Educating the 'lost generation' : exploring the notion of quality education in relation to displacement for Syrian adolescents in Lebanon

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Educating the

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1 University of Amsterdam

MSc International Development Studies

Masters of Science Thesis

Educating the ‘Lost

Generation’

Exploring the notion of quality education in

relation to displacement for Syrian

adolescents in Lebanon

Poppy Robathan

11774010

Supervisor: Dr Esther Miedema Second Reader: Dr Jacobijn Olthoff

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Abstract

Key Words: Quality education, Lebanon, refugee youth, displacement

The Sustainable Development goals include quality education as the fourth pillar of

development, demonstrating a global commitment to achieving it. Furthermore, education is frequently cited as instrumental in alleviating issues which arise from displacement such as radicalisation, child marriage and child labour. Efforts therefore to provide education to displaced youth are generally at the forefront of development agendas for international organisations and host governments alike. In Lebanon, where more than a quarter of the population are refugees, national and international attention is focused on providing

education to those displaced within the country. The underlying assumption with education is that it should be of a certain quality with the notion of quality framed as integral to

education delivery. However, despite a rhetorical commitment to quality, it is not

sufficiently conceptualised. The inconsistency of the indicators for quality are detrimental to monitoring and establishing accountability of those who provide education.

The purpose of this research is to provide a framework for quality in relation to

displacement, accounting for the importance of education as an end in itself but also for the bearing that it has on the future of refugee youth. The perspective of this research is one where education has the potential to be transformative and quality is relational to the hope that it provides for an uncertain future. Once the quality framework has been established, this study is focused on different actors perceptions of quality in the context of Syrian refugee education in Lebanon.

Data was gathered in Beirut, Tripoli and Saida using qualitative methods and participatory observations. Ascertaining perspectives from a large number of education providers, teachers and refugee communities themselves, the challenges that face education provision in this setting were elucidated. It presents the barriers which refugee youth face in their daily experience of education as well as challenging the potential of education more broadly as a liberatory force. Finally, focusing of education provision in Lebanon necessitates

accounting for the numerous actors including the Ministry of Education and a plethora of international organisations who work against a backdrop of deep-rooted corruption. This study is therefore attentive to the wider setting in which refugee governance takes place.

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Acknowledgments

Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Esther Miedema, for persevering with me through the process. No one should have been subjected to my first drafts and yet you were and managed to do so with a straight face.

My parents and sisters for always supporting me and making this thesis a truly collaborative process. I’ll always be so grateful I have your brains to draw on.

Finally, to Henry and Sophie, I can’t thank you both enough for helping me maintain my sanity throughout. Without the two of you I would hardly be able to tie my shoes, let alone submit a thesis so thank you, thank you, thank you.

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1. Introduction

As development practitioners focus on realising the global commitments expounded by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), it should be recognised that fulfilling these goals in the context of displaced communities is a complex task. This thesis explores the provision of education to Syrian refugee adolescents in Lebanon, expanding specifically on what

constitutes as a quality education in relation to displacement. The importance of focusing on Lebanon is twofold; firstly, on a global level, Lebanon has the highest number of refugees per capita, where one in four people is a refugee (Buckner et al, 2017). In addition to a large Palestinian refugee contingent, Lebanon hosts an estimated 1.5 million Syrian refugees who have fled the conflict in Syria, 55.5% of whom are children (UNHCR, November 2017). Secondly, as the international community are willing to entrust the bulk of refugee

management to Syria’s closest neighbours, they are bearing the brunt of the refugee crisis in the region.

1.1 Importance of Education

The global commitment to the importance of education is demonstrated through the adoption of the SDGs. An international pledge to provide quality education is shown explicitly through SDG 4 which pledges to: “Ensure inclusive and equitable quality

education and promote life-long learning opportunities for all” (United Nations, 2015,p.18), thus bringing the importance of a quality education to the forefront of the global agenda on sustainable development. Providing a global understanding of quality through the SDGs directly shapes the way that quality education is indicated and monitored on a global level by UN agencies which will be a point of discussion later in this thesis.

Education is seen as tantamount to overcoming the issues presented through protracted displacement (Nicolai & Triplehorn, 2003., Ginsburg et al, 2010, Dryden-Peterson, 2017). A further consideration within this research is the significant correlation between education and the wider needs of the children it assists. The reverse is also true; without access to education “pre-existing threats, such as sexual or gender-based violence, labour exploitation

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or malnutrition and disease, may increase” (Nicolai & Triplehorn, 2003, p.7). Education plays an important role- not just in providing children with knowledge but as an significant tool for protection, providing structures that safeguarding them against the risks of

displacement and preparing adolescents for the realisation of their rights (Nicolai & Triplehorn, 2003). This thesis visualises education as representing “a sense of the student’s being and indeed their continuing becoming” (Barnett in Imperiale, p.37, 2017). As a consequence, the multifaceted impact that education can have in the lives of children

provides the impetus for this research to consider education in relation to the wider hope for the future it might engender.

1.2 The Lost Generation

“Many people and groups of people have a right claim to victimhood but younger people can claim for themselves an extraordinary victimhood… The Lost Generation notion has been repeated ad-naseum but justifiably”

Tarek Mitri, Former Lebanese Minister, 13th March 2018

With the Syrian conflict entering its eighth year and showing no sign of abating, there is international recognition that this could result in what is often termed a ‘Lost Generation’ of displaced Syrian youth. The Lost Generation, as defined by the UN, are those “doomed by the civil war in their country to a life of despair, diminished opportunities and broken futures” (UNICEF, 2014). Concerted efforts are therefore made to prevent this phenomenon-and to mitigate the damaging impacts of displacement- phenomenon-and where education is cited as a key instrument with which to do so. These efforts are navigated in an international context wherein displacement is increasingly protracted. The changing nature of conflicts results in more sustained periods of displacement and has implications for how refugee education is conceptualised. The provision of education must therefore look beyond short term solutions and instead consider this new, most sustained trajectory (Dryden-Peterson, 2017). The framework introduced in the theoretical framework therefore gains importance. This

requires a “rethinking of refugee education as a long term endeavour, connected not only to the idea of return but to the on-going nature of exile” (Dryden-Peterson, 2017, p.3).

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Focusing on refugee adolescents specifically regarding the notion of a ‘Lost Generation’ is significant. Youth represent a demographic who can rightly be viewed as agents of change yet youth in the context of displacement are “the most exposed to bad solutions, they are most exposed to the temptation which are rife in the context of radicalisation, and worse, even of terrorism” (Filippo Grandi, field notes,09.03.18). Recognising the power of the ‘Lost Generation’ rhetoric in characterising the daily experience of adolescent refugees is central to approaching the research as here education becomes the actionable embodiment of tackling this discourse.

