“Us” and “Them”:
The Global Times and the Presence of Chinese Nationalism in
Domestic and International News
Name: Yuan Chang
Student id: 10583807
Master Thesis
Graduate School of Communication
Master program: Erasmus Mundus “Media, Journalism and Globalization”
Supervisor: Damian Trilling (Re-sit: Sophie Lecheler)
Abstract
China’s “rising” is currently a much-debated topic, as the country gains momentum economically and becomes an increasingly significant player at the level of international relations. Chinese nationalism has naturally followed this increase in wealth, as have disputes with neighboring countries. “Official nationalism” in China is led by the government as part of its ruling ideology and is supported by the rhetoric of mainstream Chinese media - especially state-owned media, which are used as a tool for propaganda by the government. While Western scholars have identified a bias within Western media towards governmental ideology when they cover foreign issues relating to national interests, this study extends the investigation to examine whether a similar governmental bias applies to the coverage of domestic and international news in the context of China. This small-scale study focuses on the
Global Times, a state-owned newspaper in China with a reputation for nationalistic sentiment.
Based on a quantitative content analysis of 279 of the daily editorials published in Global
Times during 2013, this paper supports the hypothesis that the newspaper will demonstrate a
greater tendency towards nationalism within its coverage of international issues than domestic issues. This suggests that nationalism in this newspaper is particularly supported by positioning China (“us”) versus the West and other countries (“them”) in these international news items.
“Us” and “Them”: The Global Times and the Presence of Chinese Nationalism in Domestic and International News
In 2006, China Central Television (CCTV), the official broadcaster in China, aired a documentary series titled “The Rise of Great Powers”. From the Portuguese Empire to American hegemony, the series discussed the rise of nine great powers in the history and analyzed the reasons why. This series generated a huge amount of discussion both online and across traditional media within China. Scholars claimed that this documentary has supported Chinese nationalism, which was already being promoted by the Chinese official media. In his report for The New York Times, Joseph Kahn (2006) described the series as a sign the Chinese government had a new ideological agenda, suggesting increased levels of nationalism. In this thesis, I will study how this new and burgeoning tendency towards nationalism is presented within the Chinese media.
China has been the scene of extraordinary economic, social, and political transformation during recent years. After 30 years of Communism experiments and Deng’s reformation, the old Eastern country has started trying to regain its power and dignity. In much of the rest of the world, China’s rise has become a much-debated topic. Optimists praise China as an emerging power for its modern transformation and economic growth, while a growing conviction have noted the potential for Chinese nationalism which is state-led to interact with a rising China ( Friedberg,1993)
In order to uphold their monopoly of political power, the CCP used nationalistic reasoning to portray themselves as the only party in China - able to protect the nation from internal and external threats. The Chinese Communist Party place nationalism at the centre of
its ideology to maintain its power.
The difference with other types of nationalism is that the Chinese government has been harnessing nationalistic sentiment for ideological propaganda. Chinese nationalism is expressed in the Chinese media, which is all “state-owned”; the media must accept the Party’s ideology as its own and propagate the Party’s agenda. This thesis will focus on one particular and essential channel for Chinese nationalism: the Global Times newspaper. The Global Times is an affiliate of the People's Daily, the official newspaper of the government of China, and thus a mouthpiece for the Communist Party and described by Foreign Policy as “the angry Chinese government mouthpiece that makes Bill O'Reilly seem fair and balanced” (2011, p.2). According to the Sobao Advertising Agency (2011), the Global Times is one of the largest newspaper in China with 2.4 million daily print and more than 10 million follows on social media. Launched in 1993, Global Times is a conservative tabloid that focuses on international issues and also domestic issues, drawing upon sensationalism to cover stories from a pro-government and nationalistic national perspective. Huang (2007,p.3) conducted a study on its editorials and found it is “coherently conservative-nationalistic and serving China’s national interest.”
There is a body of scholarly evidence to suggest that the media is more biased and tends to show greater inclination for support of a government agenda when they cover issues that involve national interests. Indeed, Herman (1993) suggests that the media can function as tool for government propaganda, distributing and promoting its foreign policy agenda. Graber agrees that the media generally “accept their government’s designations of friend and enemy countries and interpret motives of the friends and enemies accordingly” (2006, p.9).
The culture which surrounds the Chinese political system is very different from the West’s. Approaching the Global Times as a nationalistic media, this thesis seeks to investigate whether there is a tendency for it to become more nationalistic when an “out-group” is implicated within a news story, framing an imagined “us” more positively in opposition to the conceptual “they” when it comes to international affairs : asking to what extent the nature of the news coverage is international or domestic determines when the Global Times frames this
debate in terms of nationalism and how.
Based on the arguments above, I will conduct a quantitative content analysis on all editorial pieces from the Global Times over the period of one year, comparing the tendency towards nationalism depending on whether they are covering international or domestic issues. The Global Times is not known for its news reporting, but for its the “chest-pumping” daily editorials, which have been suggested to have an overly aggressive tone. So, all 279 editorials from Global Times in 2013 were coded. This study argues that the Global Times shows a greater tendency towards nationalism on international issues than domestic issues. The research contributes to the political communication literature, because it shows relations between the Chinese media and the ideology of the Chinese government, and because it addresses how the media follow an official agenda. Furthermore, this study contributes to literature regarding Chinese nationalism, bringing new understanding to the way in which Chinese nationalism is conveyed by mass media within the country.
Nationalism and Chinese Nationalism
There are many definitions for nationalism. Gellner summarized it as “a common culture, understandings, meanings etc.; and the acknowledgement that the other is a fellow
national and the recognition of mutual rights and duties to each other in virtue of shared membership in it” (1983, p.7). Anderson (1983) defined nation as an imagined community, which means nations are based on will and culture. Based on Anderson’s definition,
Nielsen (1998) argues that, nationalism centrally focuses either on the attitude or identity that the members of a nation have, or actions of the nation members take “in seeking to achieve some form of political sovereignty” ( p.9). Overall, “nationalism in a wider sense is any complex of attitudes, claims and directives for action ascribing a fundamental political, moral and cultural value to nation and nationality and deriving obligations from this ascribed value” (Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, 2005, p.3).
