguing that there is an urgent need to give voice to sex workers located in indoor as well as

outdoor venues as a first step in understanding the challenges they face.

Methodology

Following the methodology used in an earlier study investigating the sexual exploitation of children and youth in the CRD

(Sexually Exploited Youth Committee, 1997), this current study trained ex-sex workers as research assistants who became involved in activities ranging from recruiting respondents, interviewing them, inputting questionnaire data into the computer program, and transcribing the tape-recorded

interviews. This strategy and others reported below helped to make the project a genuine community-academic collaboration. A non-random sample of currently active and exited1 _adult2

female (n=160), male (n=36) and transgendered (n=5) sex workers residing in Victoria, BC and the surrounding 13

municipalities that make up the Capital Regional District (CRD) were asked about whether they experienced their sex trade activity as a job or not, the degree of control they experienced in their current venue, their health status, and their access to health and related services in the metropolitan area.

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Exited or ex-sex worker, for the purposes of this report, is defined as someone who has retired from the sex trade for a minimum of two years at the time of interview. It is believed that those who had been out of the trade for two years would have been able to leave behind most aspects of the identity of and activities involved in being a sex worker.

2_{The study focused on the situation of respondents involved in selling sex services who}

were 18 years of age or older at the time they were contacted by our research assistants. One of the authors (Benoit) is currently investigating the situation of those under age 18 who

Summary of Key Findings

· For the vast majority of our respondents, the sex trade is their main means of making a living, that is, it is their

job or occupation. The majority of them have worked in more than one venue during their sex trade career, sometimes moving from outdoor to indoor work and other times the reverse. The relative permanency of sex work as a job and the fluidity of movement across

venues reported by our respondents suggest that the distinction between indoor and outdoor sex work is not as clear-cut as most previous academic research suggests.

· In terms of experiences within the trade, the data show that across certain dimensions, such as control over job safety and freedom from harassment, those working on the street experience comparatively less occupational control and more harassment than counterparts located in indoor venues. However, as noted by the respondents, third party control extends beyond that of the

traditional street pimp to include escort managers and others who mediate between the sex worker and client. In regard to other key dimensions of work control - earnings, pace of work, and clientele and activities performed - those working as private contractors through agencies are often at a considerable

disadvantage, even compared to counterparts working independently on the street. In the absence of minimum

work standards, workers in escort agencies, massage parlours and other indoor employment venues have no legal avenue to protect themselves against exploitative conditions of employment.

· The findings further indicate that, compared to the other venues examined, sex workers operating

independently out of their own homes are in the best relative position to determine their own cost of labour, net earnings, pace of work, clientele and the sex

activities performed while working.

· Despite these findings regarding the relative

permanency of the sex trade as an occupation and of the variability within the trade in regard to work location and worker control, at a more general level the criminal nature of the sex trade in Canada has a dramatic impact on workers’ rights and safety and leaves all respondents at serious risk.

· Along physical, psychological, emotional and social

dimensions, the majority of our respondents report that their health is not what they would like it to be. While most research on the sex trade has focused mainly on sexual health matters, the findings indicate that the health issues affecting sex workers range far beyond these traditional concerns. Mental health and level of self-esteem are related not only to being marginalized

and rendered invisible as adult workers but are also associated with respondents’ early childhood

experiences that included frequent household change, abuse and neglect.

· Contrary to popular belief, only a minority of

respondents escape from their situations through the use of illicit addictive substances, with use slightly higher for those currently working as sex workers than those who have exited. Similarly, only a minority of respondents indicated that addiction was a factor in determining their entry (and subsequent reentry) into the sex trade. Addiction is also co-related with poor health for respondents using illicit substances.

· Even those respondents who have permanently exited the trade continue to struggle post-retirement with mental health and related problems that do not end simply by their leaving the sex trade life behind.

· Our respondents said that they are in need of a variety of frontline and preventive health services.

Unfortunately, some of the needed services are either inaccessible, unavailable or ineffective in addressing their needs.

· All of our respondents struggle to resist the popular depiction that portrays them as mere victims. Despite past and present hardship, they describe themselves as active agents with varying degrees of control over their work and health. More than anything else, this report aims to confirm respondents’ agency, to give them a voice and an opportunity to be heard.

Summary of Recommendations

As demonstrated in this report, all respondents

experienced marginalization in the sense that they are unable to access many of the rights and protections other Canadian citizens enjoy. Because of this situation, we suggest some general recommendations, followed by more specific

recommendations depending on the sub-group of sex workers.

General Recommendations:

· Educate the public about the reality of sex workers’ lives;

· Campaign for changes in policy and legislation to make sex work safer;

· Make available better education and training for police and other criminal justice personnel to encourage them to be more sensitive and understanding of the dynamics of sex trade work across all venues;

· Provide ready access to safe, stable, and affordable housing;

· Provide ready access to appropriate and sensitive health and social service providers who are knowledgeable about the needs and concerns of sex workers; · Make available a continuum of services so that sex

workers receive the care they need when they need it; · Provide economic and political support for

experience-based advocacy organizations.

Recommendations for those Currently Working in the Sex Trade:

· Educate sex workers about what is legal and illegal about the sex trade;

· Institute formal job contracts for sex workers when employed by others (such as in strip bars or clubs);

· Institute formal work agreements for sex workers when working with third-parties (such as in escort agencies or massage parlours);

· Provide services that are specific to the needs and schedules of sex workers, including child care for dependent children and outreach services around-the-clock, seven days a week.

Recommendations for Survivors Wanting to Leave the Sex Trade and those who have Exited:

· Make available more outreach workers offering assistance to sex workers wanting to exit the trade; · Provide ready access to second-stage supportive

· Provide access to appropriate mental health services for exited sex workers dealing with low self-esteem and other psychological problems stemming from the stigma attached to their former work life;

· Provide access to academic education, including the means to complete high school;

· Provide access to vocational training that is affordable and meaningful;

· Provide access to employment opportunities that match their skills and interests;

· Provide access to exiting programs specifically targeting adults.

