Gender and Development
An analyses of the African Union Gender Policy
Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Bachelor of Science in Political Science
-
Specialised in International Relations-Module: 73230202LY
Foreign Aid, Development and the Politics of Legitimation in Africa
June 2019
9480 Words
Author:Benthe Tanghe
11269782
Supervisor:Dr. Michael Onyebuchi Eze
Second reader:Dr. Sebastian Krapohl
“THERE IS NO TOOL
FOR DEVELOPMENT
MORE EFFECTIVE THAN
THE EMPOWERMENT
OF WOMEN.”
Abstract
The central question in this dissertation is what are the gaps and challenges for the African Union to improve gender equality in development? In order to answer this question, a two-part analysis was carried out on the gender policy of the African Union. The policy contains eight commitments to tackle inequality between men and women and to improve the situation of women in Africa. Firstly, an exploratory analysis of the African Union Gender Policy is carried out using the Gender and Development approach to give a clearer understanding of the policy. Secondly, an evaluative analysis is carried out using existing empirical research to assess the extent to which the African Union Gender Policy commitments have been met. The results show that there are two main gaps/challenges. First, there are still many more men than women in political positions across the continent. Secondly, protocols addressing gender inequalities have still not been sufficiently ratified or implemented by member states.
Table of Contents
Abbreviations
3
Introduction
4
Chapter 1
GAD approach and its empowerment approach
7
Chapter 2
African Union Gender Policy
10
Chapter 3
The commitments and the GAD approach
16
Chapter 4
Results of the commitments
20
Chapter 5
Challenges and Gaps
24
Conclusion
26
Bibliography
27
Annexe 1
Commitments African Union Gender Policy
31
Abbreviations
ACHPR African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights AWD African Women’s Decade
AGEI Africa Gender Equality Index AU African Union
AUGP African Union Gender Policy FAW Fund for African Women GAD Gender and Development GII Gender Inequality Index (UNDP) GMS Gender Management System MDGs Millennium Development Goals NGOs Non-Governmental Organisation
NEPAD New Partnership for Africa's Development RECs Regional Economic Communities
SDGs Sustainable Development Goals
SDGEA Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme WGDD Women, Gender and Development Directorate WID Women in Development
Introduction
A well-known quote made by Kofi Annan, who is the former Secretary-General of the United Nations (UN) is: “There is no tool for development more effective than the empowerment of women” (UN 2006). Development is a controversial concept widely used in political arenas. Kabeer defines it as a concept that refers to the projected process of bringing together expertise, techniques and resources to improve economic growth in developing countries (1994: 69). Over the years, the importance of the additional word 'sustainable' seems to have increased, partly as a result of the seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) formulated by the UN.
According to the International Institute for Sustainable Development, the concept is defined in many ways, but the most quoted definition comes from the Brundtland report which writes: "Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (IISD 2019).
Only since 1970s, women have emerged as an autonomous group in the development discourse. Professionals on female development came up with the concept of “Women in
Development” (WID). These professionals realised due to their own experiences that men and women are influenced on a different level by modernisation (Razavi & Miller 1995: 2). Since then, women’s affairs started to get a place in the development discourse of Non-Profit Organisations (NGOs), donors and governments (ibid). WID eventually turned out as an important approach on how to include gender issues in development policies (idem: 1). WID is a more liberal theory, stemming from the feminist movement in the United States (Rathgeber 1990: 494).
However, in spite of the fact that the WID approach analyses the neglecting of women in
development policies, the reasoning of where this neglecting came from was still unexplored for a long time (Razavi & Miller 1995: 12). It was only in the following years that the importance of a distinction between the idea of gender and sex started to get attention. Sex is the biological differences between men and woman and gender is seen as the social construct of gender identity (ibid). The WID was criticised for not taking these differences into account. Out of this criticism the Gender and Development (GAD) approach was established (Moser 2014: 6).
The GAD approach is a more socialist-feminist ideology (Rathgeber 1990: 494). It aims to ensure that both men and women participate and benefit equally from development, so the emphasis is placed on equal benefits and power (Muyoyeta 2004: 7).
Despite the many projects that have been carried out over the past decades with the aim of improving the situation for women, there are still substantial gender gaps in Africa in all areas of life. These differences are significantly wider than in other parts of the world. The Gender
Inequality Index (GII), published by the UN Development Programme (UNDP), classifies regions of the world by giving them a value between 0 and 1. The higher the value and thus the inequalities, the greater the loss to human development (UNDP 2018). The GII illustrates the loss of possible human development due to a difference in achievements between women and men in three
different aspects. These three aspects are empowerment, economic status and reproductive health (ibid). The region Sub-Saharan Africa was valued at 0.569 in 2017. To put this into
perspective, Europe and Central Asia were valued at 0.270 in that same year (UNDP 2017). In an overview of the UNDP report on the GII over the years, Niger was among the countries with the lowest scores valued at 0.818 in 2000 and the country only improved to 0.709 in the following thirteen years. Another example is the Democratic Republic of Congo, which was valued at 0.678 and only improved to 0.669 in 2013 (UNDP 2013). However, in comparison to any other part of the world, women are the most active economic actors in Africa (ADBG 2015: 5). In some countries, the majority of agricultural activities are in the hands of women, and one-third of all businesses are in the hands of women. Women are at the heart of the domestic economy and the well-being of their families (ibid).
Africa is a large continent with 54 countries recognised as states by the UN and the African Union (AU). Africa has a complicated history consisting of colonialism and imperialism and still feels the influence of developed countries today. The results of this history are different for each country and not all African countries are as undeveloped as others - the same applies to the inequality between men and women. The Africa Gender Equality Index clearly reflects this with results from, for example, 2015. In the Africa Gender Equality Index of 2015, the results are also presented on a scale from 0 to 1, but contrary to the GII of the UNDP, a higher value means a higher degree of equality. The index shows that while South Africa and Rwanda are close to a value of 0.750, Somalia remains stuck at a value of 0.160 (idem: 7). Despite these significant differences, most African countries are part of the AU. The AU is an intergovernmental and supranational political union and the successor of the Organisation of African Unity (Tieku 2013: 33). It is one of the most pretentious mechanisms of continental security management that have emerged since the end of the Cold War. The AU is based on collectivist security ideas, the framework of the Responsibility to Protect and the human security model (ibid). Recognising the importance of gender equality at the beginning of 2006, the AU began the process of establishing a comprehensive gender
development policy at the AU Summit in January 2007. However, this took longer than expected, yet in 2009 the African Union Gender Policy (AUGP) was finally developed with the help and advice of stakeholders, development partners and UN agencies. The vision of the AUGP is to develop an African society that is based on concepts as human rights, democracy but most importantly the recognition of gender equality. A continent where both sexes can live save in a society where they have an equal say on decisions of development (AUGP 2009: 10).