Every nationalism is unique. In recent years, Western scholar’s interest in Chinese nationalism has increased. During the last century, Halmers Johnson made an argument that "the communist rise to power in China should be understood as a species of the nationalist movement" (Johnson1962, p.2). Allen S. Whiting (1995) meanwhile claimed - in an article published six years after the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident – that there are three categories by which one could better understand Chinese nationalism: affirmative, assertive, and
aggressive nationalism. Whiting argued that affirmative nationalism focus on ‘us’ as a
positive in-group referent with pride in attributes and achievements, while assertive
nationalism frame ‘them’ negatively, position the out-group as presenting a challenge to the
interests of an in-group. Furthermore, aggressive nationalism assumes a threat from a foreign enemy and calls for action to defend the interests of an in-group(Whiting, 1995, p.12).
Whiting also argued that Chinese nationalism shift from “an affirmative, we-oriented form of nationalism to an assertive nationalism negatively directed against outsiders”
(Whiting, 1983, p.4). In sum, all three aspects of nationalism as described here should be relevant in Global Times news coverage.
The widely accepted argument by scholars that Chinese nationalism is state-led, is what Xu (2007) called official nationalism. Whiting(1995) noted that after Tiananmen square protest, affirmative and assertive nationalism emerged as part of an ideology of the Party in China which against the West, since domestic and external pressure had pose serious threats to the ideological and political legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party.
All these factors helped in shaping the official nationalism. Following the lead of government, Chinese nationalism oriented with anti-Western, which was reinforced by conflicts between China and the Western countries like U.S, also the disputes between China and neighbor countries, along with rising of China. Scholars studied a lot of nationalistic examples in China, from anti-U.S demonstrations in Beijing after the bombing accident of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, to China's territorial disputes with neighboring countries (S. Zhao, 1997; Downs & Saunders, 1999; Gries, 2001).
Guang (2005, p.4) defines Chinese nationalism as “state-led, anti-Western, and steeped in an acute sense of national humiliation; in a quest for world eminence, it seeks to restore China’s historical grandeur”.
In sum, this means nationalism is part of propaganda agenda of the state. And the official media in China have long been seen as the propaganda tool to follow the government ideology.
Chinese Media and Chinese Nationalism
the shaping and construction of nationalism in a nation through popular expressions, turn of phrase, and the use of implied togetherness in the national press. Gerbner (1964) supported the argument that journalists who, as members of certain in-group, unavoidably share the same cultural values and beliefs with the national members—which also could influence their journalistic work. Shoemaker and Reese (1996) also pointed out that media carry an ideology including interests which helps the officials ensure the society stable.
If we look at the Chinese media – in contrast to the Western media environment - both the ideological and journalistic practice of Chinese journalism has shifted over the past thirty years from the party–principle model, to the market-oriented model. As Zhao (1998,p.7) said, “since the mass media have been increasingly commercialized, market forces instead of Party directives have become the primary concern for media executives because circulation and advertising revenue constitute the lifeline for the media in this environment”.
Global Times’ rise coincides with these shifts in Chinese media landscape. As its name
indicates, Global Times mainly featured on international news, but also covers domestic issues. Anti (2011), a famous journalist in China, argued that the Global Times came to the center of attention after the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Yugoslavia by the U.S army. After that conflict, Anti pointed out, Chinese people started to look international issues outside. The Global Times took the chance and answered this need for international coverage. As Gries (2011) said, 1999, the year that U.S army bombed the Chinese embassy, was also a turning point of Chinese nationalism. Anti (2011) also pointed out that nationalism is just the
Global Times’ positioning in the market to make money. Since the last decades, the Chinese
approaches, “but the Global Times had a unique strategy -- a more nationalistic, jingoistic tone" (Goldkorn,2011, p. 76).
Yet what should be considered is that China is still a one-party state and an undemocratic country, and the media basically all state-owned (Zhao, 1998). Probably part of the nationalistic tone of Global Times come from market pressure, but the essential role of it, is still the “mouthpiece”. As the success of Global Times also benefited from that, the Chinese governments allows no national newspaper to focus on international which could opposite with the official tone (Foreign Policy, 2011).
Yang (2008, p.9) summarized the overall features of contemporary Chinese journalism: “All assets of journalism are state-owned; news media are positioned on the basis of the combination of ideology and industry; the functions of communication involve both news and propaganda, and journalism develops and operates under the constraints of politics, economy, culture, and so on.”
In such circumstances, the media in China still have to follow the so-called “party principle”(Zhao,1998), especially the ‘official’ media. As argued above, Chinese nationalism is characterized as state-led, while the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) place nationalism at the centre of its agenda to maintain control over Chinese society. Global Times, who is
affiliated with the official newspaper of the government of China, the People's Daily, has to accept the Party’s ideology as its own and propagate the Party’s political agenda. In short, it appears to be at the epicenter of a growing wave of aggressive Chinese rhetoric. Nationalism is part of ideology of Chinese government, as character of nationalism in China is “official”, what about nationalism tendency present in Global Times? How a stated-owned media like
Global Times portrays “us” and “them”? Does Global Times frame the in-group positively and
appraise the Chinese identity; (affirmative nationalism) Do they frame out-group negatively (assertive nationalism); Do they even called for military action from Chinese government toward conflicts between China and the Western? (aggressive nationalism)
These leads us to the Research Question which guides this study:
RQ: How visible are the three elements of Chinese nationalism (affirmative, assertive and aggressive) in the editorials of the Global Times newspaper?
