Catching Pokémon Globally: Localization Practices in Japanese Video Games and Anime

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1 MA-Thesis

Max Schleijpen

Master Asian Studies: History, Arts & Culture of Asia S2155168

Thesis supervisor: Ivo Smits Words: 16.064

Catching Pokémon Globally: Localization Practices

in Japanese Video Games and Anime

ポケモンゲットだぜ！日本のゲームとアニメと海

外向けのローカライズの手法

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Abstract

This paper examines the localization practices in Japanese video games and anime in the last thirty years and the effects thereof, taking the Pokémon franchise as case study. Findings seem to suggest an increase in the importance of localization, as it developed from the translation of text to the restructuring of narrative and alteration of visual content. Multiple video games and anime have seen significant revisions in their adjustment to the Western market, but none of them have received as much modifications as Pokémon. The methods used in localizing

Pokémon have transformed over the years, and its ever-expanding global significance shaped

the content of future releases in both Japan and the West.

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Introduction

There is probably not a single person in the West that does not know who Pikachu is. Ever since its appearance in 1996, the yellow electric mouse has become the mascot of the

Pokémon franchise and a staple of Japanese popular culture. But when Pokémon debuted in

America in 1997, many children did not even know it originated from Japan. Not necessarily surprising, though; virtually any traits or elements of Japanese nature were changed, or “localized”. Children in America (or any Western country for that matter) did not grow up with the same culture as did children in Japan, and the norms and values taught in both cultures did not always coincide. These dissimilarities are reflected in the alterations made between Japanese and international versions of both the Pokémon video games and anime. On the surface, it seems that the localization of Pokémon only hides and obscures other cultures, but to make a product accessible, it is important that they are rightly adjusted. When the Pokémon games and anime first released in America, developers and localizers wanted to be completely sure that the game was understandable to the American audience, which is why the games were purposely stripped of its national identity.

When a Japanese game is sold in Japan and performs better than expected, the decision to release the game overseas is a natural and often followed step. In order to make such a feat happen, however, the game has to be adjusted for the target audience. A few decades ago, only text had to be translated due to the game’s limited graphics, but in this day and age when games have evolved at such a tremendous pace, that no longer became a realistic approach. Oftentimes, revisions had to be made to the interface and visuals as well, and localization became increasingly broad and complex. The concept of localization and its growth throughout the years has caught the attention of various scholars, such as Mia Consalvo, Stephen Mandiberg, and Miguel Bernal-Merino among others, highlighted and discussed in this paper. It has come to my attention that there has been divisiveness regarding categorizing specific localization practices, and that multiple factors influence the degree and implementation of localization in digital media products. While this essay will not go into further detail on such factors, it will briefly highlight the aspects that shape localization. The focus, however, remains the actual implementation of the decisions made by Japanese game developers and localization companies.

The aim of this paper is to research the localization practices in Japanese video games and anime, and discuss to what extent they correspond with the localization practices in the

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Pokémon franchise, while also attempting to explain the reason behind this. In the first chapter,

theories on localization and other relevant practices will be discussed, followed by examples of American-made games being altered in Japan. The subsequent chapter will utilize one of said theories and analyze various Japanese video games and anime via the coverage of four distinct themes. The last chapter will then focus specifically on the Pokémon franchise, to see if similar results are met, and thus, a conclusion can be reached.

Note to the reader

Throughout this thesis, I have followed the Japanese convention in which the Japanese family name precedes the given name. When identifying the Japanese authors of publications in English, this rule is principally changed; however, for the sake of continuity, I have chosen not to do so. Any technical terms or Japanese words (highlighted in bold or italic the first time it appears, starting from chapter 1) that are used in this thesis will be elucidated in the glossary, found at the end of the paper. A brief description of each mentioned video game (with their English title) can also be found in the glossary. All the images referred to can be found in the appendix.

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Chapter 1: Study on Localization Practices

1.1 What is localization?

Before I discuss approaches to localization in games and anime, it is important to realize that the term “localization” covers multiple practices and that over time these practices have multiplicated. In the early years of video game localization, such practices would only mean a textual translation of a game. This progressed further towards including or removing cultural elements inside text (e.g., a game talking about Japanese cultural entities, with the translation removing such aspects, replacing it with words or objects a Western audience could more easily understand), but as games got better visual graphics, not only text, but also visual representation became a factor in video game localization. Localization has evolved into a complex process undertaken by a variety of actors with different skill sets, materials, and approaches to carrying out the process (Consalvo 2016, 121). So what then is the definition of localization in video games and anime, other than mere language translation to appeal to wider audiences? In short, localization embodies the process of changing and adapting certain features of a cultural product to appeal to a wider audience and fit the norms and values of a certain society, with changes including but not limited to textual translation, visual redesign and alterations of story elements. When looking at localization from a business standpoint, it comes down to nothing more than changing the product in a way that revenue of such a product in a certain country or region is maximized, without changing the core of the original product (as much as possible). It is believed by some authors, such as Carlson & Corliss, that the success of a certain product (with success meaning it sells more than what was expected in a certain time frame) is heavily dependent on the localization of it (Carlson & Corliss 2011, 69). Thayer and Kolko (2004) divide localization into three different layers, which I will use as my basic model of analysis here and elaborate upon in chapter 1.2.

When gathering secondary literature for my research, it has come to my attention that there is substantially more written on the topic of localization of (Japanese) video games than there is on localization of anime. Games have become increasingly difficult to translate and localize, as not only the games become bigger, but also increasingly complex in nature. With every generation of games, there is room for new implementations in video games, as improved software and hardware capabilities allow for further creative freedom. Video games become more ambitious, larger in size, and reach a continually growing audience, whether that be in the

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country of production or abroad. Anime does not always follow suit. While its audience may grow, domestically or internationally, anime typically does not “expand” in size. Anime is a product meant for viewership packed into twenty to twenty-five minutes per episode, while video games are an interactive entity. One experiences anime while viewing it, but one has to actively engage with a game to experience its potential. With various games, depending on how a player progresses through the game, the narrative and story ending could change (e.g., Far

Cry and Persona) with multiple in-game choices the player has control over. With anime, no

matter how someone views or experiences it, story elements (e.g., plot, ending) are always the same. In anime, the story is told to you, but with games, the player has the illusion of potentially creating his or her own story.1 This could explain why there is limited research on localization of anime, which is why this thesis will focus more on video games and less on anime.

