The Olgiati Chapel
An examination on whether a post-Tridentine style can be identified in the
Olgiati Chapel
By
Anna Rose Dowling-Clarke
A Thesis
Submitted to the Faculty of Arts of the
University of Groningen
In Fulfilment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
Master of Art History
Department of Art History
University of Groningen
Groningen, Netherlands
ABSTRACT
AN EXAMINATION ON WHETHER A POST-TRIDENTINE STYLE CAN BE INDENTIFIED IN THE OLGIATI CHAPEL?
This paper investigates whether a post-Tridentine style can be identified within the Olgiati
Chapel. This study was completed by examining the artworks, architectural design and
decoration of the chapel while simultaneously questioning what defines a post-Tridentine style.
This latter point is achieved through a discussion of the various Tridentine Council decrees,
the subsequent theological texts which aimed to clarify the regulations defined with the
decrees, and the various central theological issues which defined the Catholic Church at the
time.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
INTRODUCTION……….1
PART ONE: ARTWORKS………...10
COUNCIL OF TRENT DECREE “ON SACRED IMAGES”………..10
ZUCCARO’S ALTARPIECE……….. 13
SALVATION………16
PASSION OF CHRIST……….18
PURGATORY………...20
RESURRECTION OF CHRIST………23
GREGORY THE GREAT……….25
SIBYLS AND PROPHETS………...26
ASSUMPTION OF THE VIRGIN………30
PART TWO: ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN AND DECORATION……….34
VIGNOLA’S REGOLA DELLI CINQUE ORDINI D’ARCHITETTURA………....34
HOLY EUCHARIST………36 ATRIUM………...39 BORROMEO INSTRUCTIONES………..40 CONCLUSION………...43 BIBLIOGRAPHY………46 ILLUSTRATIONS………...51
1 INTRODUCTION
Nestled in an alleyway marked by the smell of Spaghetti all'Amatriciana and the distant sounds of honking, whizzing cars dodging the herds of tourists as they nervously cross the busy streets of Rome is the Titular Church of Santa Prassede. Overshadowed by its neighbour, the much more famous Church of Santa Maria Maggiore, it remains largely hidden as a spot for tourist fixation, possibly partly due to the use of a side doorway rather than a grand frontal entrance which in effect further conceals it from clear view.
Wandering through the doorway the smell of pasta is exchanged for the scent of candles as they flicker and burn, highlighting the ninth century mosaics decorating the high altar. Further examples of these mosaics adorn the side Chapel of Saint Zeno which houses the alleged part of the pillar upon which Jesus was flogged and tortured before his crucifixion in Jerusalem. Directly opposite this Chapel a rectangular doorway, flanked by two stone Corinthian engaged columns and two windows, frames a painting fixed to the centre of the back wall (Figure 1). Despite the golden daylight filling the space the details of the painting are lost, effecting instead a series of muddy coloured shapes conflicting with the clearly distinguishable colour of red in the lower centre and blue to its left. Wandering closer the shapes transform into figures, the blue becomes the fabric draped around a female figure and the red becomes the garb worn by a man kneeling in front of the female. Gradually the painting reveals a narrative; the moment when Christ, on the way to Calvary is given a veil by Veronica to wipe his face (Figure 2).
The painting is mounted upon an aedicular frame composed of stone and marble and includes among its decoration the addition of two eagles symmetrically perched on top. Three nearly identical frames attached to the side walls, two to the left and one to the right, reveal through the inclusion of a miniature sarcophagus, a sculpted portrait and translated Latin text, to be tombstones (Figures 3,4 & 5). Although all three portraits clearly demonstrate that all three tombstones belong to men, the inclusion of the names Bernardo, Septimio and Antonio further corroborate this. Moreover, the fact that all three
2 men possess the same last name reveals that they all belong to the same family, thus additionally illuminating to whom this chapel belongs – the Olgiati family.
Commissioned by Bernardo Olgiati (1527 – 1607), construction of the Chapel began in 1583 and was completed in 1586.1 The architect employed was Martino Longhi the Elder who had also
recently overseen renovations within the Church itself, as requested by the Church’s titular Cardinal at the time, Charles Borromeo. The Chapel is enclosed by a rib vault with lunettes covered by frescoes painted by Giuseppe Cesari within an illusionistic quadrature framework painted by Giovanni Alberti (Figure 6). Although Cesari had signed the contract on 1 April 1587, the fresco was not completed until 1595. 4 Herwarth Röttgen supposes that the long period of time to reach the completion of the work was
due to the many preparatory studies Cesari had completed in advance and that work on the vault itself did not start until 1593.5 In the vault panels are the Fathers of the Church: St. Gregory, St. Jerome, St.