International News in the Media
The policy agenda and ideology of government can affect media content and scholars found this tendency is more present when media cover international issues. In his study of U.S. policy and coverage of China in the New York Times and Washington Post between 1950 and 1984, Chang (1989) found "the more the government favored U.S.-China relations, the more the newspapers preferred better relations between the two countries" (p. 504).
Hutcheson, Domke, Billeaudeaux, and Garland (2004) conducted research on how the US media covered September 11, claiming most of U.S media reporting on “9/1” demonstrate an inevitable bias and always used government officials as sources. This builds on a body of research that suggests the way in which journalists report foreign news is biased towards promoting national interest. Gasher (2005) conducted an analysis of Time and Newsweek covering the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. He found that the tone of news coverage was largely similar to the Bush government. Furthermore, Gans (1979) found that ethnocentric coverage is most present within media coverage when U.S. is embroiled with international issues. Brooks (1999) also argued that it is likely that U.S media “reflect nationalist themes in
crisis situations in which there is a perceived threat to national interests or national security” (p.21).
Herman argues the media became propaganda tool of the government’s propaganda tool when they cover news relate to foreign policy(1993). Graber also pointed out that the media generally “accept their government’s designations of friend and enemy countries and interpret motives of the friends and enemies accordingly” (2006, p.9). Bloch Elkon and Lehman Wilzig (2005) also found in their research that the media became focus more on national security and interests when their country involves an international issue, “political ideology and national interests can construct all facets of the news”( p.3) .
Scholars tend to believe that media bias in framing on foreign news could effects public opinion more than on domestic news. As the public usually get its knowledge about foreign events from news coverage, instead of using their own observation and judgment, like in the case of domestic policy (Brewer, 2006; Druckman, 2001; Evans, 2010).
Let us go back to the case of the Global Times: a hugely Chinese newspaper focusing on international issues, is frequently portrayed as promoting a nationalistic tone. Since China and the West have different cultural contexts and media systems, it would be interesting to see whether the Global Times, the nationalistic mouthpiece which follow the ideology agenda of Chinese government, also shows a more nationalist tendency when it comes to the international issues (as they relate to national interests), in the term of three types of nationalism (affirmative, assertive, aggressive).
This leads me to the following hypothesis:
the Global Times newspaper.
In the case of the study of Global Times, “international” issues refer to news and current events happening in other countries; articles in which China’s involvement with out-groups feature prominently. For instance, articles where China may be involved at an international level like the American-Asian strategies. They may include conferences between China and Taiwan government or the Chinese foreign policy/diplomacy. Domestic issues literally means internal affairs, which refer to articles that are exclusively about Chinese society with no out-group involved. like an article about a crime in a Chinese community; or an article about Chinese internet development.
Methods
Theory
Riffe, Lacy and Fico (2014) point out that content analysis is often used to analyze media coverage, since it is helpful to understand meanings and compare messages of media texts. Killebrew (1999) also argues that this method is also convenient for researchers to test cases from the attitude of media on certain issue. Media content analysis was introduced as “a systematic method to study mass media” by Harold Lasswell (1927, p.13), this form of analysis looks directly at the texts, and can be developed for application across both quantitative and qualitative operations. In this instance, quantitative content analysis will help to compare nationalism in international and domestic news in Global Times editorials.
Sampling
As mentioned above, Global Times is a newspaper that focuses on covering political issues in a sensational and thrilling way and from a pro-government and national
interest-oriented perspective. In short, the Global Times appears to be at the epicenter of a growing wave of nationalistic Chinese rhetoric. The most influential pieces from the Global
Times are its daily editorials, “Global Editorial,” which represent the paper’s attitudes and
opinions on certain issues or news, and are written by their Chief Editor Xijin Hu.
In order to explore the research question and hypotheses, “Global Editorials” would be the samples to code and compare nationalism tendency between domestic issues and international issues. Thus, I will conduct a quantitative content analysis on the selected “Global Editorials” as the unit of analysis in this study.
The editorials were first established in 1993, and there are more than 6000 editorials from Global Times. Due to the limitations of this Master’s thesis, this study focuses on a specific recent time period from which to draw samples. The editorials for the whole year of 2013 were selected as the sample from the period of time between January 1st and December 31st, 2013. The obtaining of the samples was carried out through newspaper archives. Articles were all collected through the Global Times website database.
“Domestic” issues and “international” issue were the two units of variables in the present study. Articles on domestic issues are defined as articles that are almost exclusively about China. For example, an article about a crime in a Chinese community, or an article about Chinese Internet development. Coverage defined as covering “international” issues are where China or any Chinese actors (companies or people) are involved with out-groups and have been prominently featured. For example, an article about American-Asian strategy, a conference between the Chinese and Taiwanese governments, or Chinese foreign policy and diplomacy.
Articles which did not meet these criteria were excluded from the sample as they were determined not to be relevant to this particular research. From the 365 daily editorials, which spanned both categories, 86 were excluded. Therefore, a total of 279 pieces were coded: 154 articles pertaining to “domestic” issues and 125 articles about “international” issues. For organizational purposes, domestic pieces were numbered from 1 to 154, while international articles were numbered 156 to 279.
Codebook
The codebook upon which this analysis is based is built on the three categories of nationalism identified by Whiting (1995): affirmative, assertive and aggressive nationalism. These categories serve as the measurement of “nationalism.”