1.2 Forms of localization

Let us first review the aspects of localization of video games given by Thayer and Kolko, the first of which is translation of text (Thayer & Kolko 2004, 482). Video games for the home console market only started to rise in the 1980s, and such games were very primitive compared to today’s standards. “Primitive” in this sense means that performance-wise, the first games were text-based and had very limited graphics (think of games such as Pong, Oregon Trail, and

Space Invaders). This was a time where simple dots and pixels were representative of certain

objects in the game, and one had to have a significant amount of imagination to visualize the object the game was trying to portray. Pixels took up memory, and to preserve as much memory as possible, very few pixels were used to create images in the game. To give an example, in games today, a football in-game actually looks like a football, whereas in the past a few white and black pixels would suffice. The focus of the graphics was not realism but representation. As such, there was no need to visually change the content of a game, because the low-resolution quality and simple imagery made its cultural significance unclear. A major part of these games was the in-game dialogue, throughout which most of the story was told. The most basic form of changing a game is appropriately called “basic localization”. This mostly focuses on the translation of text, while leaving the Graphical User Interface (GUI) and icons the same.

1_{I say “illusion” because while in some games you decide how the story will end, all those endings are}

programmed within the game. The player merely has an option of choosing or working towards one of those preset endings. One cannot create an “original” ending, but throughout its choices in-game, can steer towards an ending appropriate for his or her decisions. In that way, it truly feels as if the player has control over the game, while in fact it is all calculated within the game.

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Games often did not have a story (e.g., Tetris or Pinball) and basic localization was therefore the most effective (and cheapest) form of localization.

The second aspect of localization Thayer and Kolko present is called “complex localization”, and focuses more on the GUI and icons used in-game (Thayer & Kolko 2004, 482-483). In this case, interface elements need to be adjusted for certain cultures, as not every icon conveys the same meaning across different cultures. The biggest difficulty lies in the adaptation of players talking to each other via chat in a different language, as the interface has to be capable of handling different types of characters on the keyboard (and such characters can take up quite the memory space). This was only solved with the emergence of Unicode in 1991, a character coding system designed to support the processing of different languages worldwide (Bernal-Merino 2014, 161). Overall, with complex localization the story is not changed, as in such games, the story remains the selling point of the game (think of sports games or Harry

Potter). However, the way a player interacts with the game could be very different than what

players in other cultures experience. Games such as Harry Potter are popular worldwide due to their narrative and changing it for “foreign” audiences might alienate its fan base.

The third aspect of localization in Thayer and Kolko’s research is called “blending”, and is mostly used for games with a complex culturally-specific narrative planned to be released in a different country (Thayer and Kolko 2004, 483-485). When localizing these games, developers have two methods to work with: retaining narrative and only translate text and the interface (basic & complex), or change narrative to be more familiar to players in another country (blending). When a narrative is universally understood or based on a world-renowned persona, developers often avoid blending. It is when developers are not certain of the degree of understanding of a game’s concept that narratives can be altered. Blending is done in line of two principles: from a financial standpoint, striving for maximized profit, and from a cultural perspective, trying to preserve the game’s core as much as possible. After all, one can never be sure that a certain game will do well in another region. That is why developers often modify the narrative of their game, in hopes of decreasing the chances of being an international market failure. As these measures often result in increased costs, such options are sometimes disregarded in favor of basic localization. Should such a strategy fail, however, then short-term benefits may yield insufficient compensation if the long-term financial performance of the product is unsuccessful.

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But surely there must exist other concepts or categories used to describe the process of localization. Stephen Mandiberg separates localization into three types: non-localization, partial localization, and full localization (Mandiberg 2015, 89). While different in name, in practice, these forms of localization closely resemble Thayer & Kolko’s descriptions. Non-localization means that the digital application remains in its original language, but the accompanying manual and box are translated to facilitate the game’s sale on the foreign market. Partial localization refers to when both the paratextual and written text within the digital game are fully translated, but other assets remain unchanged. However, graphical alterations might happen for elements that marketers believe will prevent game sales in the target market.2 While full localization hints at a “fully” multimodal transition, in practice it only encompasses the translation of paratexts, written text and spoken game elements. However, projects that are dubbed as “full localization” by localization specialists are more likely to include major graphical alterations than games that received partial localization (Mandiberg 2015, 90).

Mandiberg then points to Heather Chandler and Stephanie Deming, who suggest that any localization process can be represented by a triangle of quality (Image 1.01). The side of the triangle is made up of features (scope of the localization), schedule (the time given for localization), and resources (money available to pay localization), where one of the three parts is abundant or lacking (Chandler & Deming 2012, 58). In short, the triangle implies that localization always depends on the interplay between features, resources, and schedules. The triangle of quality and the concept of non-, partial and full localization depend on a service-based understanding of translation. The publisher pays for a certain degree of localization service-based on what it wants to spend, which in turn is based on what the market research indicates the publisher will obtain as a return on investment (ROI). ROI measures the amount of profit on a certain investment relative to the investment’s cost. Full localization would only be put into progress if the investment would result in a large profit (Mandiberg 2015, 90). The triangle of quality does not focus on the actual processes and effects of localization, but instead on the factors that determine the degree of localization. For these reasons, this thesis will not use this approach in analyzing localization practices.

Furthermore, the triangle of quality tends to focus on the business-to-client aspect of localization, and fails to acknowledge the different structures that exist between localizer,

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developer and publisher. Similarly, it does not take into account the effects that emerge from said structures. While there exist multiple approaches to describing and layering localization, none of the authors seem to disagree on what localization is. Rather, each work emphasizes different aspects of the localization practice. For instance, Consalvo has researched the localization practices of independent (indie) developers and how they differ from multinational companies (Consalvo 2016, 136-137). While there is no consensus on how to layer structures of localization, there is agreement on the concept of there being different kinds of localization. Thayer and Kolko’s approach to categorizing localization practices aligns with the focus of this study as opposed to Mandiberg’s theory on how businesses tackle localization, but to what extent is localization implemented in games and how has that affected game sales and reputation?

1.3 The importance of localization

Localization is not a simple matter of translating text and reworking interfaces. It is a process that requires a lot of risk-taking. Should localization be poorly executed, then the game is at risk of being a failure rather than a success. Inaccurate content translation can steer public attention away from the quality of a game, and turn to the translator’s unusual errors. One example of such lackluster localization is the game Sonic: The Hedgehog 2006, where two takes of an in-game audio message are played right after each other, with the first take being a failed attempt of the voice actor at speaking his voice lines. Along with numerous bugs and glitches, this contributed to the poor financial performance of the game. Another issue that did not go unnoticed but was easily resolved was the word “Allah” being written in Arabic on the floor of a Saudi Arabian-themed stage in the video game Tekken Tag 2 (2011). After players took notice of it, they contacted the game’s producer, and it was removed soon afterwards. This example shows that insufficient localization does not always break a certain game, but has the potential to create infamy, diverting people’s attention from the inherent quality of the game in question.