The implementation of the AUGP is connected to a ten-year plan which is known as the African Women’s Decade (AWD), referring to the period from 2010 and 2020. However, despite the AUGP and the AWD, there are still gaps between men and woman in Africa. These gaps demand a thorough analysis of the AUGP. The main question for this dissertation therefore is: what are the gaps and challenges for the African Union to improve gender equality in development? This dissertation is exploratory and evaluative. I will try to analyse the AUGP in an exploratory way by using the GAD approach and its empowerment approach. In this way, I will give a better insight
eight commitments made in the AUGP will be gathered from existing literature and empirical research based on different reports from different institutions, as the AU itself has not published updates on the AUGP and the AWD. This dissertation adds to the body of information and analysis of policies in the field of gender and development in Africa by mapping the gaps and challenges and with that, being a new starting point for the improvement of women in Africa.
I will start with chapter 1 with examining the analytical framework of the GAD approach, including the explanation of its empowerment approach. In chapter 2, I will explain the AUGP by describing its history, its context and, in particular, its eight commitments and give some information on the AWD. In chapter 3, I will analyse the AUGP using the GAD approach in order to go deeper into the policy conceptualisation to give a better understanding of the policy. In chapter 4, I will give an insight into the possible progress of the eight commitments, using various literature and existing empirical research. Before I end with an overall conclusion, I will use chapter 5 to show and discuss the gaps and challenges that arise from analysing the results.
Chapter 1
GAD approach and its empowerment approach
As I have explained in the introduction, the GAD approach was developed and defined after more and more people started to express their critiques on the WID approach. In the 1980s, after more studies on women experiences in development, a surge of the GAD approach took place.
(Muyoyeta 2004: 7). The conceptual framework is designed with an emphasis on the importance of analysing and understanding the structures and dynamics of the relationships between men and women. GAD analyses all social organisations and social processes that strengthen the disadvantaged position of women (Young 1993: 134). Rather than just focusing on equal
opportunities, GAD strives for equal impact. The logic behind this, is that the resources generally benefit those who are best positioned to exploit the assets. Which means that men benefit more from the benefits of development programmes, as they seem to be best positioned, while women hardly benefit from possible progress. GAD examines a multitude of factors that shape women's lives, from international trade systems worldwide to local expressions of patriarchy, which
manifest themselves culturally, politically and economically (Brown 2005: 63). This means that the analyses should cover the entire lives of women and men and not just their reproductivity.
The empowerment approach is often seen by advocates of the GAD as most adequate to include gender in policies for development (Lycklama á Nijeholt 1992: 12). The approach itself considers equality alone to be insufficient and emphasises women's right to power to determine their own lives. Power is defined in several elements, namely a feeling of inner strength and a confidence to enter life, with the ability to influence the social processes that affect their lives. The right to make choices in life and the influence on the direction of social change (ibid). So the empowerment approach profoundly questions the breakdown of power within gender relations.
Analytical Concepts of the GAD Framework
The GAD framework has three important analytical concepts that need to be discussed before talking about the empowerment approach, namely gender and the division of labour, internal gender relations and practical and strategic gender interests. These are also referred to as the tripled roles (Muyoyeta 2004: 11). I will discuss these three concepts below and then continue with the empowerment approach.
Firstly, the concept of gender and the division of labour. Gender is a primary way of indicating power relations because it is a constitutive part of social relations based on perceived differences between the sexes (Scott 1988: 42). Men and women provide different services that are made interdependent according to the GAD approach (Young 1993: 140). This means that the process of production and the activities of women in which they are structured cannot be dissociated in policy-making (Kabeer 1994: 237). Gender and the division of labour is also an ideological
Such policy bias hampers efforts to increase household productivity or to allow women to participate in the economy in large quantities (ibid). Therefore, it is essential to grasp what both sexes are doing to overcome this bias.
Secondly, the concept of intra-household gender relations. According to Young, there are a number of portrayals in which gender relations are reflected (1993: 114). These portrayals include the division of tasks and roles between both sexes in their respective household and
communities. A household is seen as multiple people living together and providing for the basic needs (idem). The analysis of the household splits into two categories. In the first category, the household is seen as a place where bonds with family are shaped like a natural relation, in which decision are selflessly made (idem: 121). The second category is the household as a place of negotiation and conflict.The dynamics in the household are characterised by conflict and cooperation. Furthermore, there is an awareness of a fallback position within the household. Gender relations are conceptualised as power relations including conflict and cooperation aspects (Kabeer 1994: 96). Household members work together as long as they benefit from the cooperation, and such arrangements makes them better off than not cooperating (Sen 1987:13). Taking policy-making into account, the conceptualisation of the relations within the households have a critical influence on the policy decisions on which the resources and programmes are directed.
Thirdly, the concept of practical and strategic gender needs and interests. According to GAD, a distinction needs to be made between wishes or shortcomings and the conscious representation of collective demands (Young 1993: 154). Practical gender needs are identified on the basis of the situation of women and in their socially accepted roles. When the position of women, compared to men, is questioned, strategic gender interest become the centre of attention. However, these interests are not loose categories. Instead, they are interlinked, according to Kabeer, when we consider the power dimensions within gender relations (1993:94). In policy making, practical gender needs can determine the priorities resulting from the ongoing distribution of
responsibilities and means. Nevertheless, the strategic gender interest of women requires that these priorities are implemented in a way that enables women to strengthen their position rather than increase their dependency, thus reducing the gender gap (ibid). In addition, policies that focus on strategic gender needs are self continuing. This is because these policies allow women to enhance their say in the household negotiations, with this, no further intermediation is needed eventually, according to Moser, as women will be able to stand their ground (1989).