Augustine and St. Ambrose while in the centre of the vault is the depiction of the Ascension of Christ into Heaven with the apostles, the Virgin and Christ depicted. Surrounding the panels and centre of the vault are sibyls and prophets, with angels carrying scrolls detailing their prophecies. In place of the windows on the front and back of the chapel are two paintings showing the Resurrection of Christ (Figure 7) at the front and the Assumption of the Virgin (Figure 8) at the back. Another two paintings by Cesari, one of St. Andrew (Figure 9), the other of St. Bernard (Figure 10) are placed at either side of Zuccaro’s altarpiece. A total of eight monochrome squares executed by Cesare Rossetti, a follower of d’Arpino, positioned above and around the entablature narrate the episodes of the Passion, although due to poor preservation the details of them are lost. Furthermore, above the doorway is The Last Supper (Figure 11), with a depiction of Nole Me Tangere (Figure 12) to its right and a depiction of The Encounter on the Road to Emmaus (Figure 13) to its left.
Bernardo Olgiati, originally born in Como, started working in Rome from 1550 as an administrator and partner of the banking company he jointly formed with his brothers Franceso,
1 G. Lerza, L’Architettura di Martino Longhi il Vecchio, Bonsignori Editore, 2002, p.168 4 H. Röttgen, Il Cavalier Giuseppe Cesari D’Arpino, Ugo Bozzi, 2002, p.273
5 H. Röttgen, Cavalier Giuseppe Cesari D'Arpino, vol.2, Die grossen Aufträge, 1587/93 – 1605, Opus
3 Desiderio, Alessandro and Cesare.6 The bank, titled “Eredi of Baldassarre Olgiati,” was named after
their Uncle who had previously earned his fortune and status in the years of Pope Paul III. From an early point, Bernardo and his brothers participated in many important loans for the papal court and for numerous noble families. They furthermore gained the task of apostolic depository in August 1559 during the vacancy following the death of Paul IV. Acquiring the position of banker itself was at the time highly prestigious and was a position which Peter Partner notes, “moved the clogs which made the great Roman machine rotate.”7 The Olgiati family’s prosperity is clearly demonstrated through their
purchase of an estate of over 800,000 hectares, as well as another two villas.
Furthermore, Bernardo’s own achievement is evidenced through his personal success at becoming the general depository of the Apostolic chamber which Helen Hyde states was the highest position within the administration of papal finances to which a lay banker could normally aspire.8 He
received further success during the pontificate of Gregory XIII to whom Bernardo served as private banker, a post which was usually accompanied by the acquisition of a Cardinal’s hat for a member of the family.9 Such ambition was most likely considered by Bernardo and perhaps explains the choice to
commission a chapel within the Titular Church of Santa Prassede.
Since the fifteen century there had been a growing interest in the acquisition of private chapels among those whose professional success derived from a combination of benefices, venal offices, and activities at the papal court. 10Nelson and Zeckhauser state that, “virtually every prominent clan had a
chapel in a leading church, many families and several elite individuals had several of these spaces, but few undistinguished families had one.”11
6 M.C. Giannini, Bernardo Olgiati, Biographical Dictionary of Italians - Volume 79, 2013,
URL: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/bernardo-olgiati_(Dizionario-Biografico). The biographical information regarding the Olgiati family, specifically Bernardo Olgiati, was retrieved from this source.