But what if an American-made game does not sell well in Japan? Is localization to blame? Perhaps the marketing did not generate enough hype? What if the genre of the game was just not appealing to a Japanese audience? In America and Europe, the game Grand Theft

Auto III (2001) sold incredibly well and was critically acclaimed. In Japan, however, it did not

sell as well. A common explanation is that Japanese players do not prefer violent video games and shooters, as argued by managing director of Namco, Tanaka Keiji, and Konami director

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Kojima Hideo (Carlson & Corliss 2011, 68). What Thayer and Kolko fail to explain, however, is the relationship between translation practices and the perception localizers have that can form a factor in determining the choice of localization. Carlson and Corliss argue that localization practices shape our social imaginations, our perceptions of cultural difference, and our imaginations of other regions (Carlson & Corliss 2011, 78). In short, Thayer and Kolko negate the localizer’s preconceived view of culture and difference and how that relates to the localization of their respective games. While Tanaka and Kojima provide a plausible theory, as fantasy, strategy and role-playing games are more popular in Japan, they fail to mention that there are in fact violent and graphic Japanese video games that have had astounding success. It also disregards the fact that localization of the unsuccessful games was poorly executed (Carlson & Corliss 2011, 68). The survival-horror series Biohazard (1996) (known as Resident

Evil outside of Japan) is one of the many examples of why the argument “violence does not sell

in Japan” can be taken into question, as this title clearly shows that such themes do in fact succeed. However, such perceptions of cultural differences can alter the preconceptions of game publishers when it comes to identifying the taste of international game audiences. As a result, localization is implemented based on preconceived notions of difference.

1.4 Domestication localization

Though many differences are based on preconceived notions, it does not mean that there are no differences between audiences of different countries and/or cultures. Rather, it assumes that market preferences and consumer desires are determined by national or cultural differences (“Japanese people like fantasy, Americans like shooters”) (Carlson & Corliss 2011, 70). This leaves room to expand on the argument that localization is a key factor in the success or failure of a certain game, rather than the perceived preference of audiences of different regions and cultures. What makes the topic of localization highly complex, however, is that many video games that have been localized using the latter strategy turned out to be very successful. As such, the question would not be whether localization based on such notions is correct, but rather, what features are present in a successfully localized game. In other words, what practices in localization enhance the quality of a certain product? Chapter 2 discusses the implementation of localization of Japanese games in further detail.

According to O’Hagan and Mangiron, localization is designed to deliver a gameplay experience that is as close as possible to the enjoyed experience by the players of the original

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game (O’Hagan & Mangiron 2009, 152). While the games are translated within the framework of a domestication approach, in order to retain Japanese flavor, localizers also have to implement a complex mixture of so-called “foreignization” in translation strategies (O’Hagan & Mangiron 2006, 20). The balance between domestication and preserving originality varies from game to game, and also depends on the genre and the approaches different game publishers take. Given the sheer amount of varying genres, games, game publishers, and (cultural) stories, it is not realistic to draw conclusions or establish a pattern based on a few number of video games, but this paper can provide insight into the difficulties and importance of localization.

1.5 What is fluent translation?

Every so often the title of a localized video game is not a direct translation of its original work. In such cases, a bit of hidden culture is removed in favor of a more recognizable title. For instance, the highly popular Japanese action-adventure videogame Ryuu ga Gotoku (2005), meaning “Like a Dragon”, is translated in the US and Europe as “Yakuza”, a collective term for people involved in Japanese organized crime. In the game, the main protagonist has a tattoo of a dragon on his entire back, and the story revolves around him trying to escape his past with the underground world and organized crime, hence the title surrounding the theme of a dragon. In the narrative, detailed attention is given to the concept of inheriting the characteristics of a dragon and how the tattoo of such a mythical creature reflects the person who is wearing it. From my personal experience playing this game, such information and narrative appears to be inherent to Japanese culture and its stories of myth and legend. It could very well be that the Japanese tattoo culture was deemed too alien for a Western audience and only as something Japanese people could understand, as tattoos in Japan have a different social significance than in the US for example. Hence, the name “Like a Dragon” would make little sense on the surface, whereas the term “Yakuza” is widely known by Western audiences and evokes a sense of familiarity, making the game more approachable.

This raises an interesting question, as it can be argued that “fluent” translation should not be as “faithful” to the original text as possible, but instead should seek the same connotation one would get in a different language. According to Lawrence Venuti, translations should be “natural” (Venuti 2004, 5). In other words, it is not the text that should be translated, but the context in which the story takes place. In this sense, it may actually be for the better that the term “Like a Dragon” was left unused, as such a title may not feel as “natural” as it does in

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Japanese. The term “Yakuza” could evoke the same emotion and train of thought for a Western audience as does Ryuu ga Gotoku for a Japanese one. But that also establishes the notion that Western audiences are unaware of cultural differences and unable to understand them. It helps create the idea that elements within certain cultures are “exotic” and alien from the West, that every player’s cultural background is at the same level, and that cultural differences are the reason why such a product would potentially fail; that if a game is deemed “too unknown”, it will not sell well. An example of why “dry” translations (literal adaptations) are not always successful or the best option is the game Pac-Man (Puck-Man in Japanese3) in 1980. The name “Pac-Man” was chosen over “Puck-Man” because it was decided the word was too close to the English four-letter curse word. Such a translation ensures the preservation of respect for the language and the culture of both importing countries (Bernal-Merino 2014, 160). The four ghosts have also had their names and nicknames tweaked, opting for a more humoristic approach and giving it a more American touch. According to Bernal-Merino, the successful localization of Pac-Man has helped establish the practice of viewing products as commodities requiring individual attention in order to reach new consumers in other countries. In layman’s terms, (Japanese) games required alterations in order to boost sales (Bernal-Merino 2014, 161).