Starting from “affirmative” nationalism, which “centers exclusively on ‘us’ as a positive in-group referent with pride in attributes and achievements” (Whiting,1995, p.3). Affirmative nationalism focuses on portraying “us” with positive attitude and identity. The variables for “affirmative” could be how Global Times frame “us” - Chinese culture, history, society and international status in the contexts. This study explores what kind of tone or story-telling the
Global Times used when it referred to China or Chinese people as a whole, asking how the
economic achievement of China was presented. The variables were defined according to different aspects of each dimension (see Appendix): How Global Times portrayed Chinese history/culture (VR1), have China economic achievement been mentioned (VR2), what is the tone when they describe the economic success, social problem of China and policy of Chinese government (VR3,4,7), how they describe China and Chinese people as a whole (VR5,VR8), how they frame the attitude of other countries toward China (VR6) and how do they talk
about the influence of China in the world (VR9). The indicators for “affirmative” nationalism from the texts could be “great power”, “our homeland”, “prosperity”, “brilliant history”, and so forth (see Appendix for full codebook).
When it comes to “assertive” nationalism, which “adds ‘them’ as a negative out-group referent that challenges the in-group's interests and possibly its identity” (Whiting, 1995, p. 4), Assertive nationalism assumes the out-group would be a threat to the in-group interests. So the variables accord to aspects as below: who will be blame when conflict between in-group and out-group(VR10), is there a mention of humiliation in the history of China (VR11), what attitude toward the criticism from out-group is taken (VR12), how are America or Japan portrayed, which have been considered China’s competitor(VR13,VR14). The indicators for “assertive” nationalism would be “invasion war”, “intrigue”, “imperialism” and so on.
As for te “aggressive” nationalism, which literally “arouses anger and mobilizes behavior”, according to Whiting (1995,p.4), the variables for “aggressive” nationalism are: how they portray the war between China and Japan in 19th-20th centuries (indicators for nationalistic tendency would be “occupation”, “invasion”, “injustice”) (VR15), what kind of action called for China to take toward territorial disputes between China and neighboring countries (VR16), the attitude on Taiwan or Tibet issue (VR17,VR18). Those indicators would be “Taiwan is part of China”, “We should take military action”.
The scale of measurement operationalized within this study is that of “0” to “3”: the higher the score, the higher the tendency towards nationalism. “0” equates to “not relevant” or “ did not mention”.
results must be inherently repeatable. My codebook is inspired by Whiting (1995) who categorized Chinese nationalism in three types: affirmative, assertive and aggressive. I came up the coding book which based on the definition of affirmative, assertive and aggressive. In the affirmative case, the indicators would be how Global Times portray China, Chinese people, Chinese history, culture and so forth, according to that affirmative is frame “us” positively.
Validity relates to whether the results meet all of the requirements of the scientific research method. Selecting the whole year editorials of Global Times in 2013 as my random samples is deemed to be a fairly accurate representation of the whole texts of this newspaper as a whole. As a later researcher could use these instruments to test the nationalism tendency of editorials of Global Times across different years and across different newspapers, this study coheres to the criteria necessary to establish external validity.
Results
In the following section, I will present the results of the content analysis on nationalistic tendency within the Global Times, using the following analysis technique to test the research question and hypothesis: Chi-square test. Chi-square test is used to discover if there is a relationship between two categorical variables. In this research, it used to analysis whether there is a relationship between domestic news and international on nationalism tendency.The
Research Question was: How visible are the three elements of Chinese nationalism
(affirmative, assertive and aggressive) in the editorials of the Global Times newspaper? The following analysis is divided into Whiting’s (1993) three aspects of Chinese nationalism (1) affirmative, (2) assertive, and (3) aggressive.
Table 1 gives an overview of the visibility of the different aspects of affirmative nationalism in the analyzed news articles. Overall, there are more international news pieces that contain elements of affirmative nationalism than domestic news pieces. Taken together, about 26.7% of domestic news contained one or more elements of affirmative nationalism \, while the proportion of affirmative nationalism in international news was 73.3%. The difference of affirmative nationalism is often significant, χ² (8, N = 1434) = 77.999, p=< 0.05. Individual variables also showed significant differences (see Table 1). In sum, however, the presence as described in table 1 only gives an overall picture of elements of Chinese nationalism in the news. It does not show how these elements are used. This is described in the following section.
Table 1
Percentage Variables of Affirmative Nationalism
Affirmative variables News Domestic N = 489 International N= 945 Total History/ Count
Culture within positive positive
Economic Count
achievements within achievements Tone Count
positive within tone positive policy Count
positive within policy positive “We” Count
positive within “We” positive self-portray Count
positive within self-portray social Count
problem within social problem Chinese Count
positive within Chinese positive China Count
influence within China influence
2 2.2% 87 41.0% 36 22.4% 103 45.2% 56 37.1% 0 0% 154 62.6% 2 1.6% 49 28.2% 103 95.4% 125 59.0% 125 77.6% 125 54.8% 95 62.9% 30 100.0% 92 37.4% 125 98.4% 125 71.8% 105 100.0% 212 100.0% 161 100.0% 228 100.0% 151 100.0% 30 100.0% 246 100.0% 127 100.0% 174 100.0%
Total Count within Affirmative 489 26.7% 945 73.3% 1434 100.0%
Note. a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 27.96.
VR1::How Chinese history/culture been portrayed ?
VR2:Have China economic achievements has been mentioned?
VR3:What is the tone when the news pieces describe the economic successes of China? VR4:The policy of Chinese government is?
VR5:What specific words were used for describing China as a country?
VR6:How does the article describe the attitude of other countries toward China?
VR7:What kind of tone does this piece use when it mention the social problem(conflict) inside
Chinese society?(examples :corruption, gap between rich and poor, protest, pollution)
VR8:What kind of tone does this piece use when describing Chinese people?
VR9:How does this article talk about the international standing and influence of China
today?