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1.1 BACKGROUND...1

1.2 THE RESEARCH SETTING... 4

1.3 THE CRD SEX TRADE... 6

1.4 GETTING THE PROJECT OFF THE GROUND... 9

1.5 THE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY... 11

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2.1 GENDER AND AGE... 15

2.2 ETHNICITY AND PLACE OF BIRTH... 17

2.3 EDUCATION... 18

2.4 INCOME...20

2.5 SEXUAL ORIENTATION...20

2.6 OCCUPATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS...22

2.7 HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS...23

2.8 RELATIONSHIPS AND CHILDREN...24

2.9 SUMMARY...25

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3.1 HOUSEHOLD INSTABILITY...28

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4.1 AGE OF ENTRY...35

4.2 REASONS FOR ENTRY...36

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5.1 CONDITIONS OF WORK... 41

5.2 EARNINGS...43

5.3 PACE OF WORK...45

5.4 CLIENTELE AND ACTIVITIES PERFORMED...48

5.5 WORK SAFETY AND FREEDOM FROM HARASSMENT...50

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6.1 FREQUENCY OF EXITING...60

6.2 RETURNING TO THE TRADE...62

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7.1 GENERAL STATE OF HEALTH...67

7.2 SEXUAL HEALTH...72

7.3 ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION...75

7.4 ILLICIT DRUG USE...76

7.5 DRUG USE AND BLOOD-BORNE INFECTIONS... 81

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8.1 ACCESS ISSUES...84

8.2 QUALITY OF HEALTH CARE...86

8.3 EXITING THE SEX TRADE AND SEEKING SERVICES...89

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11.1 POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THOSE CURRENTLY WORKING IN THE SEX TRADE ...97

11.2 POLICY RELEVANT TO SURVIVORS WANTING TO LEAVE THE SEX TRADE AND THOSE WHO HAVE EXITED...98

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The questionnaire can be downloaded on the following websites: http://web.uvic.ca/~cbenoit/ http://www.peers.bc.ca/

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Table 1: Visible Minority and Aboriginal Status of Respondents... 18

Table 2: Educational Attainment of Respondents... 19

Table 3: Stability of Current Living Situation ...24

Table 4: Living Situations of Respondents, Select Years...30

Table 5: Percentage of Aboriginal and Non-Aboriginal Respondents in Adoptive Families and Formal Care,Age 10...30

Table 6: Overall Abuse Endured By Respondents...32

Table 7: Circumstances to Entering the Sex Trade...36

Table 8: Current or Last Work Situation in the Sex Trade...42

Table 9: Reported Amount of Control Over Number of Clients Seen Per Shift...45

Table 10: Reported Amount of Control Over Saying No to Sex with a “John” by Venue...49

Table 11: Whom Do You Turn to First in a Crisis Situation?...56

Table 12: Whom Do You Turn to Second in a Crisis Situation?...57

Table 13: Respondents' Primary Reason for Exiting the Sex Trade... 61

Table 14: Self-Reported Mental Health Conditions Present...72

Table 15: Percentage of Respondents Always Using Condoms When Engaging in Select Commercial Sex Activities...73

Table 16: Respondents’ Self-Reported Current or Past Occurrence of Select STIs...75

Table 17: Self-reported Kind of Drugs (Last 6 Months)...77

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Figure 1: Gender of Respondents...16 Figure 2: Sexual Orientation of Respondents ...21

Interviewer: Do you think that people tend to view sex trade in a negative light?

Annie: A lot of people look at the sex trade like it’s really, really bad. The way I see it, it’s not the greatest thing, but it’s not the worse thing possible… I believe that the only way to consider it, so it’s not so negative, [is to] open people’s eyes a bit more often.

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1.1 Background3

Most research views the sex industry and its workforce as a social problem. The individual sex worker - almost always depicted as a prostitute working on the streets - has been the main unit of analysis, and much attention has been given to background factors that lead her4 _{into the sex}

trade in the first instance, to risk behaviours while working in the trade, and to the short and long-term physical, sexual and mental health outcomes of sex trade involvement.

A small body of literature, however, has taken the view that the sex trade/industry is not unlike other types of legitimate service work involving a number of sex occupations/ venue locations other than street prostitution. Viewed from this angle, sex work involves a bundle of tasks done directly to please the recipient of the service customer/client), or

indirectly to fulfill the expectations of a (boss or manager

3 _{Our report makes extensive use of sex workers' narratives. In order to protect the identity} of the 201 respondents who gave so much of themselves to this research, pseudonyms are used throughout this report.

overseeing the delivery of services rendered. The research reported here builds on this latter perspective, arguing that there is an urgent need to ‘give voice’ to sex workers located in indoor as well as in outdoor venues as a first step in

understanding the challenges they face.

In doing so, the research team set out to answer the following questions associated with the sex trade in the CRD:

1. What are the backgrounds of the respondents? Do they all share common key demographic and early childhood characteristics?

2. What set of circumstances are associated with entry into the sex trade?

3. Is sex work a temporary or a relatively permanent activity?

4. Are respondents able to make a living wage from their work selling sex services?

5. How are the working conditions of more visible venues of sex work (e.g., the street) different from less visible venues (escort agencies, bars and clubs, own homes, etc.)?

6. What is the sexual, physical and mental health of respondents?

7. What do respondents think of the health services that they use?

8. How are personal and work characteristics related to length of time that respondents spend in the sex trade? How easy/difficult is it to exit from the sex trade?

9. What are the ‘pulls’ and ‘pushes’ of staying in versus leaving the industry?

10. How do current social policies meet the needs and concerns of those who perform/have performed sex services for a living?