It is important to understand that translation is not just limited to the words that are translated, which leads to my argument that faithful translation does not solely imply literal adaptation. Where literal translation would only produce a text expressing the original idea using the same words in a different language, a faithful translation would also factor in imperceptible meanings and ideas it may convey. In other words, the translated text does not always carry the same meaning of a concept in the foreign language. Translation should therefore not be understood as a word-by-word conversion. In a faithful translation, both the original creator’s ideas and methodology are taken into account. As a result, the essence of the foreign text is translated into words the target audience can understand, without losing the core of the original meaning. As Venuti would argue, translators need to write and read translated texts in ways that seek to recognize the linguistic and cultural difference of foreign texts (Venuti 2004, 41). In that way, respect for both the foreign language and culture is maintained, while keeping the target audience from being alienated. Examples of how to and how not to effectively localize will be given in chapter two.

3_{Initially the name “Pakku-man” (パックマン) would be translated as ‘Puck-Man’. ‘Pakku’ refers to the Japanese}

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Additionally, Benedict Anderson argues that national identity is constructed as an imagined belonging to other people and places and is produced with the help of nationally-oriented media, in this case video games being the prime example (Anderson 1983). This could mean that localization in turn actually creates a larger division between nations and cultures, instead of bridging the gap through translation. In order to eliminate such notions, translation should embrace the possibility of being “unnatural” provided that it captures the Japanese essence and context, even if that means the Western context feels unusual as a result. While the Japanese title was being reworked for Western audiences, it should be noted that the in-game dialogue is strictly Japanese and the player has no option of selecting voices in English or any other language. As the game is set in Japan and touches on Japanese culture, both in daily life and organized crime, it would seem very costly to rewrite the narrative to fit a Western theme, not to mention many aspects of Japanese culture are present within expressions of dialogue that are impossible to translate in other languages without losing its essence. In other words, “dubbing” (voice-overs in a different language) potentially eliminates the essence of the message of such dialogues. The game does provide subtitles in other languages nonetheless, and the English translation is very much context-based.

1.6 Localizing the West for Japan

This section briefly touches upon Japanese localization of video games originating in the West and how such changes have given rise to the common notion – or perhaps misconception – that “Japanese people do not like violence”. The first game is Crash Bandicoot, a platform video game created by American developer Naughty Dog in 1996. Its title character and protagonist is a mutant bandicoot who was genetically enhanced by the main antagonist Doctor Neo Cortex. Crash is a very emotional character who is quick to laugh or cry. Characterized by a very limited vocabulary and dramatic exclamations, he is often heard speaking in unintelligible gibberish. The name “Crash” was given to him as it is reflective of his quirky and restless personality, while also stemming from his visceral reaction to his own frequent destruction of boxes in the game. When Naughty Dog pitched the game to be released in Japan, Sony had trouble with the character’s design, saying he looked too aggressive and therefore would not sell in Japan. A new, cuter design was created and Sony approved the game to be released in Japan. However, Crash only looks different on the box art and in Japanese commercials (Image 1.02) as his appearance remains unchanged in the game. Nevertheless,

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some gameplay changes have been made to further boost the notion that Japan does not like violence.

Throughout every level in the game, Crash has the option to smash treasure boxes and at the end of each level, the game tells you if you have missed any. In the original version, every single treasure box that was missed will fall from the air onto Crash’s head. However, in the Japanese version, there will always be one box falling from the air, no matter how many treasure boxes the player missed. This change could have been implemented to make the game seem less “aggressive” and also to keep in line with Japan’s marketing changes. In the stage “Double Header”, the original version includes a two-headed monster enemy. However, in the Japanese version, this enemy only has one head. It is not certain why this change was implemented, but by the logic of Crash’s altered marketing, such monsters could be considered too scary or not cute enough for the Japanese market. In the Japanese version of the second game, Crash

Bandicoot 2 (1997), a certain death animation had to be changed. In the original version, when

Crash was squashed by a heavy object, he would walk around with only his head and shoes. In Japan, this animation was changed to Crash being completely flat instead. According to Sony Japan, it was too reminiscent of a Japanese serial killer who was at large at the time and was known for beheading his victims, leaving only their head and shoes behind.4

Another franchise by an American game development studio is Call of Duty, a first-person shooter game where the player takes control of an infantry soldier throughout various battles in real or fictional wars. The game Call of Duty: WWII (2017) is rated M for Mature (17+) in the West, while in Japan it received the so-called “CERO Z” rating (18+), the highest rating possible.5 In Japan, the violence is censored in certain parts of the game. Despite receiving the highest rating and only being targeted towards adults, Japan’s censors would still not allow certain types of content that would be allowed in the West. For instance, sections of dismemberment are censored in Japan so that the character’s limbs are kept intact. While such instances are of a low occurrence, it is peculiar to see such censorship for a game that is rated adults only. Another example is the action-adventure survival horror game The Last of Us (2013), which also received a Z rating in Japan. The player takes control of Joel, a smuggler tasked with escorting a teenage girl, Ellie, through post-apocalyptic America. In international

4_{https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kobe_child_murders.}

5_{https://www.cero.gr.jp/en/publics/index/17/. If the game would have the same rating in Japan as in the West, it}

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versions of the game, excluding the German version6_{, the player is able to dismember zombies}

and human opponents, even exposing their intestines in some instances. In the Japanese version, this is cut altogether. Even cutscenes where a Non-Playable Character (NPC) is shown slicing off a zombie’s head are altered. Another cutscene where an NPC was butchering a corpse was completely revised in Japan by changing the camera angle to obscure the action taking place.

The troubling matter is that these games sold very well in Japan, despite high age ratings or heavy censorship.7 It must be noted that while the original Crash Bandicoot series was popular in Japan, the latest entry in the franchise, Crash Bandicoot: N Sane Trilogy (2018), has sold poorly in the Japanese market.8 The Last of Us is one of the best-selling and critically acclaimed video games of all time, with the highly anticipated sequel The Last of Us: Part II being expected to release somewhere in 2020. One could argue that the games sold well because violence was toned down and changes were made to be more in tone with Japanese audiences, and thus further confirming the notion that Japanese people do not like violence. However, one could also argue that the game’s inherent quality was already deemed more than sufficient to overcome the censorship barrier, and that toning down violence was not the reason for its success. Rather, the fact that these games were so popular shows that Japanese people carry an interest in violent video games. Just as audiences in America are increasingly drawn to the “Japanese” aspect of a Japanese video games with the growing popularity of “Cool Japan” (Japanese popular culture such as anime and video games), it could very well be that Japanese audiences are drawn to a more Western style of video games in which violence is more present (Consalvo 2016, 129, Allison 2006, 14). Ian Condry writes in relation to the anime industry that creative industries in localization must confront a “fundamental unpredictability that requires creators to take a leap of faith into projects where they are uncertain of the outcome” (Condry 2013, 14). While Condry is not talking about the game industry, I would argue that this practice can also be applied to game developers and localizers in approaching and understanding their audience, rather than sticking to ideas that stem from more than 20 years ago. Localization of anime may be done differently than video games, but both industries strive

6_{Due to Germany’s past with World War II, the law in Germany is very strict regarding violence in video games}

and portrayal of Nazi imagery. Because of this, developers often create a “German-only” version of the game, while the original game is sold in the rest of Europe.