1.3 Education provision response to refugees in Lebanon

The following section will provide an overview of education provision for refugees within Lebanon. Lebanon did not ratify the 1951 Refugee Convention and consequently they are exempt from a certain obligations attached to it (Janmyr, 2017). Neglecting to sign this convention also allowed for a responsibility shift for refugee management to external actors, specifically UN agencies (Janmyr, 2017). Recently however there has been a shift towards greater oversight in refugee governance from government institutions and Lebanon has “established an inclusive and progressive policy framework for providing education to Syrian refugees”(Buckner et al, 2017, p.2). The wider impact that Syrian refugees have had on Lebanese society is explored in more depth in the following chapter.

The Lebanese government have at least a rhetorical commitment to the provision of a

quality education for all vulnerable adolescents effected by the Syria conflict. This rhetoric is further cemented in policy introduced by the Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MEHE) through two programmes, Reaching All Children with Education (RACE) I and II, the first of which was developed in emergency response to the influx of Syrian refugees . Yet education provision for displaced communities requires durable solutions, particularly considering the average length of displacement has nearly tripled in the last 25 years (Crawford et al, 2015). The policies regarding education provision in Lebanon could be termed as reactionary, provoked by the genesis of the Syrian conflict (Kelly, 2010). However, recognising the increasingly protracted nature of the Syrian conflict, Lebanon followed RACE I with a more sustained approach in RACE II. The introduction of more sustainable

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policies indicates a long term response for managing the influx as well as representing a significant investment in education.

In the case of Lebanon, denying Syrian children an education not only denies children a fundamental right but also negatively impacts both the host community and international community more widely;

“It is in the interest of Lebanon and the international community to avoid a situation in which more than 250,00 Syrian children are denied an education and left less able to coexist with their Lebanese hosts, contribute to Lebanon’s economy, or play a positive role in the eventual reconstruction of Syria”

Human Rights Watch Report, 2016, p12 Although there are a large number of Syrian refugee children who do not attend school, UNHCR reported in 2014 that 189,000 school-aged refugees participate in a form of

education “90,000 are enrolled in Lebanese public schools. 100,000 participate in either non-formal education (NFE) programming or attend second-shift schooling” (Karam et al, 2016, p.449). Second shift schools were introduced in reaction to the influx in order to

accommodate the increase in demand. The role of international actors in facilitating

education provision means that determining quality in the context of displacement requires an analysis of both formal and non-formal forms of education.

1.4 Research Relevance

The concept of quality education in relation to displacement is currently under-theorised. The notion that quality was lacking a sufficient framework in Lebanon is cited in a Human Right Watch report ‘Barriers to Education for Syrian Refugee Children in Lebanon’ (2016). In the report it is observed that quality is identified as central to education provision to

refugees but there is no explicit developing what quality is in this setting. The central role which education plays in mitigating the impact of displacement ensures that refugee education is at the forefront of development agendas and Lebanon in no exception. The antithesis to the ‘Lost Generation’ therefore is to frame youth as agents of change and representative of the hope for the future in a climate of uncertainty. Education within the

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context of displacement plays a fundamental role in re-establishing this representation. An assessment of a good quality must include this component. However, this thesis aims to develop a theoretical framework accounting for concerns regarding displacement which can be used to ascertain quality in this context.

1.5 Concluding Remarks

The following chapter will provide insights into the Lebanese context, since the unique setting in which research took places requires a contextual backdrop to comprehensively present findings. Chapter 3 illustrates the theoretical framework of the research and

develops the framework for defining quality education in relation to displacement. Chapter 4 presents the research design, including the main research questions and sub questions that were used to guide fieldwork, as well as outlining the methodology used in the process. Chapters 5 and 6 present the data collected during fieldwork which is broadly split

according to data that represents the daily experience of education and those findings which relate more closely to education as a long term endeavour. The final chapter will focus on a synthesis of the findings with the quality framework developed in the theoretical chapter in order to determine quality. The final chapter will provide an answer to the research

question, combining the empirical findings with pre-existing literature. Lastly it will provide recommendations for education providers in the region and recommendation for further research.

2. Context

This chapter will address the context of Lebanon specifically, providing a

wider lens through which to view the geo-political, historical and social climate in which refugee governance operates. It begins by considering the socio-political landscape of Lebanon, acknowledging the prevailing issues which characterise both the country and the region. The chapter then expands more broadly upon the Lebanese response to Syrian refugees, beyond education provision. Lastly, it will examine the role that the international community plays in the country in order demonstrate the importance of gaining the perceptions of non-state actors both on refugee governance and on Lebanon as a

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whole. Examining these contextual factors both in isolation and at their intersection is integral to conceptualising refugee education provision in this unique setting.

2.1 Lebanese Socio-Political Landscape

“In Lebanon we’re so obsessed with representation…everyone wants to be represented, no one wants to be accountable”

Sami Attalah, Lebanese Center for Policy Studies, 26.03.18

Kamal Salibi described Lebanon as ‘A House of Many Mansions’ (Salibi, 1998) which speaks to the multiple converging interests and the fragmented character of a Lebanese national identity. The fractured nature of Lebanon is tangibly manifested through the existing political structure, based on the representation of sects which is at the heart of Lebanese governance (De Peri, 2016). At the foundation of power-sharing in Lebanon are distinct sectarian identities, often based on religious affiliations, who demand equal representation (Karam et al, 2016). While there are numerous examples of cross-sectarian alliances,

sectarian differences are a salient feature of Lebanese governance (Karam, 2017). At the time of writing, sectarian tensions had been further exacerbated by the approaching democratic elections- the first in nine years- which diverted public attention. Recognising the

complexities of sectarian democracy is pertinent to refugee education because while the Syrian conflict has come to characterize the region, sectarian ties and interests

entertain multiple and sometimes opposing priorities (Clark & Salloukh, 2013). As suggested in the opening quote for this section, many groups have claims to representation within Lebanese politics. However, these multiple claims on representation do not translate to a greater accountability rather they allows for the blame to be shifted more easily (Karam, 2017). Recognising the unique political landscape in which research took place is key to understanding how refugee governance functions within Lebanon.