The empowerment approach
It is essential to analyse what empowerment means, before one can uses it.
According to Agarwal, empowerment is a process that improves the abilities of disempowered people to improve their inferior positions by challenging existing power relations (1993: 39). Therefore, it includes collective action and individual change. The GAD approach describes three-forms of power (Kabeer 1994: 253). These three are power-with, power-within and power-to.
Power-with is a power that means that someone feels strengthened by feeling organised due to being united by shared objectives. So power-with is a form of collective power (ibid). Power-with has two relevant logics. Firstly, when women realise that they are not just as an individual
hindered, but that it is a common problem felt by other women which causes them to unite. Secondly, for poor women it is essential that they use their collective power to transform their positions, since poor women are not entitled to most sources of power in institutions (ibid). However, these alliances must be built through a well-known process of development actors seeking to strengthen the position of these women (ibid). Power-within, focusses on a sense of control. The sense of control to make decisions over their lives. It emphasises more on
supplementing, instead of on duality (Kabeer 1994: 246). Power-to, finally, is a facilitator that gives the feeling that one can solve things and grasp how certain things function (idem: 256). An
example is mobilising women to participate in development processes and to give them a better understanding of these processes. Power-to is, therefore, about increasing the say of women in decisions that impact their lives (ibid:). Thus the GAD approach visualises power dynamics as a mix of power-with, power-within and power-to and not the idea of power over women.
To conclude, the GAD approach does not only see economic prosperity as important for
development, but goes beyond by focussing on the importance of social and mental wellbeing of women (Muyoyeta 2004: 8). The approach understands the different roles that women have and emphasises the need for women to voice themselves by organising collectively (ibid).
Furthermore, GAD advocates for the empowerment approach in policymaking as this approach is seen as an instrument to ensure that women can determine their own needs, by insuring that they get the opportunities to do so (idem: 11).
Chapter 2
African Union Gender Policy
Historical Background
The AU's commitment to gender equality is rooted in the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) (AU 2009: 1). Frameworks from the UN with a special focus on the African continent, have been the basis of the AU approach on advancing women’s rights and gender equality (ibid). The policy states that it is clear that women make a substantial contribution not only to economic development, but also to the social and political context. However, women have
not benefited from the progress in development that is made so far, and they are still not included enough in decision-making. Besides, women hardly enjoy any human rights as the policy states (ibid). Therefore, it is essential to make progress through productive exchanges between
governments and the civil society, by showing a change in conditional, legal and social principles (ibid).
At the time the policy was adopted, the AU was comprised of 53 member states. In subsequent years, this number has changed several times as a result of suspensions and the return of a number of members. Many regard the AU as a single organisation. Nevertheless, the AU is composed of three organisations (Tieku 2013: 34). The first AU is intergovernmental and are the governments of the states combined. The first AU contains the Assembly of Heads of States and, among some more, the Court of Justice and the Economic Social and Cultural Council (ibid). The second AU is supranational and is composed of the AU Commission and the 617 international officials working in different units (ibid). Lastly, the third AU consists of the outsiders. These are African Regional Economic Communities (RECs), non-governmental organisations, academics, experts and other groups that might or might not be formal members of the organisation, but are groups that do play a central role in setting the guidelines and priorities of the AU's main policies. The second AU mediates in the interaction between the first and third AU (ibid).
Context
The AU's gender policy provides a framework which, according to the policy itself, would accelerate the achievement of non-discrimination, gender equality, gender fairness, and fundamental rights in Africa (idem: 8). More generally, the policy is seen as an instrument to facilitate progress in socio-economic and political integration, to contribute to a better standard of living, to ensure that Africa’s agenda includes gender issues, to speed up gender mainstreaming, and to strengthen people’s efforts to have their legitimate role in a globalised world (ibid).
Another essential notion of the policy is a growing awareness that women have different roles. For example, the crucial role women have in both conflict and post-conflict situations (ibid).
The mandate of this policy stems from three aspects. Firstly, the AU's pledge to gender equality, which is outlined in several of the AU's founding records. Secondly, the African women’s
movement with their objectives and achievements have impacted the increase in the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women. Thirdly, the empirical need to integrate the positive experiences gained in Africa following the affirmation of the principle of gender equality (idem: 9).
The policy mainly exists of eight commitments. These commitments aim to direct the women’s empowerment and gender mainstreaming process to have an impact on strategies that would hopefully accelerate the achievement of gender equality (ibid). To achieve women’s empowerment and gender equality, the policy states that it adopts an approach which is based on rights,
decision-making that is evidence-based and to use data and performance indicators that are gender-disaggregated (ibid).
Commitments
The overarching commitments directly quoted from the AUGP are the following (idem: 14): 1. Creating an enabling and stable political environment
2. Legislation and legal protection actions against discrimination, for ensuring gender equality 3. Mobilising stakeholders for implementing the AUGP
4. Rationalisation and harmonisation of Regional Economic Communities gender policies and programmes
5. Mobilising resources for implementing the AUGP 6. Capacity building for gender mainstreaming 7. Implement gender mainstreaming in all sectors
8. Maintaining peace, security, settlement of conflicts, reconstruction and promote the effective participation of women in peacekeeping and security, including efforts aimed at reconciliation in post-conflict reconstruction and development
Commitment 1: Creating an enabling and stable political environment (idem: 14)
In 2002, the AU parity principle was adopted at the inaugural summit of AU Heads of State or Government which was held in South Africa. The principle of parity ensures a gender balance of five female and five male Commissioners (ibid). Commitment 1 of the policy states that cultivating political will is therefore, necessary in order to maintain a climate that allows the enforcement of the AU principle of 50/50 and the achievement of gender equality in Africa (ibid). The principle is not only for the AU Commission but is also seen as desirable by, for example, governments of the member states. The political will and climate for AU bodies, RECs and member states to achieve the Millennium Development Goal (MDG 3) by 2015 have been reaffirmed. MDG 3 was part of a broader UN multi-target plan. The aim of MDG 3 was to eliminate gender inequalities in education. First with the aim to eliminate the inequalities in both primary and secondary education by 2005 and eventually to reach gender equality in 2015 in all levels of education (MDG Monitor 2016). The MDGs were the predecessors of the SDGs.