As will become apparent below, respondents presented us with a complex picture of what it is like to be a sex worker. All of them struggle to resist the popular depiction that portrays them as mere victims of another’s doing. Despite the obvious hardships they have had and continue to endure, they nevertheless describe themselves as active agents with varying degrees of control over their work and personal lives.

A word about the report’s format. We have tried to strike a balance between the use of quantitative and qualitative data by combining numerical findings with short vignettes and direct quotes from the open-ended part of the interviews. These features, we believe, give the reader a rich picture of respondents’ diverse situations and at the same time embellish the quantitative data that serve as the

report’s backbone. We have also included a glossary (Appendix 2) where we define frequently used terms in the report.

Victoria,the capital of British Columbia, is a seaport city located on the southern tip of Vancouver Island where today approximately 317 000 people reside, either in the city proper or its adjacent 13 municipalities that together make up the Capital Regional District (CRD).

1.2 The Research Setting

The first time I worked, I worked out of a nightclub [in Victoria] and that is where I would pick up my dates. It was mostly Japanese tourists actually that came in there a lot and were looking for little blondes. I thought [the tourists] were very upscale with fancy hotels and whatever.

Sara, former nightclub worker

Victoria, the capital of British Columbia, is a seaport city located on the southern tip of Vancouver Island where today approximately 317 000 people reside, either in the city proper or its adjacent 13 municipalities that together make up the Capital Regional District (CRD). The metropolitan area has many attractions. It is the site of the provincial government, a cultural centre of Northwest coast Aboriginal art and

traditions, and the location of one of the province’s main research universities, as well as a number of colleges and other educational institutions. Additionally, because of its mild climate, the CRD is home to a large number of the country’s retirees, and the region’s many attractions also make it a prime vacation destination for Canadian, US and other tourists.

Another positive feature of the metropolitan area is that it has managed to avoid the spatial concentration of poverty that has developed in recent decades in most other Canadian urban areas, reflected in the increase in number of poor neighborhoods. This does not mean that the CRD is without poor residents, however. Though neighborhood

Though neighborhood poverty is comparatively low, currently over 15% of the area’s residents fit Statistics Canada’s definition of “poor/low income.” It should also be noted that the unemployment rate for the metropolitan area – at 6.7% in 2000 – is one of the highest among urban districts in central and western Canada.

poverty is comparatively low, currently over 15% of the area’s residents fit Statistics Canada’s definition of “poor/low income” (Reitsma-Street et al., 2000)5_{. This figure is slightly}

lower than the overall Canadian figure of 18% for 2000, but it still means that almost 50 000 residents have a difficult time making ends meet. Moreover, particular groups, depending upon their background characteristics, are much more likely to be poor. For example, four out of every ten individuals below the age of 25 years live in poverty, and females

outnumber males in their poverty rate. It should also be noted that the unemployment rate for the metropolitan area – at 6.7% in 2000 – is one of the highest among urban districts in central and western Canada. Finally, because of the CRD’s comparably high housing costs (the CRD had the third highest average rent among Canadian cities in 2001), 8 out of 10 families and 7 out of 10 individuals living on low income are forced to devote more than 30% of their gross income to housing. With a housing market that is unaffordable for many residents, homelessness is a growing problem in the CRD and marginalized women figure prominently among this group (Reitsma-Street et al., 2001).

5 _{The closest measure to a poverty line that we have in Canada is the Low Income Cut-Off} level (LICO), calculated by Statistics Canada. According to this measure, a family has an income below the LICO if that family spends more than 64% of their after tax income (or 55% of their pre tax income) on the necessities of food clothing and shelter, including corrections for different family size and the cost of living in the particular community. For example, in 1998 a family of four living in a large urban area (over 500 000 people) with an after tax income below $27 890 lived below the LICO. Similarly, this same family would have to earn a before tax income above $33 063 in order to be living above the LICO

The sex trade is a vibrant part of the CRD’s service sector.

This study has attempted to capture the voices of the city’s more permanent off-season sex trade workforce, recognizing that many of them also work during the tourist season.

1.3 The CRD Sex Trade

Given what has been said above, it should come as no surprise that the sex trade is a vibrant part of the

metropolitan area’s service sector. According to our respondents, the region’s sex trade is best categorized as “off-/on-season.” During the so-called “off-season” (winter-early spring), the sex trade serves a local clientele drawn from a wide array of occupational groups within the urban economy. During the “on-season” (summer-early fall), the sex worker sees a new clientele from the region’s active seasonal tourist industry. During this time, the anecdotal evidence suggests that seasonal sex workers migrate to the CRD looking for work and that the sex trade provides summer employment for some college and university students. This study has attempted to capture the voices of the city’s more permanent off-season sex trade workforce, recognizing that many of them also work during the tourist season. Our rationale in conducting the interviews for the most part during the fall and winter months was that sex workers living in the city during these months would have a more rounded knowledge of the local trade than their transient and temporarily-occupied counterparts. This being said, a full understanding of the CRD sex trade would necessarily involve examination of the situation for migrant workers. It is

possible that these migrant workers may not be doing as well overall as the locally-established respondents who are

Our research suggests that the sex trade in the CRD is similar to that of other medium-sized or larger cities across the country, including that its reported workforce is largely female and its clientele almost exclusively male.

and domestic sex workers in the Netherlands see Vanwesenbeck, 1994).