7 P. Partner, Renaissance Rome 1500-1559: A Portrait of a Society, University of California Press, 1976, p.148 8 H. Hyde, Cardinal Bendinello Sauli and Church Patronage in Sixteenth-Century Italy, Boydell & Brewer Ltd,
2009, p.21
9 Ibid. p.24
10 J.M DeSilva, Appropriating sacred space: Private-chapel patronage and institutional identity in
sixteenth-century Rome - the case of the office of ceremonies, The Catholic Historical Review Vol. 97 No. 4, Catholic University of America Press, October 2011, p.657
11 J.K. Nelson and R. J. Zeckhauser, The Patron's Payoff: Conspicuous Commissions in Italian Renaissance Art,
4 The function of a private chapel differed for each commissioner. The Florentine banker Giovanni Rucellai stated that his private chapel, “serve[d] the glory of God, the honour of the city, and the commemoration of myself.”12 Moreover, Giovanni Tornabuoni stated in his contract for the fresco
decoration of his chapel in Santa Maria Novella, Florence that the work served as an “exaltation of his house and family.”13 Although these reasons are most likely shared by many others, there is also the
consideration that a private chapel was perhaps used as a pawn within a larger ambitious scheme to gain even more influence and power within society and the papacy. This last point coincides with Bernardo’s likely ambition to obtain a Cardinal hat for his family, and is further explicated in an article written by Jennifer Mara De Silva who explores the way in which the acquisition of a chapel coincided with the “belief that public ceremonial played an essential role in both papal authority.”14 However, she
continues from this point stating that a chapel was also beneficial for an individual’s “quest for salvation.”15 This latter point is of salience for the time in which the Olgiati Chapel was constructed
and decorated.
Construction of the Olgiati Chapel began in 1583, thirty years after the final meeting at the Council of Trent. Instigated in response to the Protestant Reformation which challenged the doctrines and practices of the Roman Catholic Church, the Council aimed to review and revise certain aspects of the Catholic Church. Initiated in 1545 in Trent and held over twenty-five sessions, it issued statements and clarifications on the Church’s doctrines, focussing on matters such as scripture, sacred tradition, justification, salvation, sacraments, the Mass and the veneration of saints.
An aspect of it which has provided much appeal to art historians is the Council’s decree “on the invocation, veneration, and relics, of saints, and on sacred images.”16 Completed at the 25th and last
session of the Council, it specified that sacred images be educational, mnemonic and inspirational and
directly opposite Bernardo’s in the Olgiati Chapel, commissioned another chapel in the Church of Santa Maria della Pace.
12 Ibid. p.44 13 Ibid.
14 DeSilva, 2011, p.678 15 Ibid.
16 For an English translation of all the Council of Trent decrees see H. J. Schroeder, Canons and decrees of the
5 that they should be appropriate to their setting, use historical evidence to ensure the subject matter is as authentic as possible and should deter from having any sensual appeal. Despite these clarifications, the rest of the decree was rather vague and did not offer clear rules to which artists had to adhere to. In response, numerous Catholic theologians took it upon themselves to generate more clarity, writing several treatises which were referenced by patrons and artists alike.17
A great number of theological issues were furthermore deliberated throughout the Tridentine Council meetings where they wished to respond to those issues questioned by Christian reformers, as well as clarifying those criticised by both Catholics and Protestants alike for being vague in meaning. Because of the prominence these issues received at the Council meetings it is therefore necessary to refer to them throughout a discussion on post-Tridentine art. Rather than focussing on the artworks within the Olgiati Chapel as solely being a response to the Tridentine decree on sacred images, as has been attempted by various scholarly papers, this thesis will equally focus on Tridentine theology, examining if and how the Olgiati Chapel was a manifestation of these Tridentine theological issues.
Retrospective art historians researching this period have defined art as belonging to the Counter Reformation. Despite the prevalent use of the term it is restrictive for research as it remains open to interpretation. It implies that during this period Catholicism was solely responding to the attacks of the Protestant Reformation which makes it appear biased towards due to the predominantly negative connotations attached to the word ‘counter.’
Further problems arise from art history’s preoccupation with labelling artistic styles. The Counter Reformation is usually defined by the Baroque style which is typically specified as having started at the beginning of the seventeenth century. What does happen then to artworks created in the latter half of the sixteenth century which do not possess clear Baroque stylistic features yet can also be considered art of the Counter Reformation? Eighteenth century scholars responded by coining the term mannerism to describe works which divert from Renaissance in style yet do not yet assume the right to be labelled as Baroque. However, recent scholarship has disputed this term, focussing instead on the
6 original expression it derived from, that of ‘maniera.’18 Alois Riegl ignored the term altogether in his
book Die Entstehung der Barockkunst in Rom, supporting instead the idea that the Renaissance moved towards the Baroque. 19
The convoluted nature of this debate is capable of restraining research on art belonging to this period as despite intentions of focussing on works of art, uncertainties regarding what stylistic period it belongs to can hinder progression. For the sake of using a term of less implication to describe this period, this thesis will adopt the use of ‘post-Tridentine.’ It thus solely refers to that established at and after the Tridentine Council, and although it deters from demonstrating a bias towards Catholicism or Protestantism it focuses more on the former as the Tridentine Council initiated, deliberated and determined Catholic issues.