Many of Lebanon’s complexities are rooted in the turbulent contemporary history of the country, particularly the civil war and the recent war with Israel. The period which followed the civil war in Lebanon saw sectarian identities reinforced, partially in reaction to the wider-geopolitics where Lebanon was under de-facto supervision from foreign powers

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(Sallouk & Verheij, 2017). Furthermore, the cumulative effect of these conflicts was a chronic erosion on the infrastructure of the country. This contributed to the stagnation of public services which were struggling or at capacity prior to the Syrian conflict (Buckner et al, 2017). The subsequent, and notable, impact of the Syrian war rather than causing the strain on public services, in fact simply exacerbated those that were already there.

Since the Syrian civil war began in 2011 it has come to characterise the region. The subsequent absorption by neighbouring states of those fleeing conflict has indisputably shaped their own development, with Lebanon proving no exception. Focusing on the influx alone, however, fails to account for the distinct historical and ongoing problems that Lebanon faces. Elucidating the issues which shape Lebanese society outside of refugee management provides valuable context for understanding their approach to the crisis. Furthermore issues which preceded the conflict have been exacerbated, impacting the services provided both for host communities and those who are displaced within it. Impending national elections, the first in nine years, naturally focused on

refugees however; environmental concerns caused by a three year waste management crisis, an increasingly shrinking civic space, and the presence of widespread corruption

nevertheless ensure that refugees are not an isolated concern for the Lebanese people.

2.1.1 Corruption in Lebanon

It’s not a dysfunctional system, it functions extremely well for the right people”

Yasser Akkaoui, Editor-In-Chief Executive Magazine, 26.03.18

The prevalence of corruption within Lebanon is well documented (Leenders,

2012, Haykal 2017) and this has repercussions on both a national and international level. Corruption is part of the fabric of Lebanese society; it is a broadly recognised

phenomenon with many looking “at their political leaders and state institutions

predominantly through the prism of omni-present corruption” (Leenders, 2012, p.2). The dominance of multi-levelled corruption has a causal effect on the refugee response both through the impact it has on Lebanese governance and the wider impact it has on

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recognised on a global scale, where Lebanon is viewed as being mired in corrupt practices (Transparency International, 2016). The pervasive nature of corruption directly impacts funding to Lebanese government agencies (Human Rights Watch, 2017). As Leenders (2012) notes with regards to international aid, lack of transparency prevents the aid supply from being a consultative process. Donors instead choose to provide funds via UN agencies thus aggravating a dependency on foreign aid and involvement (Human Rights Watch, 2017).

The normalisation of corruption within society has an impact on the relationship between state and society (Haykal Hariri, 2017). As Haddad (2017) highlights, the normalizing process has further implications on burgeoning civic action within the country; when corruption is seen as common place, it contributes to a shrinking civic space. Corruption and state interference often leads to a more repressive approach towards civil society which has implications for the sustainable development of Lebanon (Haddad, 2017). Whilst a full assessment on the impact that corruption has on civil society cannot be fully included within the scope of the thesis, it is significant to note the stranglehold that corruption has on the role of civil society and the wider implications that this has on Lebanon’s sustainable future.

2.2 Lebanese response to Syrian refugees

“These conflicts last forever…we seem to have become unable to make peace in the world”

Fillipo Grandi, UNHCR High Commissioner, 26.03.18

Lebanon has absorbed a significant number of Syrians fleeing the war. At the genesis of the conflict, Lebanon operated an open-door policy towards those seeking refuge with the consensus that resolution would be swift. However, the protracted nature of the conflict has led to resentment of Syrians within Lebanon, evidenced by an increasingly ‘waning welcome’ towards refugees (International Crisis Group, 2017). The changing attitude can be attributed in part to the additional strain on public services, most notably education (Aktis Strategy, 2017) One consequence of this resentment has been imposition of stricter border restrictions. After a two year closed border period, in December 2017, the Lebanese

government reopened the border crossing. However, this move should not be read as demonstrating a greater commitment to aiding those fleeing the conflict but rather as

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presenting an opportunity for those who desired to return to Syria. Speaking on behalf of the Lebanese government, Lebanese MP, Nawar Al-Saheli, asserted that opening the border was “a first step towards helping the displaced people return to Syria”. (Middle East

Monitor, 2017) . This policy does not reflect an alleviation of the conflict, which has in fact intensified. If anything, this push to open the border highlights an increasing degree of apathy from Lebanese people towards the protracted nature of the Syrian civil war.

Closely related to an analysis of Lebanese refugee response is the historical role that

Syria has played in Lebanon, particularly during the era which followed the Lebanese civil war. The 1989 Taif Accord signifying the end of the civil war was followed by a tripartite coalition of Saudi-American-Syrian guardianship over Lebanon and overseen by

Damascus (Sallouk,2017). Sallouk (2017) notes the high Syrian military presence throughout Lebanon during the post-civil war period, a presence which was often referenced during interviews and informal conversations with Lebanese people. The recent influx of Syrian refugees needs to be understood within this historical context as it represents the shifting regional power structures and reiterates the importance of contemporary history as the milieu for refugee management.

As discussed briefly in the introductory chapter, the response to the presence of Syrian refugees could initially be termed as reactionary (De Jong et al, 2017). According to Fakhoury (2017) this reactionary response is indicative of the overall assumption that the conflict would be resolved in the short term. The lack of preparedness of the Lebanese state for a long term, sustained conflict in Syria has had far reaching implications for displaced Syrians within Lebanon; instruments aimed at refugee governance in the long term have thus far been ad hoc (Fakhoury, 2017).

Refugee management within Lebanon is largely informed by lesson learned from the

Palestinian refugee influx in the 1960s which has resulted in refugee camps that have existed for three generations (De Jong et al, 2017). To avoid a similar situation, Lebanon chose not to legalise the establishment of formal camps for Syrians but rather settle Syrian refugees within communities within pre-existing Lebanese communities, a process which Knudsen

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refers to as “self-settling” (Knudsen, 2016, p.14). Advocates for this settlement policy include the UNCHR which argues that refugee camps should only be considered as a last resort to ensure sustainable futures for refugees (Al Jazeera, 2015). However, due to the sheer numbers of Syrians seeking refuge in Lebanon, this policy has also resulted in a widespread prevalence of informal camps which in turn contributes to the prevention of basic needs reaching the most vulnerable (De Jong et al, 2017). Recognising the degree to which the Palestinian refugee influx has informed Syrian refugee management serves as a further reminder that displacement is in the fabric of modern Lebanon.