7_{https://www.siliconera.com/2013/06/29/the-last-of-us-did-really-really-well-in-japan/. Accessed 2}nd_{of June}

2019.

8_{http://www.vgchartz.com/weekly/43394/Japan/. N Sane Trilogy is ranked number 12 in the weekly retail charts,}

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to get an understanding of the tastes of their respective audience to create a product befitting of their needs.

1.7 Conclusion

Localization in digital products has started with simply translating texts, but quickly grew to be a complex process undertaken by multiple actors who each have their own approach to the process. Because localization has become a multi-layered process, various scholars (Thayer & Kolko, 2004; Mandiberg, 2015; O’Hagan & Mangiron, 2006) have sought to dissect each layer and investigate the effects of their respective practices. As digital media such as video games and anime have become increasingly popular worldwide, the importance of quality localization has also surged. Various approaches to localization overseas have taken the forefront, for example basing the target audience’s desires on preconceived notions of cultural difference or masking any reference to the culture of the country of origin. In these approaches, the question is also asked what exactly a faithful translation of a digital product entails. Though a consensus has not been reached yet, I argue that sufficient translation is faithful to the meaning of the text, and not the words it portrays.

A successful localization of digital media pushes through culture and language barriers, while also highlighting the rich experience of foreign elements developers hope players to experience. Western games that have been exported to Japan saw major changes to fit what Japanese companies thought their audience would enjoy. Evidence of this is shown in violent video games being toned down and characters’ designs being altered to appear cuter and less threatening. However, people in Japan have expressed interest in violent themes in anime and (Japanese) video games throughout the years. Because the Japanese video game market produces predominantly fantasy, strategy and role-playing games, it is easy to conclude that there is little room for games with alternative themes, but such a conception does not take into account the product marketing and the localization that it received. To what extent are Japanese video games and anime then altered for the Western market? Are Japanese elements or references to Japanese culture removed to accommodate a Western audience? Are there other changes that these products underwent? The next chapter will analyze several themes in Japanese video games and anime, and investigate the practices undertaken by companies specializing in the localization of digital products outside of Japan.

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Chapter 2: Analyzing Japanese games

This chapter only examines games that have been localized into English and that can be played on Western systems. Furthermore, this chapter will not answer the question as to what makes a game “Japanese”; rather, it looks at what methods of localization have been implemented into the following games and how and why these have been (un)successful. This could provide explanations on the similarities or commonalities that (successful) Japanese games share when localizing for a Western audience. The following four themes in localization are discussed: language changes, symbolic changes, graphical changes, and gameplay changes.

2.1 Language changes

Textual changes are by far the most occurring feature in localization, as the first step is typically translating the text into the target language. Perfect Japanese-to-English translations, however, were not possible in older systems since Japanese took up far less space than English, and even if they were, they were not always implemented (Kohler 2016, 198). With pixelated and abstract graphics, context was prioritized over accurate translation. Many Japanese games were localized by Nintendo of America (NoA), which, despite being a subsidiary of the Japanese company Nintendo, had the final say in its localization practices (Iwabuchi 2002, 38). Its staff is mostly local (Americans) and NoA makes its own decisions when it comes to marketing and localizing games imported from Japan (Tobin 2004, 66). Although the decisions of NoA could – and they often did – coincide with the Japanese producers, it is important to note that localization practices were not always based on what the Japanese thought would be appropriate for the target region, but rather on what local translators considered appropriate for their audience. This coincides with Consalvo’s argument that the video game industry is a hybrid encompassing a mixture of Japanese and American businesses unseen in other media industries. Since the demands of the local audience shape cultural products as they travel around the world, homogeneity in gaming culture is minimized. Though not all Japanese video games were globally available, those designed for global consumption were carefully localized, to ensure that their international flavor was not too foreign for non-Japanese tastes (Consalvo 2006, 120). While Japanese games gained popularity in the West, game developers increasingly hired independent companies to localize their games in the latter. However, poor communication between the producer and the company oftentimes resulted in flawed translations and revisions that seemed out of touch with the desires of the ever-evolving gaming community.

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As textual translation slowly evolved from basic localization to a key part of the blending process, the latter was time-consuming, and companies in the ‘80s and ‘90s were not always convinced that better translations would equal more sales, resulting in many games suffering from embarrassingly poor translations (Kohler 2016, 198). In some cases, time constraints resulted in rushed game releases to maintain relevance in the market (e.g., movie-based games), thereby leaving no room for a spelling check. In the Nintendo Entertainment System (NES) title Ghostbusters (1984), upon completing the game, the player is awarded with a screen that infamously states:

Conglaturation! You have completed a great game! And prooved the justice of our culture. Now go and rest our heroes!

Although not an example of localization, as the game was developed and released in America, such errors highlight the importance of diligence in translation. The Japanese game Persona 5 (2016) was localized by an American company, Atlus, and a remarkable number of six translators and eight editors contributed to the development of the game using a tag/team approach. Persona 5 had sufficient budget for a blending procedure, taking considerable effort to localize the game and delaying Western release by seven months. Nevertheless, a cumbersome amount of translations are infested with errors, grammatical mistakes, mischaracterization, and some moments during gameplay offer no subtitles or image explanations (Image 1.03 & Image 1.04). Moreover, editors outnumbered translators which led to increased stylistic inconsistencies. Although there exists a multitude of such inconsistencies in-game, I will only highlight the one I personally find to be the most significant. The first phrase in English appears in the international version of the game, the second sentence is the original Japanese phrase, and the text between brackets is a Romanization of the aforementioned Japanese line.

‘Now then, the HMS Dreadnought is said to be a revolutionary ship built by the British Royal Navy. It was so grand that the Japanese word “dokyuu”, massive, takes its “do” from the word “dreadnought”.’