Furthermore, the timespan attached to the label post-Tridentine has been debated by numerous scholars. This paper accepts the complex nature of this debate and promotes instead the idea that the issues and ideals promoted during the post-Tridentine period can be detected in many artistic styles and periods. Despite this, it is necessary for the sake of clarity and reference to define the period being discussed in the following paper. It is therefore limited to a discussion which understands post-Tridentine as starting after the conclusion of the Council of Trent and ending at the end of the sixteenth century, when the style defined as baroque is considered to have begun. This, by no means, intends to promote the idea that the term post-Tridentine cannot also refer to baroque art but instead accepts the complexity of this matter and encourages the necessity for a discussion which solely pertains to it
Although style will be acknowledged in the following thesis, the focus will not be on determining what style the artworks and architectural decoration of the Olgiati Chapel belong to but will instead question if there was such a thing as a post-Tridentine style. It will not try to place the
18 Despite further research being conducted since, a good introduction to this matter is provided in the article, H.
Miedema, On Mannerism and maniera, Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1978- 1979
19 For an English translation of this book see, A. Payne and A. Hopkins, The Origins of Baroque Art in Rome,
7 Chapel under terms previously established such as mannerism or baroque, although they will be mentioned for the sake of argument, but will instead investigate if there is a post-Tridentine style.
To determine this, it is necessary to affirm what this thesis understands as style. It will firstly accept the definition provided in Ernst Gombrich’s 1968 paper Style where he defines that style is “any distinctive (therefore recognizable) way in which an act is performed, or an artefact is made.”20 It will
furthermore acknowledge Heinrich Wölfflin’s definition as provided with his 1915 book Principles of Art History where he states that style is achieved as the direct expression of temperament, further clarifying that temperament should not be restricted to the thoughts and feelings of the artist, but can also be connected to a time period, group of people, nation or the individuals themselves.21
Nonetheless, Wölfflin is one of countless others who, in their discussion of style, have largely ignored post-Tridentine art from the latter half of the sixteenth century, preferring instead to focus on artistic developments preceding and following this period. Their reasoning for doing so is because they deemed this period to be “hostile to art, exactly as its counterpart, Protestantism,”22 with Erwin
Panofsky going so far as to state that “freedom of life and thought, happiness, and even beauty’ were ‘sacrificed on the altar of the dogma.”23 Although they are permitted to of course comment on the
aesthetics - or lack of, in their opinion - of this period, their judgment seems to have limited scholarly attention directed towards this period. Granting all this, there has been a great deal of literature on art of the 1580s and 1590s, but it is largely used as a prolegomenon to studies on Baroque art.24
Nonetheless, there have been those who have chosen to venture into an exploration of post-Tridentine style, with a majority of these studies attempting to link styles to religious orders such as the Jesuits and Oratorians.25 It has not been until recently that the view that there were multiple artistic responses during
20 E. Gombrich, "Style", in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 15, ed. D. L. Sills, New
York, 1968, pp 352-361
21 H. Wölfflin, Principles of Art History: The Problem of the Development of Style in Later Art, Dover
Publications, 1979, p.122
22 A. Payne and A. Hopkins, The Origins of Baroque Art in Rome, Getty Publications, 2010, p.210 23 E. Panofsky and W.S. Heckscher, Three Essays on Style, MIT Press, 1997, p.59
24 A book of great significance in the realm of Art History which adopts such an approach is, R Wittkower, Art
and Architecture in Italy 1600–1750, Penguin Books, 1959
25 Works which adopt such an approach include R. Wittkower, Baroque art: the Jesuit contribution, Fordham
8 the post-Tridentine period prevailed. Since developing this insight, more complex studies regarding the period have been written. Among her numerous books dedicated to the period, Marcia Hall has concentrated on exploring how naturalism, brushwork, and colour enticed piety.26 Furthermore, Gavin
Alexander Bailey has attempted to divert from the Italo-centric nature of research on art of this period by investigating how global artistic exchanges between Europe, Asia and the Americas were used as a missionary tool to promote the legitimacy of the Catholic Church.27
Likewise, research on the Olgiati Chapel itself has been limited. Despite being mentioned by established scholars such as Sydney Joseph Freedberg with his book Painting in Italy, 1500-1600,28 and by Herwarth Röttgen and Marco Simone Bolzoni with their numerous studies on the drawings and paintings of Giuseppe Cesari,29 it was not until 2003 that it received prime focus in an article written by
Anna Maria Pedrocch and Simona Magrelli.30 However, this article is dedicated to a discussion on
recent restoration the Chapel undertook, and although it mentions the artists involved in the construction and decoration of it, it fails to deliver a detailed analysis of the artworks or the social and political period it belonged to.