Our research suggests that the sex trade in the CRD is similar to that of other medium-sized or larger cities across the country, including that its reported workforce is largely female and its clientele almost exclusively male (Lowman, 1986; Williams, 1991; Downe, 1998; Brock, 1998). One noteworthy difference among Canadian cities is that some municipalities (including Vancouver, Edmonton, Calgary,

Windsor and Winnipeg) have bylaws that deal specifically and differently with escort agencies as compared to other

businesses (Lewis and Maticka-Tyndale, 2001). The cost of an escort agency license in Calgary in 2001, for example, was $3600 and the comparable figure for Edmonton was $4000. By contrast, non-sex trade related businesses in Calgary paid anywhere between $50 to $600 for licensing fees and in Edmonton, $25 to $440. Some municipalities also require each individual escort worker to be licensed (the fee in 2001 was $600 for escort workers in Calgary and $100 in Edmonton). Calgary by-laws also prohibit escorts from working as

independents, while the city of Edmonton requires that they pay a licensing fee of $1500 (City of Edmonton, 2000, City of Calgary, 2001). By contrast, escort agencies in the CRD and its surrounding municipalities are not governed by special by-laws and are only required to attain a business license, similar to other small business operators offering services in the city

Research shows that the visible street trade represents only a small proportion of the industry, with as many as 70 to 90% of sex workers located in off-street venues in metropolitan areas in Canada and the US.

Our primary aim was to interview sex workers located in off-street locations. We hoped to discern whether the off-street workers were better or worse off than street workers or those who were no longer active in the sex trade.

(e.g., the cost of an escort license in Saanich in 2001 was $60). Escort workers in the CRD are not required to have a license to work in the agencies or independently (The Corporation of the District of Saanich, 1999).

Another difference that may affect the organization of sex work in the research site is that the CRD is a popular tourist area, and its local authorities and municipal police forces may be more focused on keeping the streets visually attractive and free from people communicating for the purposes of buying or selling sexual services than comparable sized metropolitan areas without an extensive tourist trade. Regardless of the impact of tourism, research shows that the visible street trade represents only a small proportion of the industry, with as many as 70 to 90% of sex workers located in off-street venues in metropolitan areas in Canada and the US (Campbell, 1991; Jackson and Highcrest, 1996; Bortich, 1997). We assume that this is the case as well in the CRD and local studies support this assumption (Sexually Exploited Youth Committee, 1997; Carter and Walton, 2000). Hence our primary aim was to interview sex workers located in off-street locations. For comparative purposes, however, we also thought it important to interview a sample subgroup currently working on the street and a parallel sample that had exited from the trade for two years or more. In doing so, we hoped to discern whether the off-street workers were better or worse off than street workers or those who were no longer

Prostitutes, Empowerment and Educational Resource Society (PEERS) is a non-profit organization that is largely staffed by ex-sex workers who offer street outreach services, counseling and job skills training to women and men wanting to exit the sex trade as well as those currently working in the trade.

active in the sex trade. We present our findings after discussing our methodology.

1.4 Getting the Project off the Ground

Research Leader: What were your first impressions of the research project when you met [the project coordinator and myself]?

Research Assistant: Well, I didn’t know who you were. I didn’t know if you wanted very much contact with us sex workers [or] if you were just coming in and doing your job and leaving, right? I think I was worried about how open-minded or accepting you would be with sex trade people; how much we might have to fight you or something! [But] when you guys came to the

meetings, I learned that this was PEERS’ project, this was our thing that we were doing for our community. We were getting support from the university and from women who believe in doing

research and helping women. My whole idea of the research project changed after that.

The research informing this report is best described as a community-academic partnership. Prostitutes,

Empowerment and Educational Resource Society (PEERS) is a non-profit organization that is largely staffed by ex-sex workers who offer street outreach services, counseling and job skills training to women and men wanting to exit the sex trade as well as those currently working in the trade.

The aim of applying for research money was to collect data on adult sex workers that would be useful to PEERS’ outreach services and educational programs.

It was also widely recognized that the research was likely to provide

recognition of the valuable knowledge held by sex

workers, and would provide modest employment

opportunities for a small number of them.

In 1995, PEERS helped 98 clients; in 1999, the number had risen to 500. However, due to a paucity of reliable information on the working conditions and health status of sex workers, especially those located in off-street locations, members of PEERS and its Advisory Board concluded that research should assume a more central role in the organization’s activities. This led to the initiation of the current research project.

The aim of applying for research money was to collect data on adult sex workers that would be useful to PEERS’ outreach services and educational programs. (Initially the intent was to improve PEERS’ services and programs for those sex workers keen on leaving the trade, but gradually the focus shifted to learning more about how to help those currently active as well as those wanting to exit the industry.) It was also widely recognized that the research was likely to provide recognition of the valuable knowledge held by sex workers, and would provide modest employment opportunities for a small number of them.

After passing the letter of intent stage of the BC Health Research Foundation (BCHRF) competition6_,

“Community Research Grant,” PEERS sought the expertise of a non-profit management consultant and an academic from the University of Victoria to help reshape the grant application into a collaborative research project focused on the working conditions and health status of sex workers. The grant

This multi-faceted research team, with

representatives from PEERS, the university, community

organizations, the city, and provincial government played a central role in shaping the research project into a genuine community-academic partnership.

Ten former sex workers were eventually trained in various aspects of research, and all spent a stint of time working as full-fledged research assistants.

application was successful, and PEERS was awarded almost $150 000 to finance its 2-year project. An ad-hoc Advisory Board was organized to include representatives from a number of partnership organizations (Capital Health Region, Sandy Merriman House and the Ministry of Attorney General). This multi-faceted research team, with representatives from PEERS, the university, community organizations, the city, and provincial government played a central role in shaping the research project into a genuine community-academic partnership.

1.5 The Research Methodology

The research project began in earnest in May 1999. A number of active and exited sex workers applied for the advertised positions of interviewer, data input assistant and transcriber. This was the first time that any of the applicants had ever found their sex trade experiences an essential requirement of a ‘square job’! In all, ten former sex workers were eventually trained in various aspects of research, and all spent a stint of time working as full-fledged research

assistants. It is important to note that most of the hired research assistants had worked in a variety of venues, such as escort agencies, massage parlours, their own homes, strip clubs, bars, and on the street. A few had managed their own escort agencies. Most had exited the sex trade in the last two years. The combination of these elements meant that

The research assistants and respondents shared common work experience, trade language and a basic understanding of the working conditions found in the city’s sex trade.

experience, trade language and a basic understanding of the working conditions found in the city’s sex trade.