2.3 Role of the International Community

The above has acknowledged the sectarian power structures which underlines Lebanese politics, the presence of multi-level corruption and the Lebanese response to the influx of Syrian refugees. It is necessary at this juncture to examine the role that the international community play both in Lebanon more broadly and in refugee management. Particularly significant is the role of INGOs who have a ubiquitous presence in the country (Nagel & Staeheli, 2016). According to Fakhoury (2017), the refugee response thus far has embodied the characteristics of “slack governance, an elite fractured model, and a politics of

dependence on external and domestic non-state actors” (Fakhoury, 2017, p.681). With the issue of ‘refugee management’ being largely delegated to non-state actors, highlighting their importance in the provision of services, particularly education, is central to determining quality in this context. This politics of delegation ensures that a large number of national and international NGOs play a prominent and crucial role within Lebanon (Fakhoury,

2017). This role was initially shaped by the historical context where international actors “had to step in and fill the gap and provide social assistance in place of the absent state, in

particular in the aftermath of the 2006 Israeli war and during the current Syrian crisis” (Haddad, 2017 p.1751). Given their role in facilitating and enacting refugee

management, understanding non-state actors’ perceptions on education provision was a significant insight into how quality is conceptualised in this setting.

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Examining the role of the international community also reveals inconsistencies which will be further explored in the analysis of the data collected while in the field. The global consensus is that Lebanon should be championed for the brunt that it is bearing of the conflict of its neighbour highlighted in the following quote; “The Security Council reiterates its deep

appreciation for the significant and admirable efforts that have been made by the countries of the region, notably Lebanon” (UN Security Council, 2015, p.1). This international consensus

however does not account for the increasing resentment felt by Lebanese host

communities (Atkis Strategy, 2017) International actors further contribute to a growing resentment through continuing to work on the assumption that refugees can indefinitely reside in Lebanon while a political solution is reached (Carnegie Report, 2018). Associated with this has also been a shift in recent years wherein state institutions have sought to regain control of service provision Despite the overwhelming presence of non-state

actors, programmes regarding education are all required to be enacted through the Ministry of Education. With regards to education UN agencies work in conjunction with 14 approved partners to provide education services. For adolescents specifically, UNICEF have formed the ‘No Lost Generation’ initiative, the key aim of which is to prevent children from the risks associated with protracted displacement. The services offered through this initiative benefit both displaced Syrians and Lebanese host communities. UN agencies and their

partners providing non-formal education must provide this in conjunction with Ministry approval and only insofar as these will ultimately lead to mainstreaming into formal education. Considering the prevalence of corruption within state institutions discussed previously, there are implications regarding education for refugees in the long term.

The lack of accountability driven through sectarian governance in a corrupt setting is perceptibly linked to international involvement in Lebanese politics. As noted in the

introduction, Lebanon is not a signatory of the 1953 Refugee Convention, despite hosting the greatest number of refugees per capita of any country in the world (Knudsen, 2017). As Janmyr (2017) notes, this non-ratification allows for a surrogacy state in the form of UN and international. Consequently, this non-ratification of the convention enables refugee

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2.4 Concluding Remarks

The purpose of this chapter was to provide a foundational understanding of Lebanon as a country of complexities. Recognising this necessitates an understanding that Syria refugee governance cannot be analysed in a vacuum. The complex context which Lebanon embodies was reinforced by a comment made in an informal conversation with a civil society activist where he claimed that, “Lebanon is schitzophrenic”(field notes), a sentiment which was often echoed in conversations with Lebanese nationals. When providing a contextual back-drop for questions concerning quality of education for Syrian refugees in Lebanon, the socio-political factors at play as well as the historical context need to be considered to provide a comprehensive overview of the complex setting that Lebanon represents. Widespread corruption in Lebanon is inextricably linked to the political system in which it operates . The intersection between sectarian governance and high levels of corruption should be

considered, as arguably fragmentation and overlapping jurisdictions can make for poor accountability or a lack of it entirely (Salti & Chaaban, 2012). Furthermore Lebanon is applauded internationally for its resilience and acceptance of Syria refugees while

simultaneously experiencing a backlash to their presence nationally. This study contributes to the existing literature concerning refugee education more broadly through providing a framework for quality which will be developed in the following chapter. However, the findings of this research cannot be separated from the backdrop of tumultuous Lebanese governance. Acknowledging the unique contextual backdrop that Lebanon represents is central to gaining a comprehensive understanding of quality.

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3. Theoretical Framework

The following chapter presents the theoretical underpinnings of the research laid out in this thesis. It is a synthesis of three distinct strands of theory employed to conceptualise the provision of a good quality education in Lebanon. The research question is directly focused on refugee adolescents and as such the theoretical foundation of this thesis accounts for concerns related directly to displacement. The first section introduces Paulo Freire’s politics of education as a lens through which to view this research, wherein education is seen as a tool for liberation. The next section will introduce the normative framework through which quality was defined using Katarina Tomasevski’s 4A scheme; accessibility, acceptability, availability and adaptability. The chapter will then present the theoretical expansions this thesis applies to Tomasevski’s framework in order to retain a Freirean perspective. To fully recognise the potentially transformative nature of education within the framework, Amartya Sen’s capability approach is then introduced to conceptualise adaptability. Sen’s approach both accounts for the unique experience of being displaced and reinforces a theoretical synthesis with Freire’s understanding of education. All three scholars contribute to an understanding of quality of education and shed light on how this might be usefully defined within the context of displacement. This understanding is theoretically significant as both the main research question and the overall relevance of the study hinge upon a clear conceptualisation of quality.

3.1 Applying a Freirean lens

This research draws on work of educator and philosopher Paulo Freire. It uses his politics of education and pedagogy of hope to provide a frame for the research, adopting the assertion that education is a means to improve the human condition (Torres, 2014). Education within this framework is conceptualised as a tool for liberation where “critical education is a basic element of social change” (Giroux, 2010, p.718). In the context of displaced youth,

this framing recognises the potentially transformative nature of education, where its role is as a vehicle for social and economic transformation (McLaren, 1999). Applying this

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Education is recognised as instrumental in overcoming the notion of a ‘Lost Generation’ and perceiving education in Freirean terms provides it with the tools to be a mobilising force. Once the role of education is established as liberatory, it links more broadly to a notion of hope. To view hope and education as connected gives greater credence to a Freirean lens wherein education is both a tool for liberation and simultaneously represents a practicable foundation for hope (Glass, 2001). Both the literature around the ‘Lost Generation’ and policy regarding refugee management in Lebanon recognise a conflation between education and hope for the future. However the concept of hope in itself lacks a tangible

understanding, unpacking hope from Freire’s perspective can help to view it more critically. For Freire hope not idealised but rather “an ontological need… I am hopeful, not out of mere stubbornness, but out of an existential, concrete imperative” (Freire,1994, p. 2). Once this view of hope is reconciled with education, the role of education becoming not to instil hope but rather to evoke and guide it, it becomes an actionable embodiment of this ontological need (Webb, 2010).Elements from Freire’s pedagogy of hope offer theoretical validity to the synthesis of education and hope for the future. Furthermore conceptualising hope through education therefore is to view it, not simply in a philosophical sense but beyond the bounds of philosophical thinking as an impetus for mobilization (Webb, 2010). Considering quality within these parameters implies that a quality education is one which grants greater

freedoms to those who are provided it, so that it gains an emancipatory role. Glassman & Patton (2013) recognised that this notion of emancipation draws parallels with Sen’s understanding of development, where development is freedom (Sen, 2009)