In order to achieve this commitment, the policy mentions eight points that are included in annexe 1, commitment 1.
Commitment 2: Legislation and legal protection actions against discrimination, for ensuring gender equality (idem: 15)
It is vital to have a legal framework for the implementation of protocols and instruments. Although progress has been made, dual justice systems create discrepancies between women's rights by granting some women’s rights that are practised through general law, while other “laws” are based on conventional, traditional and even religious practices. This deprives women of their fundamental right (ibid). In order to combat discrimination and the marginalisation of women, legal training and knowledge, as well as the enforcement of gender equality laws, are necessary (idem: 16). The overall commitment is that is that the AU Commission, other AU bodies, RECs and member states will fulfil their obligations under the AU Treaty to ensure the end of abuse in all levels. Most importantly, that they will enforce the rule of law (ibid).
In order to achieve this commitment, the policy mentions five points that are included in annexe 1, commitment 2.
Commitment 3: Mobilising stakeholders for implementing the AUGP (ibid)
The AUGP and its ten-year action plan demand a wide range of stakeholders, like advocates, actors and partners. The overall commitment is that the AU bodies, the RECs and the member states establish a policy environment which enables interest groups, civil society and women’s organisations to engage in dialogues and to diminish the gaps between groups to address gender equality perspectives (idem: 16).
In order to achieve this commitment, the policy mentions six points that are included in annexe 1, commitment 3.
Commitment 4: Rationalisation and harmonisation of regional economic communities gender policies and programmes (idem: 17)
The AU urges for substantial efforts to the concept of regional integration, to not waste scare resource by duplication of efforts, interventions and resources. Including encouraging of the best practice across Africa by promoting the adaptation and effective implementation of the gender policies of the RECs and the member states. The overall commitment is that AU bodies, RECs, regional organisations and member states will cooperate by sharing their expertise on finance and engineering, and that they will work more closely in the political field. To maintain gender
mainstreaming in programmes and policies, they are expected to build alliances (ibid).
In order to achieve this commitment, the policy mentions three points that are included in annexe 1, commitment 4.
Commitment 5: Mobilising resources for implementing the AUGP (ibid)
This commitment relates to the mobilisation and allocation of both financial and non-financial assets for the implementation of the AUGP and the action plan called AWD (idem: 18). It also includes the creation of the African Women Trust Fund. The fund is used as a mechanism to facilitate the realisation of the AUGP and the effective integration of gender issues into policies at different levels (idem: 18). The overall commitment is to focus organisational resources on the AUGP and to actions which increase gender equality (ibid).
In order to achieve this commitment, the policy mentions five points that are included in annexe 1, commitment 5.
Commitment 6: Capacity building for gender mainstreaming (ibid)
This commitment aims at building the capacity of the bodies of the AU, the RECs and the member states to implement endeavours to mainstream gender equality. The AUGP notes that these efforts should be underpinned on African experiences and values, promoting gender equality to institutionalise and enforce gender mainstreaming. In addition, programmes, systems, structures and procedures should be established in the relevant areas (ibid). The overall
commitment is to build capacity for active gender mainstreaming by developing training
programmes and useful tools for all strategic and institutional stakeholders. The AU Commission, other bodies of the AU and the RECs should institutionalise a pan-African approach to gender equality for gender mainstreaming (ibid).
In order to achieve this commitment, the policy mentions five points that are included in annexe 1, commitment 6.
Commitment 7: Implement gender mainstreaming in all sectors (idem: 19)
This commitment aims to mainstream gender issues in all major development segments and to promote approaches that are regional to sustainable solutions for gender equality and women's empowerment. To achieve this, all bodies need to implement a well-planned gender
mainstreaming strategy. The AUGP and AWD are based upon the results of the gender
mainstreaming of the AU to execute the necessary conditions for a cross-cutting approach (idem: 19). The overall commitment is to promote a cross-cutting approach to gender mainstreaming across all AU bodies, RECs and member states. The AU bodies, the RECs and the member states should, therefore, implement this commitment across all sectors.
Commitment 8: Promoting the active participation of women in peacekeeping and security, including efforts aimed at reconciliation in post-conflict reconstruction and development (ibid)
This commitment aims at strengthening the position of women by providing a stable, supportive and, above all, peaceful setting for the implementation of the development programmes, which, inter alia, means that women's participation in the whole spectrum of peace-building activities should be increased and strengthened (ibid). The overall commitment is to encourage the active
involvement of women in security, peacekeeping and peace-building, as well as in reconciliation and post-conflict development (idem: 19)
In order to achieve this commitment, the policy mentions seven points that are included in annexe 1, commitment 8. In addition, the AUGP identifies three policy objectives, which are also included in annexe 1 mentioned under policy targets.
In order to fulfil all the commitments, the policy sets out different responsibilities for the AU
bodies, the RECs and the member states. They should share the coordinating role, the insertion of logistics and infrastructure, mobilising resources, financial, expertise and technical support to the programme, as appropriate, to implement the AUGP (idem: 22). All three groups have to set up a
GMS in their respective institutions. The Women, Gender and Development Directorate (WGDD) of the AU would develop a system to monitor the implementation of AUGP and with that the GMS through a number of benchmarks (ibid). The benchmarks are set out in annexe 2.
African Women’s Decade
The ten-year plan is connected to the AUGP and is known as the AWD, referring to the period from 2010 to 2020. As the front page states, the AWD, its theme is the Grassroots Approach to Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment (AWD 2010). A grassroots movement is a
movement that uses people as basis in a certain region for economic and political change (Gove 1961). The goal of the AWD, according to the AU is promoting gender equality by speeding up the implementation of Beijing and Dakar protocols. Furthermore, the AU Assembly Decisions on Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment, through a two-pronged 'top-down' and 'bottom-up' approach, including grassroots participation (AWD 2010). So it is not only a bottom-up
approach as the theme suggested.