We compiled a list of 147 potential respondents who were active in the sex trade in the CRD and who agreed to be interviewed for our project. The respondents were recruited through a variety of means: PEERS programs, personal

contacts of the research team, local advertisements in Monday magazine, the Times Colonist and the Martlet (the University of Victoria’s main student newspaper) and announcements on public bulletin boards, shops and clubs. Many of our respondents who were involved in the street trade at the time of contact were located through Sandy Merriman House, an emergency shelter for women in the CRD. It is important to note that this recruitment strategy may to some extent skew our research findings on street sex

workers. Additionally, a graduate student at the University of Victoria who was working as a researcher on this project was subsequently successful in attaining a student scholarship from the BCHRF to support a study of sex workers who had permanently left the sex trade. After consultation with PEERS staff, the graduate student researcher came up with a working definition of “exited” as those individuals who had been out of the sex trade for a minimum of two years at the time of interview. It is believed that those who have been out of the trade for two years would have permanently exited that way of life. Although the final analysis of 54 exited sex

A final sample of 201 respondents (147 active and 54 exited sex trade workers) was obtained, allowing access to

information on the backgrounds, venues, and health conditions of a much larger sample of sex workers in the CRD than originally anticipated. It should be emphasized that our respondent sample is not representative of the entire population of sex workers in the CRD area.

workers is incomplete as of the release of this report (see Millar, A. forthcoming), preliminary analysis is included in this report in order to make comparisons to the main group of respondents.

In sum, through a variety of means, a final sample of 201 respondents was obtained allowing access to information on the backgrounds, venues, and health conditions of a much larger sample of sex workers in the CRD than originally anticipated. This sample size also allowed us to identify and compare many more sub-categories than would have been possible with data gathered on only 50 or even 100 participants. It should be emphasized, however, that our respondent sample is not representative of the entire population of sex workers in the CRD area. Motives for non-participation, including not wanting to talk about their past or current situation, fear that their identities might be revealed, and not being permitted by third parties are some of the reasons why our study group may be biased in a particular direction. It may well be that non-responders are in particular work situations and suffer greater ill-health than our

respondents. On the other hand, it can be argued that more economically marginalized sex workers agreed to participate in the study because they were in need of the $40 honorarium offered to potential respondents and we would predict that the less well-off a respondent, the more marginal his or her working conditions and health status.

The questions asked were about demographic information, education, household

background while growing up, factors precipitating

entrance into the sex trade, working conditions while in the trade, health and safety issues and challenges to exiting.

The development of the research instrument was also a collaborative effort, involving a number of revisions until all members of the research team were satisfied. In its finalized form, the research instrument, three parts closed-ended and one-quarter open-ended questions, took between one-and-a half to two hours to complete. The questions asked were, among other things, about demographic information, education, household background while growing up, factors precipitating entrance into the sex trade, working conditions while in the trade, health and safety issues and challenges to exiting. The entire interview was tape-recorded and the closed-ended answers filled in on the questionnaire. These data were later entered into a statistical program (SPSS), and two people were trained to transcribe the open-ended

component of the research instrument verbatim. The closed- and opened-ended components were then checked against each other to ascertain reliability. All completed

questionnaires were subsequently shredded and the cassette tapes containing the recorded interviews destroyed (see Appendix 1 for further details on the many benefits gained for the members of the research team, and on the challenges posed in conducting this community-academic research

Few demographic differences were found between respondents who at the time of interview were in or out of the trade.

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I was the oldest of five kids. In our family there seemed to be not a lot of communication or

expression of caring and emotional support. I just remember it being quite an oppressive home. We had to be good and quiet all the time. The

emotional closeness just wasn’t there. Both my parents worked really hard so by the time they got home they didn’t have the energy left over to be emotionally supportive to the kids. So I grew up to be independent, emotionally independent.

Serena, a former exotic dancer

I was born with a silver spoon in my mouth and I believed that it would carry on for the rest of my life, that you needed something and it would be there, everything would be done for you. [However when] I was twenty-one the silver spoon was taken away.

Gordana, agency worker 2.1 Gender and Age

The research instrument was completed by 147 active and 54 exited sex workers (n=201). Because few demographic differences were found between respondents who at the time of interview were in or out of the trade, the data presented below, for the most part, are for the two groups combined. Reflecting the gendered nature of sex work (Brock, 1998; Carter and Walton, 2000), the majority of those interviewed (n=160) identified as female (Figure 1). Those identifying as male (n=36) comprised just fewer than 18%. The remainder

Our respondents’ mean age of 32 years does not fit the dominant media image of sex workers as comprising mainly sexually exploited children and youth.

(n=5) identified themselves as transgendered (male-to-female/M2F). Due to the small number of transgendered respondents, any gender differences reported below will focus on male/female differences only.

Our respondents varied greatly in age with an age range of 177 _{to 60 years of age. Their mean age of 32 years}

does not fit the dominant media image of sex workers as comprising mainly sexually exploited children and youth (Badgley and Young, 1987).

Fem ale 79% M ale 18% M 2F 3%

Figure 1: Gender of Respondents

7 _{Only one respondent was less than 18 years of age at the time of interview. The} interviewer did not notice that the respondent fell below the cut-off age of 18 years until after the interview was over and the completed questionnaire was examined. We decided to keep the respondent in the sample because she was nearly 18 years of age when the interview was conducted.

The vast majority of respondents (89%) were born in Canada. Among those who were born abroad, all but one person came from other high-income countries.