When considering the narrative which has been developed around a ‘Lost Generation’ the theoretical foundation which conceptualises education as an emancipatory force gains added significance. The length of time Syrian adolescents have been displaced since the inception of the conflict in 2011 has caused the status of ‘being displaced’ to characterise their daily experience. Understanding education as a mobilizing force linked to societal change is therefore beneficial in tackling the specific concerns of displacement . More tangibly, the impetus for international and national actors to provide a good quality education is to prevent a Lost Generation, the antithesis of which is a hopeful future. It is

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here that education has the potential to be transformative for refugees, provided it is a good quality education. When assessing quality, this thesis works on the assumption that the same should also be considered in reverse; without a good quality education there is an absence of or diminished hope for the future. The assertion that education creates hope for those who are displaced is central both to the research question and the quality framework outlined below.

3.2 Quality of Education Framework

There has been a global commitment to the provision of quality education, demonstrated on an international level through the SDGs and represented in Lebanon nationally through the Reaching All Children with Education (RACE) initiatives. Nationally education is viewed as playing a pivotal role in the assimilation of refugees in host communities as well as contributing to a better future for all children (RACE, 2017). In order to recognise the challenges facing education and by extension a quality education, it is important to clearly define quality. The Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MEHE) have established quality as the second key pillar for implementing their education response through the RACE II document. The notion of quality is therefore clearly cemented within national policy regarding education. RACE II monitors quality through retention and enrolment figures, and teacher training (RACE II, 2017). While these are useful statistics they are insufficient in accounting for the daily experience of education or establishing the longer term impact it may have. Furthermore, in reality, the outputs for monitoring quality are even more limited. To add an additional complexity, education monitoring as a whole lacks transparency, Lebanon have not released a national education monitoring report since 2010 (UNESCO, 2017). In a related point and to revisit an observation raised concerning

the relevance of this research, while quality was often a goal for non-state actors concerning education provision, it was not sufficiently conceptualized.

This section will draw heavily on the framework developed by Katarina Tomasevski (2006) to determine quality. Conceptualised through four analytical categories; acceptability, accessibility, availability and adaptability, the 4 A scheme provides the key foundation for

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determining quality in this thesis (Tomasevski 2006). These markers for quality are internationally recognised and provide clarity to quality to act as an impetus for governments to fulfil their obligation to guarantee the right to education (Ramaahlo, Tonsing &Bornman, 2018) . The categories were not specifically developed to focus on refugee youth but issues of availability, accessibility, acceptability and adaptability are equally important when considering education provision to this demographic. However, these concepts are insufficiently conceptualised once education is understood as a liberatory force as they do not look beyond education in itself. In order to apply the 4As more broadly using a Freirean lens, adaptability will be theorized in greater depth using Amartya Sens capabilities approach later in the chapter. Through her 4A scheme Tomasevski provides a tangible foundation to the abstract, albeit frequently cited, concept of quality.

Using the 4A framework re-establishes education within the realm of human rights. Tomasevksi developed this framework in her capacity as UN special rapporteur regarding the right to education, necessarily creating the connection between this framework and human rights. The significance of human rights is twofold; firstly in providing a legal basis for accountability and also in forming the normative basis for operationalising these

concepts. While human rights serve as the motivation behind development struggles, there is the implication that the obligation of rights moves beyond charity towards a sense of justice (Miller et al, 2009). Using Tomasevski’s framework explicitly makes education a human rights issues, rather than a charitable one and connects education more conceptually to the law. Sequentially this legal foundation creates an impetus for change as “from a legal perspective there is no right without a remedy” (Tomasevski in Klees & Thapliyal, 2007, p.292). Moreover, evoking legality moves beyond the intrinsic value assigned to quality as a concept and drives accountability. For education to fulfil the promise of human rights it must be grounded in law, thereby providing actors with obligations for action

and culpability in the process (Tomasevski, 2006).

The 4 As only represent the normative base for framing quality in this theoretical framework as they have limitations when considered in this context (De Beco,

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in education (Kelly, 2017). However, the onus of accountability is focused on the government facilitating education without including the role of NGOs and civil society (Klees & Thaplyial, 2007). The operationalisation of these core concepts therefore

considers the role of these organisations. This particular angle has been chosen because the literature highlights that a large number of actors are involved in the design and delivery of education in Lebanon and ensures they remain culpable.

A further limitation of the original 4A scheme is that the four core concepts were originally established to reflect education as an end goal, without looking at longer term associations with quality. In fact, Tomasevski claimed that, in order to fulfil human rights obligations, education should be conceived of as “an end in itself, rather than a means for achieving other ends”(Tomasevski in Klees & Thapylial, 2005, p.292) Failing to acknowledge the further reaching implications of education represents where Tomasevki’s original

framework departs from an Freirean understanding wherein education is subversive and is central to mobilising societal change (Lohnrenscheit, 2006). However expanding the

framework to reflect education beyond an end in itself illustrates how human

rights based education can demonstrably be married with a stance where education is a practice of freedom. Meintjes demonstrates how human rights education can be linked to Freire’s understanding of education as a liberatory force. Noting that in order to fulfil the obligations of human rights, education should be viewed as a practice of freedom

(Meintjes cited in Lohnrenschiet, 2006).

3.2.1 Looking to the Future

When conceived of in Freirean terms, education is an instrument for transformation. The following sections demonstrate why this conceptualization is significant in the context of this research. Conceiving of education as transformative is pertinent in the context of displaced refugee youth due to the international and national rhetoric regarding hope for the future. It is central to UNICEF's strategy for avoiding a 'Lost Generation' which seeks to "address the hidden impact of this long conflict by expanding access to learning and

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for the future." (UNICEF, 2014, p.2). Thus both Lebanese national policy as well as UN materials cite the role of education in this context as fostering hope for the future. When alluding to the role of education in this capacity, this study works on the central assumption that it should be a good quality education. The role that education plays in providing hope to those who are displaced strengthens an approach to education that is grounded in a human rights discourse. Insofar as a right to education has a direct bearing on the future of the Lost Generation and in generating hope, it serves an impetus for mobilization when understood in liberatory, Freirean terms.