The central body for the AWD are the eight commitments as described in the AUGP. Nevertheless, the AWD rejuvenating the commitments by a particular focus on ten themes (ibid). The themes as printed in the AWD are the following (ibid):
1. Fighting Poverty and Promoting Economic Empowerment of Women and Entrepreneurship 2. Agriculture and Food Security
3. Women's Health, Maternal Mortality and HIV&AIDS 4. Education, Science and Technology
5. Environment and Climate Change
6. Peace and Security and Violence Against Women 7. Governance and Legal Protection
8. Finance and Gender Budgets
9. Women in Decision Making Positions
10. Mentoring Youth (Men and Women) to be champions of Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment
In order to achieve all of this, the following method was planned: each AU Member State is expected to set up national committees made up of all sectors in society. Each year, the
committees have to submit one project for all the themes, to carry out. One project per country, will be supported by the AU Fund for Women, This means that during the ten-years, 530 projects will be carried out (ibid).
Chapter 3
The commitments and the GAD approach
Commitment 1: Creating an enabling and stable political environment (AUGP 2009: 14).
Point 1 of commitment 1 is to make sure that all political decisions and decelerations aim at removing the remaining hazards to gender equality and women's empowerment.
Point 3 is the maintenance of AU 50/50 gender equality and representation in all practises, structures and operational policies in order to make sure that gender equality objectives are complied with and that gender perspectives are integrated into the mission, and strategic thinking of the AU (Annexe 1.1). As explained earlier, the 50/50 parity principle is the idea of greater
representation in the decision-making process, where there are equal numbers of men and women in the decision-making process, in the AU, RECs and member states. The empowerment approach states that empowerment is a process that improves the abilities of disempowered people to improve their inferior positions by challenging existing power relations (Agarwal 1993: 39). By literally bringing women to power by giving them a place in organisations, some women will have power in them, so a sense of control. Also, for other women who are then better represented by women, this can provide extra empowerment. Especially for young girls who get more role models in important positions which can lead to a feeling of empowerment. In addition, power-within emphasises complementarity rather than duality. In other words, a shift from duality to cooperation.
Commitment 2: Legislation and legal protection actions against discrimination, for ensuring gender equality (AUGP 2009: 15)
So the upholding of the law to make sure of the elimination of gender inequalities and abuse at all levels. Point 1 is that AU Organs, RECs and member states will warrant that protocols,
declarations, decisions and future treaties are gender-responsive and point 3 states that AU organs, RECs and member states will be urged to ratify the Convention, including the Protocol on
the Rights of Women in Africa, once a human rights treaty has been approved, signed and adopted (Annexe 1.2). Commitment 2 is a key commitment, as it concerns the implementation of legislation that is important for the empowerment of women. However, it does not necessarily relate to the empowerment approach in a direct way. The only small link that can be made is with the idea of practical and strategic gender needs and interests within GAD; this shows that a distinction has to be made between wishes and shortcomings. So the requirements for some degree of change. It is important that this is incorporated into legislation but, above all, that it is also applied by the countries themselves.
Commitment 3: Mobilising stakeholders for implementing the AUGP (AUGP 2009: 16)
So to establish a policy environment which enables interest groups, civil society and women’s organisations to engage in dialogues and to diminish the gaps between groups to address gender equality perspectives (idem: 16). Point 1 of commitment 3 is to carry out advocacy and awareness
campaigns and to promote dialogue and involvement on gender equality and the empowerment of women among Africa's citizens and societies. Point 3 is to set up regular platforms for the
involvement of civil society, in particular women’s organisations, for the consultations and the use of women’s knowledge in their own countries to establish sustainable gender equality. Point 5 stresses the need for engagement and the inclusivity of women organisations (Annexe 1.3). This commitment and its points underline the importance of women's-led organisations, and thus the importance of making women feel supported by organising and uniting based on a common goal or understanding. It is, therefore, particularly in line with the idea of power-with.
Commitment 4: Rationalisation and harmonisation of regional economic communities, gender policies and programmes (AUGP 2009: 17)
So for the AU Organs, RECs, other subregional organisations and member states to cooperate more closely at political and programmatic levels and to exchange expertise in finance and engineering. Point 2 of this commitment is to develop the capacity to set up an effective Gender Management System (GMS) by 2020 and point 3 is to build capacity in the member states and work with interest groups and the civil society for empowerment of women and gender
mainstreaming. Furthermore, to create forums to address gender-related thematic issues in the regions. The GMS is supposed to set up structures, mechanisms and processes. There is a strong emphasis on setting up appropriate institutional frameworks and structures for monitoring and evaluation, and on gender analysing and gender training (Annexe 1.4).
The emphasis of GAD is on the importance of analysing and understanding the structures and dynamics of the relationships between men and women and analysing all social organisations and social processes that strengthen the disadvantaged position of women. The establishment of the GMS emphasises this, creating a framework for analyses of gender, gender training and
monitoring and evaluation. In addition, the GMS can contribute to women's empowerment because certain structures become more transparent. Thus, there is a clear link with the GAD approach in general and the empowerment approach.
Commitment 5: Mobilising resources for implementing the AUGP (AUGP 2009: 17)
So to focus organisational resources on the AUGP and project activities that increase equal participation of both genders and diminish gender inequality. Thus, mobilising and disbursing of resources that are financial and non-financial to execute the AUGP and the AWD (ibid). Point 1 of commitment 5 sets out the principles for budgeting the annual procedures for the efficient
action plans, policies, strategies and capacity development in gender mainstreaming by 2015, and point 5 includes the establishment, operationalisation and allocation of resources under the AWFT (Annexe 1.5). It is clear that mobilising resources to implement the AUGP is of great
importance. However, as with commitment 2, empowerment is not discussed. This commitment is especially important for other commitments to succeed.