2.2 Ethnicity and Place of Birth

The vast majority of respondents (89%) were born in Canada and none of those interviewed can be easily classified as victims of the global trafficking of sex workers (see Jiwani and Brown, 1999). Among those who were born abroad (just over 10%), all but one person came from other high-income countries (United States, United Kingdom and continental Europe). Furthermore, the 22 respondents who were born outside of Canada are best classified as long-term residents, having lived here between 13 to 50 years, with an average of 29.6 years for the sub-group. Approximately 45% of all respondents were born in BC, 20% of whom were born in the CRD. The remainder of the Canadian born came largely from Ontario, Alberta, or Manitoba. On the other hand, even those respondents “from away” cannot be easily categorized as transitory residents of the city. Half of these respondents had stayed in the metropolitan area for more than 5 years at the time of interview.

As shown in Table 1, our respondents do not stand out in regard to visible minority status. Among our respondents, 6.5% fit the Employment Equity Act definition of a visible minority, i.e., persons, other than Aboriginal people, who are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour. This figure is, in fact, slightly lower than the distribution of visible minorities - 7 % in 1996 - in the region’s population (Statistics Canada, 2001a). Our respondents do stand out, however, in terms of Aboriginal status (Status and Non-Status Indians, Métis and

Our respondents do not stand out in regard to visible minority status, but do stand out in terms of Aboriginal status (Status and Non-Status Indians, Métis and Inuit people). Nearly 15% of respondents placed themselves in this category, half of whom identified as Métis.

The median level of education

completed by respondents was grade 10; less than 40% had graduated from high school.

Inuit people). Nearly 15% of respondents placed themselves in this category, half of whom identified as Métis. This figure is substantially higher than the percentage of Aboriginal people in the city as a whole - 2% in 1996 (Statistics Canada, 2001b).

Frequency Percent

Visible Minority 13 6.5

Aboriginal 30 14.9

Other 158 78.6

Table 1: Visible Minority and Aboriginal Status of Respondents

2.3 Education

In regard to educational background, the median level of education completed by respondents was grade 10. As Table 2 shows, less than 40% had graduated from high school, a figure that is representative of both male and female

respondents. In terms of educational attainment, then, the respondents stand out from the general population, where in 1996, 65% of women and men in Canada aged 15 and over had completed high school (Statistics Canada, 2000). It is also interesting to note that educational attainment was even lower for respondents who had retired from the sex trade (only 37.7% had completed high school) and few have returned to complete their high school education since retirement. Only 13% indicated that they were currently in school and 16.7%

were receiving training, whereas the corresponding

proportions for currently working respondents were 15.0% and 12.9%, respectively. Aboriginal respondents reported the lowest high school completion rates of all: 33% versus 40% for the sample overall. There was also a relationship between age of entry into the sex trade and educational achievement: respondents who had entered the sex industry before age 18 were less likely to have completed high school (31.9%)

compared to respondents who entered at age 18 or older (45.3%).

Frequency Percent

Less than a high school education (<grade 10)

55 27.5

Some high school education (completed grade 10 and/or 11)

67 33.5

Completed high school

(grade 12) 78 39.0

TOTAL 200 100.0

Exited workers have lower incomes than current workers, $18 000 and $11 446 respectively. Of our respondents, 60.7% classified themselves as heterosexual, 31.9% as bisexual, 5.5% as homosexual and 1.8% as two-spirited 2.4 Income

Comparisons of gross annual incomes reveal that exited workers have lower incomes than current workers. The median income from sex trade activities for currently working sex workers, as calculated from their last 12 months in the industry, was $18 000 ($20 000 per year for females and $10 000 for males). The substantially lower income of male sex workers is consistent with previous research (Weinberg et al 2000). The median earnings per annum for exited respondents employed in a square job amounted to $11 446. These incomes are lower than that of the general population: in 1997, the average income in British Columbia was $21 044 for women and $33 214 for men (Statistics Canada, 2000: 147). Noteworthy is the dramatic difference in the income of male sex workers and other males.

2.5 Sexual Orientation

Respondents also differed from the general population in regard to sexual orientation. As shown in Figure 2, 60.7% classified themselves as heterosexual, 31.9% as bisexual, 5.5% as homosexual and 1.8% as two-spirited. Further, males were far more likely than female counterparts to identify

themselves as homosexual (19.4% versus 1.9%) or bisexual (47.2% versus 29.4%). Canadian population data on sexual orientation are not available, although US data indicate that 2.8% of men and 1.4% of women define themselves as partly or entirely homosexual and less than 1% of US adults describe

themselves as bisexual (Laumann et al., 1994). Due to the nature of sex work, certain conditions seem to support same-sex and bi-same-sexual personal relationships. This might explain why respondents who had exited the trade were more likely to identify themselves as heterosexual (70.4%) compared to those who were working in the sex industry (just over 50%). Another possibility is that homosexuality, bi-sexuality and transgender status are ‘pulls’ that draw individuals to sex work and at the same time the stigma associated with these orientations might ‘push’ gay, bi-sexual and transgendered people to sex work (Elias, et. al., 1998). More research is needed on this topic before any conclusions can be drawn, however. 60.7 31.9 5.5 1.8 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

Heterosexual Bisexual Homosexual Two-Spirited

Among respondents currently working, most had worked for pay outside the sex trade at some point in time. However, for the large majority, the sex trade was their only current means of income.

Well over half of exited respondents at the time of interview indicated that they currently were not working for a salary or wage.

These descriptive data suggest that exited sex workers are even more economically marginalized than their active counterparts.