‘イギリス海軍が建造した「戦艦ドレッドノート」はとても革新的な戦艦と言われているわ。どれぐらい革新的かというと、「ド級」という言葉ができた

ぐらい。’

(Igirisu kaigun ga kenzoushita “senkan doreddonooto” wa totemo kakushintekina senkan to iwareteiru wa. Doregurai kakushinteki ka to iu to “dokyuu” to iu kotoba ga dekitagurai.)

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A sharp reader will immediately observe that there is no “do” in “dreadnought”. The player needs to have a grasp of the Japanese language system in order to understand that the Japanese word for “dreadnought” is an English loanword and is written as “ドレッドノート”, which Romanizes to doreddonōto, and that is where the “do” comes from. Western or non-Japanese readers may not understand this, meaning the localization has failed to communicate foreign concepts to the player. The problem could have easily been prevented, however, by simply explaining the Japanese term for “dreadnought” or including the Romanization of said term. This will more effectively present Japanese culture and communicate foreign concepts to the player.

In Japanese language and culture, wordplay is an indispensable aspect that appears on a frequent level in media products. Video games are no exception, as Consalvo highlights in

Phoenix Wright and Recettear (Consalvo 2016, 126, 143). Localizing Japanese wordplays may

prove challenging, as it is impossible to literally translate the text without either losing the original meaning or the essence of the joke. In order to make the translation work, the idea of the joke has to be conveyed successfully. An excellent example of such a feat is shown in

Yakuza: 0 (2015), which was localized by Atlus, the same company that localized Persona 5.

The scene in question involves two characters, one who owns a gambling business, and a foreigner who lives in Japan. The business involves the man challenging others to knock him down in a fight, and if they win, he will double their money. When the main character ask him what he exactly does, he receives a different explanation. Because the foreigner is not well versed in Japanese, he explains the man is a “fisting artist”, with the word “fisting” having a slight sexual connotation. The other character steps in and corrects him by saying he is a “punch-out artist”. The main character is still confused and asks if this is “some kind of S&M thing”. The Japanese version had the foreigner say that his business is called an oshitaoshite

mite business, when he wanted to say taoshite miro. Both sound particularly alike, but have a

significantly different meaning.9 The English version has managed to retain the original contextual meaning, while also introducing an original solution to this translation of Japanese wordplay.

9_{Taoshite miro roughly means “Just try and knock me down”, while oshitaosu refers to the practice of romantically}

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In highly rare cases, political issues in the real world affect dialogue in games, altering content that is deemed inappropriate by other countries. In Yakuza 6: The Song of Life (2016), for instance, the player has the opportunity to meet up with a Taiwanese hostess, who talks about her homeland. One question the hostess would ask is what the main character’s impression is of the country of Taiwan. At the time, there was no English version yet10, but a screenshot of the Chinese subtitles was posted online and stirred up controversy in China (Image 1.05). A week later, the dialogue was revised by Sega, the game’s producer, with the hostess now asking what the main character’s impression of Taiwan is. The reason why this is such a bizarre phenomenon is that there has never been an official release of any of the Yakuza games in China, and Yakuza 6 was never planned to be released in China. Sega has in a manner employed self-censorship to appease a market that would not be entered in the first place.

2.2 Symbolic changes

Symbolic changes are very similar to graphical changes in that in-game symbols and icons are technically classified as graphics. Therefore, any symbolic changes implemented are also graphical. However, my distinction between symbolic and graphical changes in this chapter is the reason behind such applications. With symbolic changes, revision takes place because of the difference in connotation between target regions. Elements such as gestures, symbols, icons, logos and other visual features that imply various meanings in, or are unknown to, other countries are considered symbolic, whereas material objects and displays, such as the inclusion of firearms or (partial) nudity, are branded as graphical. As O’Hagan and Mangiron point out, games often have their visuals changed, being deprived of their logos and signs in order to cater to the American and European audience. Though it is evident that the degree of cultural adaptations in localizations contribute to the success of games in target markets, the way in which this practice affects market reception is not predictable (O’Hagan & Mangiron 2013, 206-207). This section will showcase certain examples of such revisions in Japanese games that have been localized for the West.

Despite the small minority of Christians in Japan, Christian crosses occasionally appear in anime and video games. Patrick Drazen explains that “in general the Japanese have only been interested in the tangential trappings and trimmings of Christianity.” American video game

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companies feared, however, that a cross or other religious artefacts depicted in-game might be construed as blasphemous (Drazen 2003, 144). It was a serious concern in the days when many games were targeted directly at children, but even today religious symbolism continues to be censored in certain video games, albeit to a lesser degree.

Additionally, certain symbols in Japan have different meanings and connotations than in the West, and therefore have to be localized to prevent confusion. This is not a practice of censorship, but of localization due to cultural differences. Video game consoles were necessary to play a certain game, and the PlayStation is one of the most prominent consoles on the market today. The controllers on the PlayStation console have four action buttons on the right side with symbols that correspond to a certain task: a red circle, a green triangle, a blue cross and a pink square. In Japan, the symbol used to indicate a correct answer is the circle (O), or maru, often depicted in red. An incorrect answer is known as batsu, indicated by a blue cross (X). In localized versions of Japanese video games, this lay-out is reversed. In the West, the combination of the color red and the O symbol is associated with stop signs halting a certain action.11

Logos that represent real-life situations or resemble companies or organizations are also removed occasionally. In the West, the inclusion of the Swastika is strictly regulated, and in some countries even illegal, as the Swastika is viewed as a symbol of racial supremacism and the German Nazi Party. In Japan, this symbol is often portrayed on Buddhist temples and represents good fortune or well-being. In the Japanese version of Persona 5, a character is seen wearing white shoes with the Japanese imperial flag. In the Korean version this logo is removed (Image 1.06). Due to the flag’s use in World War II, some Koreans still associate the motif with its war-time meaning and thus can be seen as offensive. In the localized version of Earthbound (1995), all red crosses were removed, presumably due to concerns regarding copyright issues and the International Committee of the Red Cross not condoning misuse. This is why most in-game medical crosses are green and not red.12 In Earthbound, the members of the in-game cult

11_{The color red can be seen as a ‘negative’ color in the sense that it prohibits or limits progress. Take for example}

a red traffic light or red markings on a graded test.

12

https://www.redcross.ca/about-us/about-the-canadian-red-cross/red-cross-emblem/it-may-just-be-a-game-to-you-but-it-means-the-world-to-us. The Canadian Red Cross states: “When someone misuses the red cross, (the video game industry being just one of many), we seek their cooperation in ending the unauthorized use. In nearly all cases, they comply and no further action is necessary. As a humanitarian organization, our preferred choice is to educate people about the emblem and seek their cooperation. That includes the makers of video games whose products touch the lives of millions.”