Commitment 6: Building capacity for gender mainstreaming (AUGP 2009: 18)
Gender mainstreaming is defined as the method for assessing the impact of a given planned action on both men and women in all levels. The strategy aims to give an integrated dimension to the concerns and experiences of both sexes and to implement the evaluation and monitoring of programmes and policies in all social, economic and political fields so that women and men can benefit equally from the advantages and inequalities are not eternalised. The overall purpose it achieving gender equality. This idea comes from the UN ECOSOC (AU 2009: 26). The five points arising from this commitment are: firstly, the creation of organisational structures that are gender-sensitive; secondly, the creation of systems and procedures; thirdly, ensuring staff capacity building; fourthly, ensuring strategic planning, monitoring and evaluation; fifthly, setting up a strategic planning, monitoring and evaluation system (Annexe 1.6). The idea of social and economic areas that allow men and women to benefit and to ensure that inequalities do not persist on an equal footing is linked to GAD and the empowerment approach. It recognises that women's activities cannot be distanced from the policy-making process due to the links in the producing process where they are located, this is part of the idea of gender and the division of labour of GAD, because this point shows the realisation that economic strategies have been detrimental to women and that women must be involved in the general development process through access to the labour market and the market.
Commitment 7: Implementing gender mainstreaming in all sectors (AUGP 2009: 19)
The approach is a cross-cutting approach that would be fostered in gender mainstreaming within all AU Organs, RECs and member states as well as all AU sectors. Therefore, AU Organs, RECs and members states have to implement this commitment over ten industries according to the AUGP.
The AU Commission would carry out gender mainstreaming in the following industries as printed in the AUGP (Annexe 1.7):
1. Chairperson's Bureau and Directorates under the portfolio
2. Deputy Chairperson's Bureau and Directorates under the portfolio 3. Peace and Security
4. Political Affairs 5. Social affairs
6. Human Resources, Science and Technology 7. Economic Affairs
9. Infrastructure and Energy
10. Rural economy, Agriculture and Food Security and Environment
Commitments 6 and 7 are inextricably linked because commitment 7 connects to commitment 6 by discussing the implementation of GMS. The links with GAD and the empowerment approach discussed under commitment 6, therefore, apply here.
Commitment 8: Promoting the active participation of women in peacekeeping and security, including efforts aimed at reconciliation in post-conflict reconstruction and development (AUGP 2009: 19)
Point 4 of commitment 8 is to mobilise and involve leaders that are women in reflection groups and the processes of mediation. Furthermore, in activities in post-conflict situations by putting them in pertinent networks. Point 5 is to work with pertinent AU and UN bodies to manage and create Truth and Reconciliation Structures to uncover human rights violations in conflict situations against women and girls, to speed up the recognition of human rights violations and to find durable solutions, as for example, the granting of psychological support. Lastly, point 7, the AU Department for Humanitarian Affairs, Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons should facilitate gender sensitisation and training of civilian humanitarian operatives and peacekeeping troops with a focus on the violence against women and children (Annexe 1.8). Empowerment is a process that improves the abilities of disempowered people to improve their inferior positions by challenging existing power relations (Agarwal 1993: 39). By literally bringing women into power by giving them a place in organisations or, in this case, in peacekeeping, et cetera, they will have the power-within them, so a sense of control, but also for other women to be represented gives the power, with implicit collective power, to organise themselves.
Chapter 4
Results of the commitments
Commitment 1: creating an enabling and stable political environment (AUGP 2009: 14)
The main focus within this commitment was to enforce a 50/50 Gender Parity and representations in all practices, operational policies and structures. For this commitment, I have used the Mid-Term Review of the AWD. This review is carried out by the organisation Make Every Woman Count, which is an African woman-led organisation that monitors the AWD program and its themes to hold African governments accountable to the commitments they have made (MEWC 2015: 3). If we look at a report, the only country that got above 50% in the lower house is
Rwanda. They even had 63,8% women, which meant 51 out of 80 seats. However, in their senate, it was only 38,5%. All the other African countries are below 43,8% in the lower house. Zimbabwe, however, managed to get 47,5% of women in their senate, which meant 38 women out of 80 seats. As shown in graph 1, still more than half (57%) of the 55 countries that are taken into account still have less than 20% women in their lower house. The report only contains the information of 21 senates, which give a similar outcome, as shown in graph 2. Again, more than half (55%) still have less than 20% of women in their senate (idem: 16). We can conclude that there is still a long way to go for gender parity and thus, commitment 1 of the AUGP.
Commitment 2: Legislation and Legal Protection Actions Against Discrimination, for Ensuring Gender Equality (AUGP 2009: 15)
Partly to reach commitment 2, the AU adopted the Protocol to the ACHPR of Women in Africa. The Protocol is mostly known as the Maputo Protocol. Article 2 is, for example, Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. Out of the 54 member states counted in June 2018, 39 countries have ratified the Protocol. Twelve countries have not yet ratified, but have signed the Protocol, and three countries, namely Botswana, Tunisia and Egypt, have not even signed the Protocol (MEWC 2018: 11). As shown in graph 3, this means that 28% of the countries have not committed themselves yet. Nevertheless, it is vital to note that ratifying a protocol, in general, does not necessarily mean that a country acts like it, it does show however that a country commits to the Protocol and thus commits partly to commitment 2.
Commitment 3: Mobilising Stakeholders for Implementing the AUGP (AUGP 2009: 16)
To do so, commitment 3 states that, among other things, it will carry out advocacy and awareness campaigns and promote dialogue and involvement on gender equality and the empowerment of women among Africa's citizens and societies. Furthermore, it states that it will set-up a high-level advisory group of experienced and qualified gender specialists (Annexe 1.3).
The real outcome of commitment 3 is difficult to measure. It is clear that there have been many projects, campaigns and more to create awareness, but there is no particular data available yet which gives actual numbers of this process. An example is, however, the High-Level Women Leader Forum that took place in June 2017 in the UN headquarters (AU 2018).
Commitment 4: Rationalisation and Harmonisation of Regional Economic Communities' Gender Policies and Programmes (AUGP 2009: 17)
The Women, Gender and Development Directorate (WFDD) is entrusted with guiding,
coordinating, defending and leading the AU's efforts on development and gender equality. As well as ensuring that African countries comply with the later more discussed Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (SDGEA) (AU 2019). The WGDD has the specific remit to mainstream gender equality and to take the lead in promoting gender equality and empowering women throughout and within the AU and the member states by transforming AU policy tools and
agreements into measurable projects and programmes. It provides monitoring by fostering policy development and harmonisation, the facilitation of coordination and initiating gender
mainstreaming strategies (ibid).