What is more important is how the different elements where visible within the analyzed text. An overview of all analyses of frequencies of affirmative nationalism can be found in the Appendix. It is interesting that in the variable 1, “How was Chinese history/culture portrayed”, 98.1% of the articles that portray Chinese history/culture positively come from international news whereas domestic news only has 2.2%. The chi-square was χ²(2, N = 105) = 170.444, p< 0.05. The differences are big, which means that when Global Times mentions international issues, they tend to portray Chinese history and culture much more positively. What should also be noticed is that in variable 2 and variables 3, the 100% of editorials that mention economic achievements of China come from international news and 77.6% pieces that have positive tone on these economic successes of China come from international news. The chi-square were χ² (1, N = 212) = 212.000, p< 0.05 and χ²(2, N = 161) = 165.978, p< 0.05, respectively. Similar to what has been found in variables 2 and 3, 100% of articles with positive tone from international news when describe attitude of other countries toward China,
And the chi-square shown as χ² (2, N = 30) = 88.607, p=0.000 < 0.005
Those findings reflect the character of affirmative nationalism that centers exclusively on ‘us’ as a positive in-group referent with pride in attributes and achievements
Findings on Assertive Nationalism
Table 2 provides an overview of the visibility of the different aspects of assertive nationalism in the analyzed news articles. Overall, there are more international news pieces that contain elements of assertive nationalism than domestic news pieces. Overall, the proportion of domestic news that contained aspects of assertive nationalism was 30.7% whereas the proportion of assertive nationalism from international news was 69.3%. The difference in proportions of assertive nationalism differs depending on news types. χ²(4, N = 742) = 31.766, p=0.000 < 0.005.
In sum, however, the presence as described in table 2 only gives an overall picture of elements of Chinese nationalism in the news. It does not show how these elements are used. This is described in the following section.
Table 2
Presence of different variables of Assertive Nationalism in news reporting (percentages)
Note. a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 27.96..
VR10:If there is issue about conflict between in-group and out-group, who has been blamed? VR11:Does the article mention the humiliation history of China when it talk about
intercourses between China and the Western countries?
VR12:What kind of attitude does this article reflect when talk about the criticism(blame) from
out-group towards China?
VR13:How does this article portray the United States? Assertive variables News Domestic N =228 International N = 514 Total Conflict Count within conflict Humiliation Count
history within humiliation Criticism Count within Criticism U.S Count within U.S Japan Count within Japan Total Count within Assertive 58 34.7% 29 31.9% 83 43.2%% 29 18.8% 29 21.0% 228 30.7% 109 65.3% 62 68.1% 109 56.8%% 125 81.2% 109 79.0% 514 69.3% 167 100.0% 91 100.0% 192 100.0% 154 100.0% 138 100.0% 742 100.0%
VR14: How does this article portray Japan?
As argued above, how the different elements where visible within the analyzed text is more important. An overview of all analyses of frequencies of assertive nationalism can be found in the Appendix. For example, in variable 10 - “Who has been blamed when there was a conflict between in-group and out-group” - 80.1% of articles that mention “them” should be blamed come from international news, while the domestic news only accounted for 19.9%. The chi-square was χ²(1, N = 167) = 71.538, p < 0.005. The domestic news tend to portray the conflict is complicated and it is hard to give conclusion. Another notable difference is that 96.9% of articles mentioned the humiliation history of China when it discussed interactions between China and the Western come from international editorials, as evident from variable 11. As seen that χ²(1, N = 91) = 82.077, p< 0.005. These findings demonstrate the character of assertive nationalism that “adds ‘them’ as a negative out-group referent that challenges the in-group's interests and possibly its identity.”
Findings on Aggressive Nationalism
Table 3 gives an overview of the visibility of the different aspects of aggressive nationalism in the analyzed news articles. It is clear that there are more international news pieces that contain elements of aggressive nationalism than domestic news items. Overall, the proportion of domestic news on aggressive nationalism was 26.4%, while the proportion of aggressive nationalism from international news was 73.6%. The difference in proportions of aggressive nationalism differs by news types. χ²(3, N = 568) = 13.393, p=0.000 < 0.005.
Table 3
Presence of different variables of Aggressive Nationalism in news reporting (percentages)
Aggressive variables News Domestic N =150 International N= 418 Total War Count aggressive within war Disputes Count Military action within disputes Taiwan Count
Nationalism within Taiwan Tibet Count Nationalism within Tibet Total Count within Assertive 63 36.6% 29 21.0% 29 22.0% 29 23.0% 150 26.4% 109 63.4% 109 79.0% 103 78.0%% 97 77.0% 418 73.6% 172 100.0% 138 100.0% 132 100.0% 126 100.0% 568 100.0%
Note. a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 33.27.
VR15:What specific words does this article use when mentioning the war between China and
the Western countries(including Japan) in 19th-20th Centuries?
VR16:What kind of attitude/action does this piece think China should have taken when it
comes to the territorial disputes between China and neighboring countries?
VR17:What is the attitude of this piece on the Taiwan issue? VR18:What is the attitude of this piece on the Tibet issue?
As argued above, the different elements where visible within the analyzed text is more important. An overview of all analyses of frequencies of aggressive nationalism can be found in the Appendix. Findings relating to variable 16 - “What kind of attitude/action does this piece think China should have taken when it comes to the territorial disputes between China and neighboring countries” is interesting: 98.2% of articles that call for military action from the Chinese government came from international news. The chi-square as χ² (1, N = 138) = 126.168, p=0.000 < 0.005. Those findings supported the character of aggressive nationalism
that “arouses anger and mobilizes behavior”.
As expected, the research question, “How visible are the three elements of Chinese nationalism (affirmative, assertive and aggressive) in the editorials of the Global Times newspaper?” has been answered. Specifically, Global Times frame “us” positively and appraise Chinese culture, history and identity, which fit in the affirmative nationalism. Moreover, Global Times portray “them” negatively which as a potential threat to national interests, especially country like U.S and Japan, which fit in the assertive nationalism. Last, Global Times call for tough action from government on disputes with neighbor countries and controversial issues like Tibet and Taiwan in their editorials, which fit in the aggressive nationalism. In general, The international news of editorials from Global Times have contain more elements of both affirmative, assertive and aggressive nationalism than domestic news, which also the hypothesis “There will be more nationalism in international news than in domestic news” has been proved.