When examining education in the capacity of its liberatory potential, the assumption is that a quality framework should conceptualise education as having further reaching

aspirations. To expand on Meintjes’ theoretical synthesis between human rights based education and education conceived of in Freirean, this thesis utilises a third scholar, Amartya Sen and his capabilities approach.

3.3 Introducing Capabilities

The target population of this research have now been displaced for over half of their lives. With displacement characterizing their formative years, it is integral that a framework for quality of education provision accounts for the experience of being displaced. One of the core tenets in determining quality outlined by Tomasevski (2006) is adaptability, where education must be in the best interests of the child; schools must adapt to the needs of the child and not vice versa (Tomasevski, 2006. Lohnrenscheit, 2006). Utilising Amartya Sen’s capabilities approach to operationalise adaptability aids both in accounting for the realities of displacement but additionally in retaining a Freirean understanding of education as a liberatory project. Adaptability can be seen as the most utopian of the 4A scheme (Klees & Thapilya, 2007). It hinges on the fact that “children do not start school as equals” (Tomasevski in Klees & Thapilya, 2007, p.X), which is particularly pertinent in the case of refugee children. Recognising adaptability as a core determinant of quality education simultaneously recognises education as an arena for intervention for shaping a society which values increased capabilities (Walker, 2012). Incorporating the capabilities approach is relevant regarding the particular context of this study as it expands the scope of the

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framework to include the wider role of education as an instrument for change. Adaptability of education is therefore conceptualised as the degree to which adolescents are able to realise certain capabilities.

The capabilities approach conceptualises development as “a process of expanding the real freedoms that people enjoy” (Sen in Poveda & Roberts, 2017, p.2). This approach recognises individual freedoms and consequently grants a greater agency to displaced youth.

Regarding refugee communities, “if we want marginalized populations to have true choices in their lives, and capabilities that are meaningful to them, they have to be participants in forming solutions” (Glassman & Patton, p.1355, 2013). As the capabilities approach is contingent on the individual choosing a future that they find valuable, Sen argued that an priori selection of specific capabilities should be avoided, the implication being that they are unique to the individual (Comin, 2001. Walker & Unterhalter, 2007). When considering the wider reaching significance of education, using the capabilities approach has further value due to its focus on individual freedoms. The future facing refugee adolescents in Lebanon is undeniably precarious, a return to Syria which is often championed by the Lebanese authorities fails to account for layered complexities of the Syrian conflict (Knudsen, 2017). Where education can play a role in allowing refugee youth to choose a future that they find valuable and confront these complexity, it can be considered truly adaptable .

Applying the capabilities approach to adaptability within a framework for quality expands the scope of how education is interpreted. In this interpretation, education is conceptualised as a platform from which we could ‘advance justice or reduce injustice in the world’ (Sen, 2009, p. 337), demonstrating how education has moved beyond an end in itself.

Incorporating the capabilities approach within a framework for quality in this thesis necessarily includes Sen’s wider understanding of development as

freedom. This understanding “requires that we address human development not simply as abstract ideas but as lived capacities at the level of everyday life” (Walker, p.104,

2005). Finally, regarding education in such a way serves to expand the discussion and view education as a long term project precipitating the realization of greater capabilities. The

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capabilities approach also broadens the scope of education and allows for the real advantage of education to be identified (Walker & Unterhalter, 2007). In providing certain freedoms through realizing capabilities, education can credibly be described as transformative.

3.3.1 Capabilities and Freire

Sen asserts that true freedom is where an individual can choose a life they have reason to value, where specific capabilities are chosen to reflect values (Sen, 2003). Significantly this reaffirms the importance of education, regardless of how the future for refugee is

conceptualised. There are conflicting narratives regarding the future forecasted for refugees within Lebanon. On the one hand, both policy and practice suggest that they are being prepared to return home, yet this is at odds with the international rhetoric of no end in sight for the protracted Syrian conflict. The interpretation of development as freedom represents a common theoretical foundation between Freire’s politics of education and the capabilities approach. The basic premise of Freire’s philosophy points to “a realization-focused,

capabilities approach” (Snauwaert, 2011, p.325), where education is a form of salvation (Snauwert, 2011). Freire’s position is shaped through the understanding

that education further possibilities: parallels can clearly be drawn here with Sen's approach wherein freedom is found through increasing capabilities (Webb,

2010). Furthermore Freire’s philosophy of hope coincides with his politics of education, where education “in the broadest sense was part of a project of freedom” (Giroux in Freire, 1985, xii). This focus on freedom is aligned with Sen’s notion of development where freedom plays a central role. The capabilities approach conceptualises development as “a process of expanding the real freedoms that people enjoy” (Sen in Poveda & Roberts, 2017,

p.2). Where these theorists are aligned is apropos to refugee adolescents because it is education that can provide the tools for greater capabilities in instances of displacement.

This synthesis of ideas is relevant to the task of educating the Lost Generation where education plays a significant role in creating a context in refugee adolescents are able to recognize a capabilities they find valuable (Glassman & Patton, 2013). The rhetoric which surrounds the ‘Lost Generation’, which frames it as something that needs to

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be overcome, creates a need for education to be conceptualised as a liberatory project. In the UNICEF 'No Lost Generation' report, the impetus for avoiding a Lost Generation is introduced: “to protect a generation of Syrian children from a life of despair, diminished opportunities and broken futures”(UNHCR, 2014, p.2). The description of a ‘Lost

Generation’ specifically highlights the notion of diminished opportunities to which education enabling increased capabilities provides a direct

contrast. The capabilities approach does not presuppose capabilities and when considered in relation to education here it does not advocate a specific future for refugee youth. Education therefore must be considered as valuable in itself and for the transformative impact it has on the future. Thus education contributes to societal transformation and serves to “transmit knowledge about and capacities to realize human rights” (Ginsburg et al, 2010, p.452). The notion that education is at once a transmitter of knowledge and tool for increased capacity is one aligned with Sen (Giroux et al, 2010). Glassman and Patton have sought to combine Sen’s capability approach with Freire’s views on education. This synthesis of ideas is pertinent to educating the Lost Generation as here education plays a significant role in creating a context in which individuals and communities are able to recognize a wide array of human capabilities (Glassman & Patton, 2013).