More on commitment 4 and the outcome will be discussed together with commitment 6 and 7.
Commitment 5: Mobilising Resources for Implementing the AUGP (AUGP 2009: 17)
For reaching commitment 5, the idea of implementing the Africans Women Trust Fund was made. New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). NEPAD is the development agency of the AU, coordinating and executing priority regional and continental development programs and is
adopted at the 37th session of the AU Assembly of African Heads of State and Government in July 2001 in Lusaka, Zambia (NEPAD 2019a). Multiple organisations have donated financially and in non-financial ways, for example, already in 2007, the government of Spain and NEPAD had established the Fund for African Women's Empowerment (NEPAD 2011). So this was even before the AUGP was published. Another vital fund that is established is the African Women's
Development Fund. This fund was also already established before the AUGP in 2000. It is
established by three women, Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi, Joana Foster and Hilda Tadria (AWFD 2019). It is a grant-making and fundraising initiative, which aims to support the work of African women's movements groups (NEPAD 2019b). In January 2012, by the AU Heads of State and Government, the Fund for African Women (FAW) was launched. The FAW is a mechanism for the
implementation and mobilisation of resources for programs and projects dedicated to the Africans Women's Decade. Member states contribute with 1% of assessed contribution and each year AU operational budget allocates a minimum of 0,5% of its resources to projects financed under the FAW. According to the latest report, 105 projects have been implemented since 2010 (AU 2016b).
Commitment 6: Building Capacity for Gender Mainstreaming (AUGP 2009: 18) Commitment 7: Implement Gender Mainstreaming in All Sectors (AUGP 2009: 19)
Moreover, commitment 4: Rationalisation and Harmonisation of Regional Economic Communities' Gender Policies and Programmes (AUGP 2009: 17)
All three commitments are concerned with the main idea of the AU on gender mainstreaming. Gender mainstreaming is the process of assessing the impact of a given action that is intended for both sexes, such as programmes, policies and legislation in all areas. The strategy aims to give an integrated dimension to the experiences and concerns of men and women, as well as to the evaluation and monitoring of policies and programmes in all economic, social and political fields, so that men and women can benefit equally from the advantages and that inequalities are not perpetuated (AU 2006: 26). To do so, the AUGP states that it will develop a GMS.
The commission has started to operationalise the GMS as a component of the new structure of the AU Technical Committee. In this structure, gender and women's ministers will play an
essential role in policy-making on the continent. Initially, the commission had set a five-year GMS-plan for political and social entities, designed to prove the AU Commission, RECs, AU organs and the member states a framework for women’s empowerment and gender mainstreaming. The GMS-plan is updated and aligned with the AWD. However, to date, only a few AU member states have set up the GMS (Martin 2013: 15).
Commitment 8: Promoting the Effective Participation of Women in Peacekeeping and Security Including Efforts Aimed at Reconciliation in Post Conflict Reconstruction and Development (AUGP 2009: 19)
Commitment 8 is a broad commitment which is hard to check. However, the policy targets that this commitment describes are verifiable. For example, the first policy target is parity targets: to establish processes, institutional mechanisms and policies by 2010 and the aim to achieve parity in AU Organs, the member states and RECs by 2015 (AU 2009: 20). The commission itself had
already achieved this by having five women and five men appointed (Martin 2013: 14).
Nevertheless, as discussed in commitment 1, much work has to be done still for the member states, as none of the countries have the 50/50 parity principle in both their Senate and a lower house. There is no available data on the RECs and their status on the principle.
The second policy target that is described with commitment 8 is the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa Target (AUGP 2009: 20). The description is: work towards full enforcement and thus ratification of the ACHPR on the Rights of Women in Africa by 2015 and enforcement on domestic level 2020. The ACHPR was adopted in Mozambique in July 2003 and entered into force in when it was ratified by the 15 AU member states that were required in 2005 (ibid). However, the criticism was levelled at the fact that women's rights are not included in the provisions of the agreement. Despite the fact that women have put gender inequality issues on the African agenda through their contribution in the
struggle of liberation, and also for the emphasis placed on cultural principles, which seemed to lead to a dualism of standards concerning women's rights. The Protocol sought to address these gaps (idem: 12). Unfortunately, this goal is not achieved. As shown in graph 4 shows, only 44% of the countries have signed and ratified the Protocol at this moment. That means that 24 countries out of the 54 countries have signed and ratified that Protocol. 9% of the countries have not even signed the Protocol (ACHPR 2019).
The third policy target is the SDGEA Targets: Achieve the targets in the several commitments set out in the
SDGEA. This includes the article 12 of the declaration, which states that member states would transmit their situation report for the consideration (AUGP 2009: 20). However, in September 2013 the AU held a workshop to access the implementation of the SDGEA. At the time, only 41 states had submitted their reports. In 2016, this was already improved to 48 countries that have
submitted their report (AU 2016a). This means that in 2016, most countries submitted their report. Data on the current status has not been found.
Chapter 5
Gaps and Challenges
Dr Ping, the writer of the introduction of the AUGP and AU Commission chairperson, emphasised during the 20th Pre-Summit Consultative Meeting on Gender Mainstreaming in 2011, that success has been achieved and that the AU Commission has made progress in mainstreaming gender issues while stressing that there is still a lot to do to fulfil all the commitments (Martin 2013: 24). To quote dr. Ping 'while the efforts are commendable, the achievement of human development in Africa will only be possible when gender equality and women's empowerment become a reality' (ibid).
However, if we look at the results today, with the data available, there is still much to do. As already shown in the introduction, there is still a high degree of gender inequality. Besides, based on the results of this study, I ca conclude that despite the progression in some areas, there is still much work to be done in order to meet the commitments. Two important things come to the fore in this respect. First of all, there are still far too few women in charge, contrary to what the AUGP wants. The 50/50 principle is still a long way from being achieved. That this is not yet achieved, also goes against the empowerment approach. The empowerment is the process in that improves the abilities of disempowered people to improve their inferior positions by challenging existing power relations (Agarwal 1993: 39). By literally bringing women to power by giving them a place in organisations, some women will have power in them, so a sense of control, but also for other women who are represented, gives power, with inherent collective power, by organising themselves.