2.6 Occupational Characteristics

Among respondents currently working, most had worked for pay outside the sex trade at some point in time. However, for the large majority, the sex trade was their only current means of income. Only 15.6% of those working in the sex trade were presently in another job where they received a salary or wage. Females were slightly more likely than male respondents to have a job outside of the sex trade. It is not surprising that having left the sex trade, more exited

respondents were working in ‘square jobs.’ However, well over half (57.4%) of exited respondents at the time of interview indicated that they currently were not working for a salary or wage. Thus, in comparison with the general population,

exited respondents are much less likely to be gainfully employed. In 1999, 75% of Canadian women aged 25-44 and 71% of those aged 45-54 held jobs where they reported earning a salary or wage; the comparable figures for men were 85.7% and 83.8% (Statistics Canada, 2000); whereas, only 40.9% of female and 44.4% of male exited respondents were currently employed. While some unemployed exited

respondents were financially dependent upon a partner/

spouse, others relied on social assistance and, in a few cases, a disability pension. In sum, these descriptive data suggest that exited sex workers are even more economically marginalized than their active counterparts. For most of the exited respondents, finding legitimate employment that offered the same financial pay-offs of the sex industry was

Current and exited sex workers differed markedly in their living situation, with current workers being much more likely to have no permanent address.

simply unattainable.

2.7 Household Characteristics

The living situations of the respondents varied

considerably from the general population as well. In the CRD, 63% of all households own their own dwellings (Reitsma-Street et al., 2000). In 1997, the comparable figure for unattached Canadian women aged 15-64 was 43% and 29% for female lone parents (Statistics Canada, 2000). However, home/dwelling ownership was the case for only 3.5% of

respondents (i.e., only 7 individuals in total). While, as shown in Table 3, the majority of respondents reported having stable living situations (i.e., owned or rented an apartment or house or living with family/guardians), a substantial minority (nearly one-quarter) resided in relatively unstable/very unstable circumstances. Current and exited sex workers differed markedly in their living situation, with current workers being much more likely to have no permanent address and either relying on the services of a shelter/transition house or hostel, living in a squat, bath house or trick pad, living with a trick, or living on the street. Due to their unstable housing situation, many respondents reported living in multiple abodes and moving around frequently from place to place. As one

respondent put it: “I haven’t had my own place for five years. I’ve been on the street and in shelters.”

60.1% of females and 46.3% of males interviewed said that they had an intimate

relationship (i.e., had a ‘partner or lover’) at the time of interview and active sex workers in our sample were not any less likely to be in such a relationship than those who had exited the trade.

Frequency Percent Stable (rent/own house or

apartment, live at home) 155 77.1 Relatively unstable (hotel/motel) 7 3.5 Unstable (squat, hostel, shelter,

bath house, trick/trick pad) 38 18.9 Very Unstable (living on the

street) 1 .5

Total 201 100.0

Table 3: Stability of Current Living Situation 2.8 Relationships and Children

Despite research which suggests that sex workers often confront difficulties in starting and sustaining love relationships because of their work activities, (McKeganey and Barnard, 1996, Hoigard and Finstad, 1986), 60.1% of females and 46.3% of males interviewed said that they had an intimate relationship (i.e., had a ‘partner or lover’) at the time of

interview and active sex workers in our sample were not any less likely to be in such a relationship than those who had exited the trade. The median length of time reported for those who answered yes to this question (n=116) was one-and-a-half years with their partner/lover. According to Statistics Canada (2000), 70.9% of females and 66.2% of males between ages 25-44 in the general population have a partner. In terms of quality, only three currently working respondents rated the quality of their current relationship as “abusive.” None of the exited respondents who were currently in relationships did so.

Of the 160 females

interviewed, over 90 percent had been pregnant at least once - the average number of pregnancies among these women was 3.19 Among female respondents, 52.8% had ended a pregnancy with an abortion at some point in their life.

18.4% of active sex workers and 42.6% or former sex workers said they were looking after a dependent child.

Of the 160 females interviewed, over 90 percent had been pregnant at least once - the average number of

pregnancies among these women was 3.19. Only 15 respondents said that they had never been pregnant. Additionally, 52.8% of female respondents had terminated a pregnancy with an abortion at some point in their life. Due to the marginal nature of many of their work-related activities, respondents are at great risk of losing custody of their children. It is not surprising, then, that only a small proportion of those interviewed who had given birth to (or fathered) a child reported that they were currently taking care of dependent children. Among active sex workers, 18.4% said they were looking after a dependent child (27.5% of females and 13.9% of males), compared with 42.6% of former sex workers (47.7% for females and 22.2% for males). These data thus highlight the vulnerability of children whose parents - primarily mothers - are currently in the trade.

2.9 Summary

Female respondents outnumber males more than five-to-one. This suggests that the sex trade in the CRD is a female-dominated occupation where mainly female workers provide sex services to an almost exclusively male clientele.8

Yet it is important to keep in mind that over half of all

8 _{However, it may be that our research team (all females) was not able to recruit potential} male respondents to the study to the same extent as females. Only further research can

working women in Canada can be found in only two job

categories located in the middle and low end of the pay scale. Clerical and administrative support work draws 24.7% of working women, most of whom are secretaries or other office workers. Another 31.6% of employed women are in sales and service work (Statistics Canada, 2000). Most of these jobs are in clothing and food-service industries, in child-care and health-care (Benoit, 2000). Respondents stand out from the general population in regard to the fact that a high

percentage identified as either homosexual or bi-sexual. This is especially so for male sex workers. Our study’s respondents also reported a relatively low percentage of high school

completion. Finally, the housing situation of respondents is far less secure than that of residents of the metropolitan area and the general population. Keeping in mind the respondents’ low median annual incomes and the fact that the CRD region has one of the least-affordable housing markets in Canada, it comes as no surprise that transient housing and homelessness characterize the situation of many of those interviewed. Respondents’ relative marginalization along the dimensions described above also holds when we look at their family and other support systems before entering the sex trade.