3.4 Theoretical Conceptual Scheme

As the above arrangement demonstrates, education as a human right can be conceived of in

Education as Liberation

Adaptability Acceptability Availability Accessibility 4 A scheme: unpacking the right to education

Increased Capabilities Human Rights Fr ee dom

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a Freirean sense as a liberatory force via Sen’s account of freedom as a set of capabilities. The normative framework represented by the 4A scheme is grounded in and informed by rights discourse, and works to provide a possible approach to adaptability that increases

capabilities and makes pursuing quality education an emancipatory project.

3.5 Concluding Remarks

This chapter has unpacked the notion of good quality education, demonstrating how a comprehensive understanding of quality was reached was reached utilising three different theorists. This research recognises the fundamental role which education plays

independently, but also in relation to other global goals such as the eradication of poverty, hunger and more broadly gender equality and empowerment. This research aims to expand the notion of quality to encompass more than simply enrolment and retention, which are not sufficient markers in this instance. Using Freire and Sen gives greater scope for education to have transformative potential. The following chapter presents the methodology of the research and will demonstrate how the 4A framework, using Sen’s capabilities

approach, was operationalised to conceptualise quality in this context.

4. Research Design

After reflecting on preliminary findings whilst in the field, my initial research proposal shifted to place a greater focus on the notion of a quality education1. The shift in focus was shown in the previous chapter were a quality framework for education in relation to displacement was established. The rationale for the shift was twofold; first, it was due in part to access, discussed further in the limitations section. Second, during the fieldwork period it became increasingly clear that the notion of quality required a normative

framework. The role of this research therefore was to examine how the framework, based on an adaptation of Tomasevskis 4A scheme, could demonstrably be applied to understand quality in relation to displacement within the context of Lebanese refugee governance.

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Whilst there was the underlying assumption that the provision of education was predicated on a measure of certain quality, it did not seem to have been operationalized sufficiently by those mandated to provide education. All actors involved in the design and delivery of education programmes expressed a commitment to supplying a quality education, demonstrated through the rhetoric and policies adopted by the Ministry of Education in Lebanon as well as international education facilitators. The Lebanese government through their Reaching All Children with Education (RACE) initiatives are supported in education provision by UN agencies, specifically UNICEF, and INGOs. With these considerations in mind, the following research question and sub questions were developed.

4.1 Research Question & Sub Questions

Main Research Question

What are the different actors perceptions on the quality of education for Syrian refugee adolescents in Lebanon and what does this mean for quality in the context of displacement?

Sub Questions

i. How is quality defined by different actors involved in the design and delivery of education for Syrian refugee adolescents in Lebanon?

ii. What are the perceived challenges to quality education for refugee adolescents in this context? iii. How and in what ways does education address the specific concerns of displacement in this

context?

4.2 Operationalisation & Conceptual Framework

Operationalisation Table

The operationalisation table included below demonstrates how the 4A scheme which serves as the normative base for the framework was combined with Sen’s capabilities approach to operationalise quality in this setting. The variables outlined by De Beco (2010) are used to determine whether education is accessible, available and acceptable, and Sen’s capabilities approach is introduced to conceptualise adaptability in this context. Consequently quality is operationalised below in relation to the specific concerns of displacement.

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Concept Dimensions Variables Indicators/Questions

Quality Education

Accessibility

Proximity to education services

Does location impede access to education services? Economic Obstacles Hidden costs associated with accessing education Availability Previous Education What level of education was accessed prior to displacement? Teacher Capacity School infrastructure Teacher Training Acceptability Safety Perceived safety of education services Is there an equal gender split in classes

Structure

Do education services provide structure to the daily experience of refugee

adolescents?

Adaptability Increased Capabilities

Is refugee education sufficient to overcome challenges concerned with of displacement? Qualifications received/recognised by host country Is education providing refugees adolescents with greater freedom to make the choices they find valuable?

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The conceptual framework below further elucidates how theory was implemented

practically during fieldwork and in relation to research participants. It is distinct from the conceptual framework provided in the previous chapter which was used to highlight how the different theorists intersected. The below framework indicates how theoretical concepts were utilised in practice, according to the different variables and indicators highlighted above.

Education as Liberation

Refugee Perceptions Education Provider Perceptions

Quality Education

Accessibility Availability Acceptability Adaptability

Economic Teacher School as Increased Obstacles Capacity a safe space Capabilities

DISPLACEMENT

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The period designated for data collection represented a unique snapshot of time for

Lebanon (an in depth discussion of the specific Lebanese context is included in greater depth in Chapter 2). Fieldwork took place during the seven year anniversary of the Syrian civil war, drawing international attention once again to the protracted nature of the Syrian conflict. The anniversary intersected with the run up to the first democratic elections in nine years, during a national waste management crisis and against the backdrop of corruption and continued international involvement in Lebanese governance. Conducting fieldwork at this specific juncture in Lebanon was interesting and revealing, particularly insofar as participant responses often mirrored the frenetic nature of this setting.

My research had three main research sites; Beirut, Sidon and Beddawi refugee camp (near the Northern city of Tripoli). The reason for multiple research sites was due to the

difficulties found in accessing refugee communities as well as public school teachers. However, it is possible to conduct meaningful analysis based on these sites as the sheer number of refugees in Lebanon coupled with its relative size mean that issues encountered

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at a certain site are often also relevant in other parts of the country. Furthermore while it appeared initially to be a disadvantage, it allowed me to gather data from a wider variety of people and locations, thereby ultimately enriching my research.

4.4 Unit of Analysis & Sampling Methods

Unit of Analysis

My unit of analysis was Syrian adolescents, aged between 10-14 who access a form of education in Lebanon. The UN define adolescents as those aged between 10-19 (UN, Definition of Youth, 2013) however, my research focused particularly on very young adolescents, defined as those between 10-14 years old. There are a number of reasons for focusing on this particular demographic. Firstly, as- according to the UN Refugee agency (UNHCR, 2014)- more than one third of all Syrian refugees in Lebanon are of school age, it was necessary to narrow the focus in order to feasibly conduct research. Secondly,

adolescents in this demographic show the greatest drop out from education (DeJong et al, 2017), highlighting the wider significance of research. Thirdly, it is those adolescents within this age bracket whose early education in Syria was disrupted through displacement at the start of the conflict so they represent fully what is often termed as ‘The Lost Generation’. Sampling Method

Primary data was collected through semi-structured interviews, both group and individual, in-depth field notes, conferences attended and informal conversations. The research

participants included; providers of education- these interviews represent the majority of primary data collected, public school teachers, Syrian refugee caregivers and youth. I interviewed Ministry officials who were in charge of implementing RACE II as well as UN agencies mandated to work directly with the Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MEHE); UNHCR and UNICEF. Additionally I contacted organisations who worked at implementing partners; War Child and AVSI. Although it was a slow process, most of them were open to being interviewed. By way of a comparison, I conducted an interview with Edu Planet, a Lebanese education organisation in order to gain a more local perspective. Furthermore in order to gain research insight, I interviewed the head researcher at Human

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Rights Watch who was responsible for researching and writing the 2016 report “Growing Up Without an Education; Barriers to Syrian Refugee Education in Lebanon” as well as a local researcher working for Synaps. Lastly, attending conferences on relevant subjects gave me alternative options to approach people for interview, hear debates and gain multiple perspectives.