Although a detailed examination of each artwork within the chapel is perhaps necessitated and long overdue, it will not be the focus of the following thesis. Through a discussion of the decrees established at the Council of Trent as well as other theological issues considered to be of prime importance at the time, the following paper will instead focus on placing the artworks, architectural design and decoration within the time it was constructed, questioning whether a post-Tridentine style can be identified in the Olgiati Chapel. Due to this, the thesis will adopt a holistic approach, conducting an examination which weaves in between issues and artworks in an effort to fully examine a potential
University of Toronto Press, 2003; J. O’Malley, The Jesuits: A History from Ignatius to the Present, Rowman & Littlefield, 16 Oct 2014
26 M.B. Hall, The Sacred Image in the Age of Art, Yale University Press, 2011
27 G.A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions in Asia and Latin America, 1542-1773, University of Toronto Press,
1999
28 S.J. Freedberg, Painting in Italy, 1500-1600, Penguin Books, 1975
29 H. Röttgen, Cavalier Giuseppe Cesari D'Arpino, vol.2, Die grossen Aufträge, 1587/93 – 1605, Opus
Magnum, 2013; M. S. Bolzoni, Il cavalier Giuseppe Cesari d'Arpino: maestro del disegno : catalogo ragionato dell'opera grafica, Ugo Bozzi, 2013
30 A. M. Pedrocchi & S. Magrelli, Restauri nella Cappella Olgiati in S. Prassede, il capolavoro del cavalier
9 linking post-Tridentine style. Despite this, titles designating the artwork or issue in question will be used for the sake of clarity and reference.
Before delving in, it is important to note that the following thesis humbly acknowledges the progressive nature of art history, the constant development and change which defines it. Research conducted fifty years ago has since been disputed and updated, corresponding to newly acquired knowledge. Due to a lack of original sources pertaining to the Olgiati Chapel, certain limitations have been unavoidable. This paper therefore accepts that with the acquisition of new sources and further research, the following examination will undoubtedly change and be developed further.
10
PART ONE
ARTWORKS
COUNCIL OF TRENT DECREE “ON THE INVOCATION, VENERATION, AND RELICS, OF SAINTS, AND ON SACRED IMAGES”
The ideas formulated in the decree “on the invocation, veneration, and relics, of saints, and on sacred images” at the 25th and last session of the Council of Trent can be traced back to original church
doctrine on the matter of images established during the early middle ages. Despite receiving further development during the seventh and eighth centuries, due to Byzantine controversies on images,31 the
doctrine has since remained much unchanged. Specified in a letter by Pope Gregory the Great to Bishop Serenus of Marseilles, the Church believed images to be the books of the illiterate and stipulated that they must encourage piety. 32 It was necessary, therefore, that images “be didactic, mnemonic and
inspirational.”33
Due to an increase in emphasis on the humanity and suffering of Christ, as well as a gradual blurred distinction between what was considered appropriate worship and idolatrous practise, sacred images became the brunt of Protestant reforms. Believing them to be purely idolatrous, Protestant reforms aimed at exonerating them from Christianity. Although Martin Luther expressed that images were neither bad nor good in themselves and permitted the use of educational images in churches for the illiterate, he believed that the use of them resulted in improper worship and excessive church decoration spending.34 This prompted harsher opinions, resulting in an expressed desire for the
31 For a detailed article concerning the origins of the Byzantine controversy over icons see, E. Kitzinger, The
Cult of Images in the Age Before Iconoclasm, Harvard University Press, 1954
32 For a detailed analysis of these letters see, C. M. Chazelle, Pictures, books, and the illiterate: Pope Gregory I's
letters to Serenus of Marseilles, Word & Image, 6:2, pp. 138-153, URL: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02666286.1990.10435425
33 P. Smith and C. Wilde, A Companion to Art Theory, John Wiley & Sons, 2008, p.50
34 M.A. Lamport, Encyclopedia of Martin Luther and the Reformation, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2017,
11 destruction of images, as seen in the theologies of Andreas Karlstatd, Ulrich Zwingli, Heinrich Bullinger and most significantly Jean Calvin.35