R

Rosie’s father was an accountant and her mother a clerk typist. Dispelling a common myth that all sex workers have been physically and/or sexually abused, neither happened to Rosie. What she recalls is a childhood in which her father was largely absent, though he did take her from time to time on outings and camping. Rosie’s mother gave more of herself in regard to time and emotional support to her daughter, but had little positive to say about Rosie’s personal achievements, which included completion of high school and two years of post-secondary education. By the age of 23, Rosie was married and her first child was on the way. The following year she was pregnant again. A year later her partner had left her alone with an infant and toddler in tow. Rosie does not speak much about what happened next, except to say that social services came and took her first two children about the same time that she entered the sex trade. A stillbirth was later followed by the birth of her third child. Rosie reared her youngest on her own, by doing periodic “square” jobs (receptionist, sales attendant), combined with relatively steady

employment in the sex trade. She says that “while the majority of sex workers start the trade much younger. I started after I had my kids.” Rosie has worked for a time in three different sex trade venues: on the street, in an escort agency run by others, and as co-operator of an escort business. Rosie considers herself lucky because pimps who often harass sex workers and can be violent towards them have never subdued her. “I’ve always felt that way and I’ve never had a pimp and I never will. I didn’t want anything to do with them. I have never supported a man.” When asked about whether she would do anything different if she had her life to live over, Rosie says “that’s always a really hard question to answer, because I think its my life experience that has gotten me to the point in my life where I am today. I’m really grateful for some of my experiences that I have had... It was through all the hard times that I learned to appreciate the good times so I don’t think I would change much.”

For a large number of respondents, childhood was characterized by instability, with frequent changes in their family situation; less than one-fifth reported living in one stable situation while growing up.

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Interviewer:

Lisa: There were lots of double standards and sexual innuendoes. I don’t have any memories of being sexually abused but my sister

remembers seeing me getting sexually abused when I was four, but I have no memory of it. There were lots of things in my family. My parents would fight and my dad used to come sleep with us. There were four girls in the family, but I have no memory of being sexually abused…I was pregnant when I was fourteen. I quit school and left home at fourteen. I was very rebellious and very angry.

3.1 Household Instability

For a large number of respondents, childhood was characterized by instability, with frequent changes in their family situation. Almost 40% of those interviewed had experienced four or more changes in their family/living situation by the time they had reached eighteen years of age. Conversely, less than one-fifth reported living in one stable situation while growing up. Moreover, the average age at which respondents first began living without a legal guardian was 16 years, with 11% of respondents living on their own before they were 14 years old. Many were thus obliged to ‘fend for themselves’ at an early age.

The average age at which respondents first began living without a legal guardian was 16 years.

The majority of respondents (57.2%) had at some point in their lives been in foster care/group homes/other state-funded institutions.

As shown in Table 4, while the majority of respondents were living with both biological parents at the time of birth, by the age of five, less than half were still living with both parents. By the age of 10, the figure had dropped to 34.4%. The comparable figures for the general Canadian population for the latter age group in 1994-95 was 72.9% with both biological parents (Marcil-Gratton, 1998). Further, the

number of respondents living with neither biological parent (in formal care, with other relatives, adoptive parents or on one’s own) was also disproportionately high and increased steadily with age. In fact, the majority of respondents (57.2%) had at some point in their lives been in foster care/group homes/ other state-funded institutions. While there were no notable differences along gender lines, Aboriginal respondents were much more likely than their non-Aboriginal counterparts to have been in both formal care and with an adoptive parent. Table 5 gives a snapshot of these findings for respondents at age 10.

Age 1 Age 5 Age 10 Age 15 Age 18 Both Biological Parents 70.0% 45.3% 34.3% 20.6% 11.2% Mother only 11.5% 19.4% 19.4% 9.5% 6.1% Father only 0.5% 3.0% 4.5% 4.5% 4.6% Mother and Step Father 1.5% 7.0% 10.4% 6.5% .5% Mother and Friend/Partner 1.0% 2.0% 3.5% 2.0% 0%

Father and Step

Mother .5% 2.5% 3.5% 1.0% 1.0% Other Relatives 1.5% 2.0% 2.0% 5.0% 2.0% Adoptive Parent 6.5% 11.9% 10.9% 7.0% 3.0% Foster Parent 2.5% 6.0% 5.5% 8.5% 3.0% Formal Care* 4.5% 1.0% 4.5% 15.5% 4.5% On One's Own 0% 0% 1.5% 12.1% 35.5%

Alone With Child 0% 0% 0% 1.5% 4.6%

With Partner

Only 0% 0% 0% 5% 19.8

Other 0% 0% 0% 1.0% 1.5%

Neither Biological

Parent 15.0% 20.8% 24.4% 55.9% 76.6%

* Formal Care includes: Group Home, Child Welfare, and Combined Formal Care.

Table 4: Living Situations of Respondents, Select Years

Formal Care Adoptive Care

Aboriginal 23.4 23.3

Non-Aboriginal 7.7 8.8

Table 5: Percentage of Aboriginal and Non-Aboriginal Respondents in Adoptive Families and Formal Care,Age 10.

Almost 90% of respondents reported some kind of physical, emotional or sexual abuse.

3.2 Childhood Abuse

As Table 6 shows, the majority of both current and exited respondents came from homes marked by a difficult childhood characterized by frequent abuse. In fact, almost 90% of respondents reported some kind of physical,

emotional or sexual abuse. In regard to gender, virtually the same percentage of males and females had experienced abuse while growing up (88.9% versus 88.1%). There were larger differences between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal

respondents reporting abuse: 93.3% versus 87.7%. There is a lack of comparative data for the general population. Crime reports do suggest, however, that girls and women are much more likely to be victimized by someone they know rather than a stranger. Canadian data support this gendered finding. Bagley and King (1990) estimated that at least 15% of female and 5% of male Canadians have been abused. An Ontario study similarly reported that 1 in 8 girls and 1 in 23 boys had

experienced sexual abuse while growing up (Gadd, 1997). A 1998 BC study of 41 000 youth in grades 7 to 12 found similar findings: 20% of female respondents had experienced

physical abuse and 15% sexual abuse. The corresponding figures for male respondents were 13% and 3% (The McCreary Centre Society, 2001).