Through networking opportunities in Beirut, I was provided with the opportunity to interact with Lebanese and Syrians outside of my research, particularly with members of active civic groups. Throughout my time spend in Lebanon, I was interacting with young adults attuned to a burgeoning yet vibrant civil society activism who acted as informal interviewees.

4.5 Methods

The majority of primary data collection was in the form of semi-structured interviews, conducted either individually or where appropriate, in a group setting. The advantages of using semi-structured interviews as a method, outlined by Ritchie & Lewis (2003) was that, while the broad agenda and themes of the interview were made explicit at the beginning, there was still space for individuals to elaborate upon their responses and include personal reflections. The range of interviews I conducted across a number of different actors resulted in a large number of differing, and frequently opposing, opinions, thus ensuring that a variety of groups were represented in the findings.

In-depth interviews

I opted to conduct in-depth constructed interviews as my main source of primary data. All interviews conducted in this manner were done so with the oral consent of those

participating ahead of recording . Those undertaken with providers focused on how quality was conceptualised in their organisations, how education provision for adolescents was facilitated and the potential barriers to providing education in this context. Conclusions reached from these findings are supported in analysis using different policy documents, discussed further below.

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Group interviews were conducted with public school teachers and members of refugee society, they were also semi-structured in nature to allow for a broad scope of topics to be covered.

The group interview with the public school teachers was initially intended to be three separate in-depth interviews but it was clear that they felt most comfortable discussing their role as a group. I had previously conducted an in-depth interview with one of the teachers and she subsequently introduced me to her colleagues. The interview was conducted in mixture of English and French, a translator was not required in this instance. An outline of the topics covered are found in Appendix 4. The formal, recorded interview time was an hour however, informal conversations took place throughout the day which I subsequently recorded in my field notes.

A day of group interviews took place in a councillor’s office in Bedawwi refugee camp, Northern Lebanon. As the interviews conducted with refugee caregivers and adolescents themselves came at the end of my research I could use the insights gained previously to shape my questioning. In order to gain access to this community, I collaborated with a previous research participant, Georges Haddad, a researcher for Synaps. He acted as my fixer and my translator. Working with a local researcher was helpful, particularly as he was conducting his own research in a similar field, which allowed research to be a more

collaborative process. An overview of the questions posed to caregivers and adolescents in Bedawwi is provided in Appendix 3. The questions posed demonstrated how we pre-conceived the interview process and the topics we wanted to draw on. In reality however, it was difficult to remain on the topic of education as the refugee families were describing their experiences more broadly. This should not be seen as a limitation as it provided valuable contextual information, elucidating the myriad of concerns that face refugee communities and giving perspective to education provision in relation to displacement.

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Document analysis was used as part of research process as a means of triangulating the primary data. The purpose of this, outlined by Bowen (2009) was to provide context, suggest further questions, track changes, supplement research data and verify findings. The documents subject to analysis were chosen for a number of reasons. Firstly to further determine how quality was defined locally thus contributing to the first sub-question I chose to analyse the Reaching All Children with Education (RACE) I & II documents provided by MEHE. These documents explicitly outline the government’s plan to provide a quality education to all. I also included two UN reports on outreach programmes and youth education programmes, these were used to identify how quality was understood and

monitored in a Lebanese context. Three Human Rights Watch reports focusing on barriers to education provision for Syrian refugees and challenges to inclusive education and donor funding. In order to understand the perceptions of host communities, I used a report compiled by Aktis Strategy which was created to assess service provision in Lebanese municipalities. Ascertaining the perspective of host communities was useful primarily for supporting those findings which highlight discrimination as a key challenge to quality. Participatory Observation

An additional method which supplemented my contextual understanding and allowed me to triangulate findings from interviews was participant observation. These observations were noted in a fieldwork diary which I brought to each interview and reviewed after the fact which helped to bring lucidity to the interview process. I attended three conferences, one of which directly addressed my research with the other two provided valuable contextual information. The lengthy informal conversations conducted with members of civil society helped me to gauge an important local perspective and contributed to my contextual understanding.

Data Analysis

All recorded interviews were transcribed, with the interview solely conducted in French transcribed by a native speaker once I had returned from the field. In cases where

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conversations were not recorded, such as informal conversations and during an interview with a prominent member of civil society, detailed notes were taken and subsequently included in analysis. Transcribed interviews were initially open coded using ATLAS TI to ascertain emergent themes. While coding, I used my field notes as a way to contextualise my findings and remind myself of non-verbal cues, as highlighted by Sutton and Austin (2015) where “field notes compiled during an interview can be a useful complementary source of information to facilitate this process” (p228). Triangulation of my primary findings against secondary data through document analysis ensured increased credibility.

4.5.1 Methodological Reflection

The next section is a reflection on my methods, included in order to present more critically the validity and reliability of my data collection. These criteria are essential components for conducting qualitative research.

Lebanon represents a setting characterised by a long history of conflict, religious and sectarian tensions, and ubiquitous international intervention. As a consequence, Lebanese society is highly politicised which was reflected daily in conversations with my Lebanese contemporaries. Conversations even on an informal level could not be separated from the deep-seeded culture of political and social uncertainty. Recognising how these factors contribute to research is central in order to account for the inevitable impact of context (Ritchie, 2003).

A main component of my primary data was through interviews with key stakeholders in education provision such as UN officials and INGOs as well as members of Lebanese civil society, in this regard it is possible to confidently assume the replicability of the research. Furthermore while the collection of data from refugee caregivers and adolescents did not have the same level of external reliability, these interviews were undertaken in conjunction with another researcher, who also acted as my translator. In this regard my translator enhanced the internal reliability of my findings by acting as an additional observer to the process. A weakness in terms of reliability could be in connection with the interviewing of public school teachers as I conducted these alone, without the presence of a translator or research assistant. Concerning external validity; whether my findings can be generalised,