Secondly, several results of the commitments show that the endorsement and ratification of essential documents, such as the Maputo protocol, are far from being achieved. It goes without saying that the implementation of the protocols is more critical than ratification, and ratification does not have to mean an ultimate success. Nevertheless, ratification can reinforce the work of the national mechanisms by giving them extra accountability. The AU is partly a supranational union, which means that certain powers are transferred from the nation states to an authority that is above the nation-states. As the majority sometimes takes decisions at the supranational level, it may, therefore, be that a member state could be forced to implement a certain decision, which means that the Union can impose things on the member states. However, like, for example, some cases in the European Union, it is difficult to comply with and apply specific requirements
(Europe-now). The AU had plans for a Court of Justice of the AU, this would be empowered to rule over disputed interpretations of the AU treaties. In the end, this never happened because the AU decided to merge it with the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights into a new court, namely the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR) (ACJHR 2018). The Court has jurisdiction over all disputes concerning the reading and enforcement of the Court's Protocol, the Charter and other human rights tools that have been ratified by the concerned states (idem). This
means, therefore, that it is mainly a matter of human rights and that it is difficult, for example, to enforce the 50/50 principle because it is not included in the charter. So we can conclude that the absence of sanctions for failure for non-compliance of the commitments is a major shortcoming in the implementation and enforcement of the AUGP. Improvement of control mechanisms and the imposition of certain legislation would probably be in favour of determining the commitments and, hopefully, the situation of women and development. However, research on the effectiveness of sanctions should be thoroughly analysed before putting possible sanctions into place, to prevent it from being counterproductive.
Conclusion
The introduction of this dissertation started with the quote of Kofi Annan, which states: "There is no tool for development more effective than the empowerment of women". However, it is clear that despite many efforts, there is still much work that needs to be done on development, empowerment of women and gender equality.
In this dissertation, I have explained the GAD approach which conceptual framework is developed with the emphasis on the importance of analysing and understanding the structure of dynamics of the relationships between men and women and analysing all social organisations and social processes that strengthen the disadvantaged position of women. After explaining the AUGP itself, I explored the AUGP by using the GAD approach and its empowerment approach to give a better understanding of the policy, before being able to look at the results of the policy. I have concluded that many of the commitments are in direct relation with the GAD approach and its empowerment approach.
To be able to answer the question: What are the gaps and challenges for the African Union to improve gender equality in development? I have used various reports to show the results of the AUGP where possible. With these results, I conclude that there are two main gaps/challenges for the AU. First of all, much work has to be done to realise more women in all spheres of the political area. There are still too few women in charge. This is a big challenge that not only the AU is facing, but many more institutions and countries everywhere in the world for a more equal represented society. The second main gap/challenge is the endorsement, ratification and
implementation of essential protocols. If the AU wants to improve and eventually reach the targets of the commitment, changes are necessary. The absence of sanctions for failure for
non-compliance of the commitments is a major shortcoming in the implementation and enforcement of the AUGP. Improvement of control mechanisms and the imposition of certain legislation would probably be in favour of determining the commitments and, hopefully, the situation of women in Africa.
It is important to note, however, that Africa is a massive continent with many different countries, cultures, religions et cetera. It knows many different influences from within and out of Africa, which play a role in the development process. It is hard to say what the causal links are when we see progress or stagnation in some areas, due to all these different factors. Furthermore, the data on the results of the commitments is limited, which calls for more research.
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Annexe 1
Commitments African Union Gender Policy
Annexe 1.1
COMMITMENT 1: CREATING AN ENABLING AND STABLE POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT
AU Organs, RECs and Member States will:
1. Ensure that all political declarations and decisions are geared towards the elimination of persisting barriers that militate against gender equality and women’s empowerment.
2. Understand implications of non-compliance in monetary and programmatic terms to
gender mainstreaming policies and programmes as evidenced in international/UN socio economic indicators, standards and targets and make declarations to correct the
situation.
3. Enforce AU 50/50 Gender Parity and representation in all structures, operational policies and practices, ensure gender parity targets are met and gender perspectives
incorporated within strategic thinking - vision and mission of the AU.
4. Ensure that all develop and enforce explicit gender policies (aligned to the UN and AU Gender Policies) emphasising gender justice, gender accountability and transparency principles reforms, emphasising the elimination of all forms of discrimination and violence against women, gender mainstreaming, and recognise differences in responsibilities between men and women at all levels by 2011.
5. Ensure that all AU Assembly Decisions on the SDGEA Implementation are enforced by
AU Organs, RECs and Members States, including the establishment, operationalisation and sustainability of a Trust Fund for African Women, as a flagship response to
economic empowerment for African women within the PRSP Framework by 2011.
6. Ensure that competent, gender experts are available and utilised. Develop policies that support gender mainstreaming and support capacity building in gender mainstreaming by 2015.
7. Provide political leadership and support for the launching of the African Women’s
Decade (2010-2020) and hosting of the Decade’s Secretariat to guide the implementation of the Decade’s activities outlined in the road map and mobilise resources for the advancement of Gender equality.
8. Facilitate High Level Policy Dialogues, consultations, think tank reviews and technical
reviews on aspects of gender equality, gender justice and upliftment for African women; encourage and support annual or bi-annual African Women/Men Support Conferences on thematic issues for the next 3 years.
1. Ensure future treaties, declarations, protocols and decisions, are gender-responsive.
2. Draft instruments that are gender sensitive and recommend enforcement measures for
non-compliance by 2011.
3. Be encouraged that once a human rights treaty has been approved, signed and
adopted, to ratify the treaty, including the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa.
4. Ensure Member States implement the treaties, conventions and decisions immediately
after ratification/adoption.
5. Encourage the early domestication/ implementation of AU and international human rights
instruments into national legislation once they enter into force.