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“Happy Happyism” have also been altered. In the Japanese version, they are seen wearing hoods with the letters “HH” on it, while also holding a paint brush. Localizers were concerned that the appearance of these characters would too closely resemble the Ku Klux Klan, an American white supremacist hate group. The North-American version added a puff ball to the end of the cap, and the “HH” was also removed, because the low-resolution image caused the two letters to resemble the letters “KK” (Image 1.07).13

Not only symbols and logos, but also gestures carry different meanings in other regions. In Japan, placing one hand on the opposite bicep and flexing their arm is an indication of showing strength and resilience. In the West, such a gesture may be deemed offensive and is comparable to showing someone the middle finger. In games such as Super Mario RPG (1996) and Mario Kart 8 Deluxe (2017), characters can be seen performing this gesture after a victory. In Western releases, they either have their left hand removed in the animation or are shown clenching their fists instead (Image 1.08). In Japan, blood type is an important aspect of daily life and in marketing. For instance, on collectibles like Japanese baseball cards, every player has their blood group type showcased. It is a popular belief in Japan that a person’s blood type affects their personality. For example, a person with blood type A would have a high likelihood to be of a timid or tense nature, whereas someone with blood type B is prone to be selfish and outgoing. Many Japanese games display the blood type of the main characters and, when able to create your own character, will ask you to indicate his or her blood type. In Western releases, on the other hand, such beliefs are less common and references to characters’ blood types are often left out.

13_{The letters “HH” would also be troublesome to show in Europe because it refers to the infamous “Heil Hitler”}

chant being used by the Nazi Party. While not released in Europe, it is likely the letters would have been removed if a release was planned for it.

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2.3 Graphical changes

In this subchapter, examples of the removal or censorship of material objects and miscellaneous displays are presented and discussed. These changes were not implemented because of varying meaning in other countries and cultures; rather, it is the inclusion of these elements that some developers deemed unfit for certain target audiences. O’Hagan and Mangiron suggest that Japanese games tend to contain more overt and covert sexual references and imagery, while Western games tend to depict more graphic violence and gore (O’Hagan & Mangiron 2013, 207). The Japanese law in general also has a higher degree of tolerance towards erotic and/or suggestive images or content in media products (Cooper-Chen 2010, 63-64). It is no surprise then, that the majority of graphical adjustments were implemented because the content was considered too suggestive. In anime and video games alike, (partial) female nudity is a hot topic. There are countless anime and video game titles in which partial nudity and suggestive themes have been censored. In an episode of the anime Yu-Gi-Oh! (2000), the female character Téa is confronted by a mugger who demands all of her money. In the Japanese version, the mugger is seen holding a camcorder, videotaping Téa’s skirt. The Western release removed all shots of the camcorder and the suggestive footage he was filming.

Perversion in anime and video games was kept to a minimum in the West, but the most occurring changes revolved around female breasts and the length of skirts. 4Kids, an American company, was responsible for the localization of various anime in the West, including

Yu-Gi-Oh!, One Piece, and Pokémon. As anime in the West was specifically targeted towards kids,

4Kids felt it was necessary to remove sexualized imagery of females. Bust sizes of female characters were made smaller, and the skirts they wore were either lengthened or had an extra piece of leg garment added to cover up exposed thighs (Image 1.09). Outfits that exposed the female’s cleavage were often covered up as well.

Surprisingly, sexual references and imagery were not the only adult themes addressed in the localization of anime and video games. The portrayal and usage of firearms in anime was strictly controlled, despite them being present in American cartoons and video games. Depending on the company responsible for the localization, guns would either be replaced with items of a “family-friendly” nature (such as water guns) or edited out, on occasion leading to amusing scenarios (Image 1.10). Violence in video games and anime is not necessarily censored, but the results from violence, such as characters bleeding or being noticeably wounded, are in most cases removed. Blood in video games is either removed or colored green, while in anime,

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it is simply removed altogether. In general, Western games tend to be more explicit with violence, while Japanese games usually portray little blood. It is peculiar then, that violence in Japanese games is often subdued in localized versions, while the violence was already not exceedingly present. However, Japanese games that have been designed with a Western audience in mind, such as Resident Evil, contain considerable amounts of gore and violence, with the Japanese original version being softened(Mangiron 2013, 208).

Tobacco use in anime and video games have also been censored numerous times. In One

Piece (1999), the character Sanji has a habit of smoking, but in Western releases of the anime,

all instances of him smoking a cigarette were redrawn to make him appear to enjoy lollipops (Image 1.11). The inclusion of adult beverages or any reference to alcohol has been toned down significantly as well, as most localizing companies had a strict policy against the portrayal of alcohol. In racing sports, victories are often celebrated with a bottle of champagne. In the game

Super Mario Kart (1992), when winning a Grand Prix as either Bowser or Peach, the victory

animation shows the characters picking up a bottle of champagne and drinking it repeatedly, with Peach’s face even turning red. The international version shows the characters throwing their bottle up in the air in a celebratory manner. In the North-American version of Earthbound, the bar visited by the player was changed to a café, and any reference to alcohol was replaced by coffee instead. Interestingly, in the Japanese version, one of the NPCs in the bar explains how he was drunk and knocked on the wall instead of the bathroom door. The same man comments in the North-American version that he was having a caffeine buzz and needed to go to the bathroom fast. When he got there, he accidentally knocked on the wall instead of the restroom door. With graphical changes often come changes to corresponding dialogues as well, as graphical features in games and anime can be referenced or discussed in dialogue. If the dialogue does not match the visual alterations, then the content and context would be illogical.

Occasionally, character designs are only altered on the box art or during marketing, with their in-game appearance remaining the same as in the country of origin. A prominent example is Crash Bandicoot, which was viewed as too aggressive in Japan, but in America, the Japanese characters’ art designs were often revised to appear more aggressive and less cute. Kirby is the titular small pink spherical creature and main protagonist of Nintendo’s Kirby franchise. On the box art of Japanese releases of the Kirby games, Kirby is almost always seen smiling. However, NoA decided to depict his eyes significally sharper-looking and with an angry expression (Image 1.12). No official statement was given regarding the change, but a possible explanation

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could be that this was done to appeal to Western fans who do not share the same interest in cute characters and want more action. This change resonates with Carlson and Corliss’ argument that localization shapes our perception of cultural differences (Carlson & Corliss 2011, 78). In other words, Kirby looks happy in Japan because Japanese people like cute characters, and Kirby looks angry in America, because that is what NoA’s perception is of what Americans want. O’Hagan and Mangiron discuss how the tastes of Japanese and Western players differ, stating that Japanese players prefer stylized and cute characters, and American and European players masculine and realistic character designs (O’Hagan & Mangiron 2013, 205).