Discussion and Conclusion
The goal of this study was to address the different tendencies on nationalism between international issues and domestic news by Global Times. Looking back at the research question—How visible are the three elements of Chinese nationalism (affirmative, assertive and aggressive) in the editorials of the Global Times newspaper?—the question has been answered. In this research, I defined international issues as the events or news that involved China and out-groups (the others have been considered as irreverent pieces). In other words, “national interests of China” are involved in the editorials that were counted as relevant. These nationalistic discourses from the Global Times are based on the acute sense that China’s
“enemy” is always trying to threaten national security and stands in opposition to Chinese interests. America, Japan, Tibet and Taiwan are more frequently present within the texts and have been portrayed negatively by the Global Times.
These states have all been long regarded as having contradictions or disputes with China in certain international affairs or related issues and are subsequently framed as a threat to China’s national interests by the Global Times. A example quote from the editorials of
Global Times, "The free flow of information is an universal value treasured in all nations,
including China, but the US government's ideological imposition is unacceptable and, for that reason, will not be allowed to succeed. China's real stake in the 'free flow of information' is evident in its refusal to be victimized by information imperialism." (Global Times, 2011) This kind of nationalism seems to fit Whiting’s (1995) category of “assertive nationalism”.,
Yet "aggressive nationalism" is not just a case of negative portrayal of these “enemy states;” the editorials also call on the Chinese government to take a tougher response on conflicts between these states and China. In relation to territorial disputes with neighboring countries in recent years, the Global Times appealed for tougher, even military action to be taken by the government,. A example text we could get from the editorial of Global Times, "If these countries don't want to change their ways with China, they will need to prepare for the sounds of cannons. We need to be ready for that, as it may be the only way for the disputes in the sea to be resolved."(Global Times, 2013) Such a sentiment has been on the increase among Chinese nationalists in recent years, with the relations growing increasingly intense between China and Japan on the Senkaku Islands issue, and between China and Southeast Asian countries on the South Sea issue.
Similarly, according to Chinese nationalists, the United States has long been regarded a force of subversion and containment of China’s interests . Japan, meanwhile, has typically been positioned as a dangerous neighbor, due to historical reasons. When it comes to Tibet and Taiwan, Chinese nationalists have claimed them as inalienable parts of the Chinese territory and condemn them for the tendency to self-govern and seek independence. As Xu (2007) claims, As Xu (2007) claimed, both sovereignty and territorial integrity connected to the national memory of China's "century of shame and humiliation" (p.15) especially when the Taiwan issue or disputes with neighboring countries are involved.
It should also be noted from the results that the Global Times stressed Chinese identity, categorized as “affirmative nationalism,” on international issues more than with domestic issues. Words like "motherland" and "great nation" appeared frequently in those texts. It shows that the Global Times mobilizes the Chinese audience by advocating national pride and identity (Chinese history, Chinese culture, Chinese values, and China’s territorial integrity), especially when faced with an out-group. As we can see from the results, the new factors “national pride”, “government policy” and “self-identity” determined the affirmative nationalism.
As mentioned during the introductory sections, the media inevitably reflects some tendentious natures and values of a society: not least nationalism. In the case of the Global
Times, it follows the government agenda essentially as a state-owned media. However, the
paper is still unique among Chinese state-owned media, not only because it is the most famous international news piece in China, but also since has been seen as a representative of a nationalism tendency in the media landscape, even the only one.
We could argue that the Global Times represents a certain will or voice of power inside the Chinese government that advocates for a tougher foreign policy. Such arguments are not easy for the party to publish within the central newspaper as they may be deemed to be too aggressive. In this sense, nationalism somehow helps the Chinese government to focus negative public opinion and anger on the “hostile out-groups” and away from social injustices and lack of democracy. As Thomas Christensen (1996) puts it: “Besides economic performance, the Chinese communists have little else to bolster their mandate for power than nationalism and the maintenance of national stability and integrity" (p.22).
The current world order is arguably undergoing significant changes and we are experiencing profound transformations of the balance at power at the level of international relations. From an historical perspective, the rise of the modern world – with an emphasis on opening up economies and global trading - has driven a removal of barriers between nation-states. In a globalized world, no single country can be completely separate from the international community or develop the economy of their country alone.. Countries who might be consider latecomers to a newly globalizing economy are therefore faced with the dilemma of how to interact and fit in with a new global hierarchy. While on the one hand countries might be keen to build their own modern state, on they other, they have to consider the implications of adhering to dominant global trends and denationalization
In the case of a huge country like China, which has an increasingly important position in the world, such a dilemma is extremely pertinent at this point. With the pace of China's reform and opening up, it has the potential to become a world power in the future if its economy could maintain sustainable development. As a result, China also faces the dilemma
mentioned above. Yet the Chinese government or, more precisely, “the Party” want to keep their regime, while also pushing China into a modern state (in their way) which matches its history, geography, population and culture. Once China becomes a truly modern state, this will inevitably have an impact on the current international order and potentially bear implications for other great powers, especially America and Japan. It is perhaps understandable that the international community might suspect the rise of China who as an undemocratic state, following nationalistic trends, possibly poses a challenge to world peace.
By analyzing the editorials in the Global Times from January 1, 2013, to December 31, 2013, we can make the following conclusions：there are more nationalistic tendencies present in the Global Editorials on international issues than on domestic issues, both in the term of three types of nationalism: affirmative, assertive and aggressive. The hypothesis have been confirmed. Moreover, “national pride” government policy”, “self-identity”, “diplomatic relations” and “attitude towards controversial issues” are the factors which determined the nationalist tendency in Global Times editorials.