Looking at games made by Western developers versus Japanese developers, it is not surprising that such a conclusion is reached, but there is a major flaw in this theory. Western games were originally not intended to be sold in Japan and vice versa, meaning that the developers have for a long time catered to the desires of their own market. However, during the era that video games were progressively entering the worldwide market14, developers were afraid that cultural differences in their games would repel potential overseas customers. Producers, developers and localizers analyzed what type of games were popular in the target region and made adjustments accordingly. This was also during a time when the “Cool Japan” trend had not emerged yet, and there was uncertainty whether a foreign product would sell or not regardless of localization changes. According to Iwabuchi, numerous Japanese developers tried to make their product as “non-Japanese” as possible, because it was believed that any reference to Japanese culture or the inclusion of Japanese elements would be too unknown to a Western audience, thus limiting sales. He labels this practice mukokuseki (無国籍), which translates to “statelessness”. Any “cultural odor”15_{from the product would be removed to make}

it more appealing to worldwide audiences (Iwabuchi 2002, 53).

14_{There is no official date on when video games were going “worldwide”, but my educated guess would be around}

the end of the 1990s, when Nintendo released the Nintendo 64 console. Games were of course sold worldwide already, but they were always made with the audience of the country of origin in mind.

15_{Any hints of nationality or racial and/or ethnic characteristics from a cultural product is what Iwabuchi considers}

as cultural odor. Making a product “odorless” means that it has no distinct feature(s) that make the product Japanese and does not carry any cultural features of its country of origin to be considered Japanese.

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2.4 Gameplay changes

Various games have multiple difficulty levels to allow casual and advanced players to customize their gaming experience. Not all games have such an option available, though; many developers are convinced that providing the player with a universal difficulty level will bring fans on the same level of discussion. Miyazaki Hidetaka, the creator of Dark Souls (2011), explains that their goal is for everyone “to feel the same level of accomplishment”. In that way, the players plays the game the way it is meant to be played.16 Dark Souls is incredibly popular in the West and is, despite its grueling difficulty, praised for its gameplay and challenge it offers. But for many years, Japanese games were made explicitly less difficult for US audiences. The theory is that Japanese children are more proficient at video games, and what they would consider to be challenging and fun would be frustrating for American children. However, it seems that actually the opposite might be the case, with the best players coming from America due to their active attitude towards video games and the presence of an inherent competitiveness in their national identity (Carlson & Corliss 2011, 69).17 Vestal proposes that changes in difficulty levels were not necessarily implemented because of cultural differences, but differences in markets. When video game rental was still a potent market, developers strived to make their games “rental-proof”, often by amplifying the difficulty, slowing the player’s progress (Vestal 2005). When video game rental became obsolete and developers realized that Western gamers did not prefer lower difficulty levels, developers ceased to change difficulty levels in games released overseas.

The game Devil May Cry 3 (2005) did have its difficulty changed for Western audiences, though it is unknown if this was intentional or a programming error. In the original North American release the difficulty levels were shifted up by one, making the “Easy” mode equivalent to the Japanese “Normal” mode, and so on. The highest difficulty, “Hard”, became a unique difficulty that was later branded as “Very Hard” in the special edition of the game. As the game is already widely regarded to be one of the most challenging games of all time, it is likely the adjustment in difficulty levels is an unintentional development error. The special edition release of the game corrected the difficulty levels to be consistent across all regions.

16_{https://www.gamespot.com/articles/heres-why-dark-souls-bloodborne-and-sekiro-dont-ha/1100-6459827/.} 17_{The last sentence is an insight of a Japanese developer (Itagaki Tomonobu) on the theory of American players}

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Instances of localization providing the player with little to no information about Japanese culture might also hurt the player’s experience. In Persona 5, a question about shōgi, a Japanese two-player strategy board game similar to chess, is presented in-game. The high school teacher shows you a Japanese character written in cursive and asks you what the meaning of the character is, allowing you to choose between “Flight”, “Divination”, or “Gold” (Image 1.13 & 1.14). The correct answer is “Gold” (金 kin), but there has been uncertainty regarding the answer to the question. Nathaniel Chapman, a senior encounter designer for the game World

of Warcraft, addressed the issue to Atlus, stating that “the character is not a cursive 金, but a

cursive と” (to).18 A response from Atlus reads:

Regarding the ‘gold’ character in question, in Japan this is a trick question because the cursive kanji of ‘gold’ looks exactly like the standard hiragana ‘to’. So gold appears to be accurate.19

There has been discussion about whether the character in question can be referred to a cursive form of the kanji, let alone the cursive form of 金, as Persona 5 does. Even though this may potentially be a small localization error, it still hinders the player’s in-game progression. The game is designed with a particular progression system in which the protagonist gradually raises his social stats in five different categories: charm, guts, kindness, knowledge, and proficiency. The player can perform various activities to increase their stats: creating tools will increase proficiency, going to a bath house increases charm, reading certain books raises kindness, and so on. Each social stat has different ranks; for instance, the Charm proficiency can develop from “Existent” to “Debonair” (Image 1.15). By answering each of the school questions correctly, the player increases his proficiency in the knowledge stat, enabling the player to progress with certain characters and score higher on tests.

Another reason that such trivia hinders gameplay experience is that in order to achieve trophies in the game20, the player must complete certain challenges. One of the challenges required for a trophy revolves around achieving the highest test score in the entire school.

18_{https://twitter.com/pedrothedagger/status/851847724018221056,}

https://kotaku.com/this-might-be-persona-5s-biggest-translation-fail-1794223069. Accessed 30th_{of May 2019.}

19_{https://kotaku.com/this-might-be-persona-5s-biggest-translation-fail-1794223069. Accessed 30}th_{of May 2019.} 20_{Trophies are achievements that the player can get when completing certain tasks the game asks you to do. They}

can be as simple as “Defeat the first boss”, but can also be lengthy endeavors such as “Max out every proficiency”. If the player manages to get every trophy in the game, he or she is awarded with a platinum trophy, indicating completion of the game.