Due to time limitations, this small-scale study was unable to conduct a full discourse analysis to look at the specific presence of nationalism within specific Global Times news items, which would have allowed for further examination of tone, frame and boundaries. It only focused on editorials in terms of different levels of nationalism between domestic and international issues. Moreover, the later research could look at how the culture difference, other than political reality, between China and the West affects journalist practice. Lastly, the reliability and validity of the variables which have been chosen to measure the nationalism would need further analysis and consideration than is available in this study.
Future research could also work on a discourse analysis on certain international affairs covered by the Global Times to make a comparison with other Chinese media. A study with a built-in experiment is also suggested as it would be interesting to test whether the nationalism tendency could influence audience opinion, even the foreign policy.
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Appendix 1: Codebook
Research: The presence of nationalism in Chinese media
Coder Yuan Chang
Newspaper Global Times
Section Domestic issue (A) International issue (B)
Date 2014/5/20
*“0” means “missing”
Date: The date that the news piece was published: MM/DD/YYYY
Type of text: code whether text is a domestic news piece, an international news piece or none
of them.
Domestic news: article that is almost exclusively about China. For example, an
article about a crime in a China community; or an article about Chinese internet development
International news: article in which China or any Chinese actors (companies or people) are
involved with out-group, and have been prominently featured. E.g. An article about the American Asian strategies, conference between China and Taiwan government or Chinese foreign policy/diplomacy.
I. Affirmative
Affirmative nationalism centers exclusively on "us" as a positive in-group referent with pride in attributes and achievements.
1.Has Chinese history/culture been portrayed ? 0 = Not applicable/no codes in this section 1 = Negative
2 = Neutral 3 = Positive
If multiple codes are present, but there are more references to “positive”, then code it as slanted toward “positive” For example, if the articles mentions that Chinese history or culture “ancient civilizations ”, “glory”, “brilliant history”, “abundant culture” then “positive” (or “3”) should be the code here. If each is mentioned just once, code it as neutral.
2. Have China economic achievements has been mentioned? 0 = absent
1 = present
3.What is the tone when the news pieces describe the economic successes of China? 0 = Not applicable/no codes in this section
1 = Negative(criticism) 2 = Neutral(rational) 3 = Positive(praise)
“Positive”(code “3”) includes references like:
Describe China’s economy “progress,” “prosperity,” “innovation,” “efficiency”,
China’s GDP growth.dynamictly..
Chinese economy has already beyond…
China is “creditor” of the U.S..
China is the second biggest economy in the world…
Chinese economy raised….
0 = Not applicable 1 = Negative(Wrong)
2 = Neutral(Some are valuable and some need reform) 3 = Positive(Successful)
If multiple codes are present, but there are more references to “positive”, then code it as slanted toward “positive” For example, if the articles mention Chinese government policy “invaluable”, “useless”, “ dangerous””need change” , then “Negative” (or “1”) should be the code here. If each is mentioned just once, code it as neutral.
5.What specific words were used for describing China as a country? 0 = Not applicable
1 = Negative(an undemocratic or developing country) 2 = Neutral(China)
3 = Positive( Our Great nation, Our Great homeland)
If multiple codes are present, but there are more references to “negative”, then code it as slanted toward “negative” For example, if the articles mention China “great nation”, “big power”, “our homeland” , then “Positive” (or “3”) should be the code here. If each is mentioned just once, code it as neutral.
6.How does the article describe the attitude of other countries toward China? 0 = Not applicable
1 = Negative(discriminate, against) 2 = Neutral(rational, diverse) 3 = Positive(respect,envy,appreciate)
If multiple codes are present, but there are more references to “negative”, then code it as slanted toward “negative” For example, if the articles mention “great nation”, “big power”, “our homeland” , then “Positive” (or “3”) should be the code here. If each is mentioned just once, code it as neutral.
7.What kind of tone does this piece use when it mention the social problem(conflict) inside Chinese society?(examples :corruption, gap between rich and poor, protest, pollution)
0 = Not mentioned
1= Serious social problems put China in a dangerous situation 2 = China should face/solve these problem
If multiple codes are present, but there are more references to positive, then code it as “exist but understandable/acceptable” For example, if the pieces mentions that “China has more successes than failures anyway”, then code “3”) should be the code here. If each did not mentioned equally, code it as “2”.
8.What kind of tone does this piece use when describing Chinese people? 0 = Not mentioned
1= Negative(obedient, indifference) 2 = Neutral
3 = Positive(brave,smart,industrious)
9.How does this article talk about the international standing and influence of China todays?
0 = Not applicable
1= China is still a developing country
2 = China is rising yet face lots of social issue/difficulties 3 = China is leading the world
II. Assertive
Assertive nationalism adds "them" as a negative out-group referent that challenges the in-group's interests and possibly its identity.
10.If there is issue about conflict between in-group and out-group, who has been blamed? 0 = Not mentioned
1= The China/The Chinese people 2 = None of them/All of them
3 = “Them”(ex,Japan,U.S,Taiwan,Tibet)
If multiple codes are present, but there are more references to China side, then code it as “The China/The Chinese people” For example, if the pieces mentions that “China is lack of human rights”, “China should be more responsible” then “The China/The Chinese people” (or “1”) should be the code here. If each did not mentioned equally, code it as “2”.
11. Does the article mention the humiliation history of China when it talk about intercourses between China and the Western countries?
0 = Not applicable 1 = No
2 = Yes
“Yes”(code “2”) includes references like: “They invaded our country…”
“The aggressive war between us and them…” “They killed million of Chinese..”
12.What kind of attitude does this article reflect when talk about the criticism(blame) from out-group towards China?
0 = Not applicable 1 = Fair
2 = Neutral
3 = Not fair/Has evil intensions
13. How does this article portray the United States? 0 = Not applicable
1 = Cooperation partner/Friend of China
2 = A country/Competitor but also partner of China 3 = restrain China/balance China/plot to overturn China
“code “3”) includes references like: “America doesn’t want China rising…” “America always trying to overturn China” “The USA has evil intentions…”
14. How does this article portray Japan? 0 = Not applicable
1 = Cooperation partner of China 2 = A neighbor country
3 = A aggressive/dangerous country
“code “3”) includes references like:
“Japan has killed million of Chinese people in the history…” “The revival of Japanese militarism… ”
III. Aggressive.
Aggressive nationalism arouses anger and mobilizes behavior. The implications for foreign policy are minimal in the first case but potentially major in the second
15. What specific words does this article use when mentioning the war between China and the Western countries(including Japan) in 19th-20th Centuries?
0 = Not applicable 1= War
2 = Aggression/Occupation
16.What kind of attitude/action does this piece think China should have taken when it comes to the territorial disputes between China and neighboring countries?
0 = Not applicable
1= China should calm down 2 = Negotiation
3 = Chinese government should be tough, even take military action
If multiple codes are present, but there are more references to aggressive, then code it as “China should be tough”. For example, if the pieces mentions that “They are plotting to occupy our territorial” ,“Chinese government should protect our land” then “3” should be the code here. If each did not mentioned equally, code it as “2”.
17. What is the attitude of this piece on the Taiwan issue? 0 = Not applicable
1= Taiwan is a controversial issue
2 = Taiwan is a political entity, yet communication and cooperation are helpful for the process of peaceful reunification
3 = Taiwan is part of China, we should against separatism uncompromisingly, even not hesitate to take military action
18. What is the attitude of this piece on the Tibet issue? 0 = Not applicable
2=China has sovereigns over Tibet, Tibet is an autonomous province of China. 3=Tibet is part of China, we should against separatism uncompromisingly, even not hesitate to take military action
Appendix 2:
1.How Chinese history/culture has been portrayed * group Crosstabulation Group
Total 27 Domestic International
Negative Count 27 0
% within How Chinese history/culture has been portrayed
100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within group 30.3% .0% 13.7%
65
Neutral Count 60 5
% within How Chinese history/culture has been portrayed
92.3% 7.7% 100.0%
% within group 67.4% 4.6% 33.0%
Positive Count 2 103 105
% within How Chinese history/culture has been portrayed 1.9% 98.1% 100.0% % within group Count 2.2% 95.4% 53.3% Total 89 108 197 100.0% % within How Chinese
history/culture has been portrayed
45.2% 54.8%
% within group 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
2.Does China economic achievements has been mentioned * group Crosstabulation Group Total 87 Domestic 87 International 0 absent Count
% within Does China economic achievements has been mentioned
100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within group 100.0% .0% 41.0% 125
present Count 0 125
% within Does China economic achievements has been mentioned
.0% 100.0% 100.0%
% within group .0% 100.0% 59.0%
Total Count 87 125 212
% within Does China economic achievements has been mentioned
41.0% 59.0% 100.0%
% within group 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
2
3.What is the tone when the news pieces describe the economic successes of China * group Crosstabulation Group Total 51 Domestic 51 International 0 Negative(criticism) Count
% within What is the tone when the news pieces describe the economic successes of China
100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within group 33.1% .0% 18.3%
Neutral(rational) Count 67 0 67
% within What is the tone when the news pieces describe the economic successes of China
100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within group 43.5% .0% 24.0%
Positive(praise) Count 36 125 161
% within What is the tone when the news pieces describe the economic successes of China 22.4% 77.6% 100.0% % within group Count 23.4% 100.0% 57.7% Total 154 125 279
% within What is the tone when the news pieces describe the economic successes of China
55.2% 44.8% 100.0%
% within group 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
2
4.The policy of Chinese government is * group Crosstabulation Group Total 51 Domestic 51 International 0 Neutral(Some are valuable
and some need reform)
Count
% within The policy of Chinese government is
100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within group 33.1% .0% 18.3%
Positive(Successful) Count 103 125 228
% within The policy of Chinese government is 45.2% 54.8% 100.0% % within group Count 66.9% 100.0% 81.7% Total 154 125 279 100.0% % within The policy of
Chinese government is
55.2% 44.8%
% within group 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
5.What specific words used for describing China as a country * group Crosstabulation Group Total 31 Domestic 31 International 0 Negative(Wrong) Count
% within What specific words used for describing China as a country
100.0% .0% 100.0%
% within group 20.1% .0% 11.1%
Neutral(Some are valuable and some need reform)
Count 67 30 97
100.0% % within 5What specific
words used for describing China as a country
69.1% 30.9%
% within group 43.5% 24.0% 34.8%
Positive(Successful) Count 56 95 151
% within What specific words used for describing China as a country
37.1% 62.9% 100.0%
% within group 36.4% 76.0% 54.1%
Total Count 154 125 279
% within What specific words used for describing China as a country
55.2% 44.8% 100.0%
% within group 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
2
6.What does the article describe the attitude of other countries toward China? * group Crosstabulation Group Total 134 Domestic 56 International 78 Negative(Wrong) Count
% within What does the article describe the attitude of other countries toward China?
41.8% 58.2% 100.0%
% within group 36.4% 62.4% 48.0% Neutral(Some are valuable
and some need reform)
Count 98 17 115
% within What does the article describe the attitude of other countries toward China?
85.2% 14.8% 100.0%
% within group 63.6% 13.6% 41.2%
Positive(Successful) Count 0 30 30
% within What does the article describe the attitude of other countries toward China? .0% 100.0% 100.0% % within group Count .0% 24.0% 10.8% Total 154 125 279
% within 6What does the article describe the attitude of other countries toward China?
55.2% 44.8% 100.0%
% within group 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
2