To weaken the argument for the use of images Protestant reformers looked to texts and images alike. They referred back to Exodus 20: 4-5 which states that “You shall not make for yourself an image in the form of anything in heaven above or on the earth beneath or in the waters below… You shall not bow down to them or worship them” as well as arguing that Saint Paul and other early church Fathers condemned the use of images in worship. The Protestants furthermore disapproved of the lack of clarity and decency they believed comprised religious images, arguing that they provoked false belief. As a result, iconoclasm in the name of Protestantism raged throughout Northern Europe, destroying images and sculptures wherever they could.36
During the last session of the Council of Trent (4 December 1564) this issue was finally brought to the forefront. The Council’s failure to demonstrate a large interest in the matter prior to this date is, as stated by John O’Malley, extremely ironic considering it was largely this, as well as other matters not discussed till later, which spurred the Protestant Reformation in the first place.37 The reason for it
becoming a matter of discussion is thought to have been largely driven by the huge bouts of iconoclasm in France.38 With this session, the Council sought to strengthen the use of images by referring back to
the original doctrines of the early middle ages, reiterating the function of images to be educational, mnemonic and inspirational, and further stating that they should not befall to becoming adorned in themselves. The Council furthermore specified that sacred images should be appropriate to their setting, use historical evidence to ensure the subject matter is as authentic as possible and should deter from having any sensual appeal. It moreover assigned the control of church decoration to local bishops and organised a series of visitations to ensure the rules of the decree were being met, although a strict
35 See specifically John Calvin’s, Institutes of the Christian Religion, section 7 on crosses, originally published
in Latin in 1536. For an English translation of it access URL:
https://books.google.com/books/download/Institutes_of_the_Christian_Religion_Boo.pdf?id=TXUrAAAAYAA J&output=pdf
36 For an examination of Protestant iconoclasm see, W. J. van Asselt, The Prohibition of Images and Protestant
Identity, Iconoclasm and Iconoclash: Struggle for Religious Identity, BRILL, 2007, pp. 299 - 310
37 J. O’Malley, Art, Trent, and Michelangelo’s “Last Judgment”, Religions 3, 2012, pp. 344-356. 38 Ibid. p.350
12 adherence to these rules has been disputed by countless historians who believe there was a more stringent approach in Spain rather than in Italy.3940
Furthermore, the decrees were rather vague, offering little detail about what was accepted. Thus, several individuals took it upon themselves to write texts expressing what they thought to be the correct depiction of religious subjects. The main texts include: Giovan Andrea Gilio’s 1564 Dialogue on the Errors and Abuses of Painters; 41 Johannes Molanus’s 1570 Treatise on Sacred Images;42
Gabriele Paleotti’s 1582 Discourse on Sacred and Profane Images; 43 Romano Alberti’s 1585 Della
nobilita della pittura; 44 and Gregorio Comanini’s 1591 On the purpose of painting.45 Further texts
include Cardinal Borromeo’s Instructiones Fabricae Et Supellectilis Ecclesiasticae which acts as a manual for church building and decoration.46 Considering the wide array of individual treatises
regarding post-Tridentine art it is perhaps restrictive and incorrect to refer to a post-Tridentine ‘church’ artistic style as firstly, the church was vague in their decree on images at the Council of Trent and relied on subsequent theological texts to define what they failed to make clear, and secondly, such a term implies that there was one main set of ideas explored during the post-Tridentine period, despite there being a variety of individual ideas which developed and changed with time.
39 For a specific analysis of visitations in Spain see V. I. Stoichita, Visionary Experience in the Golden Age of
Spanish Art, Reaktion Books, 1997; A. J. Cruz and M. E. Perry, Culture and Control in Counter-Reformation Spain, 1992
40 The section of the decree regarding the role of the bishops reads: “And that these things may be the more
faithfully observed, the holy Synod ordains, that no one be allowed to place, or cause to be placed, any unusual image, in any place, or church, howsoever exempted, except that image have been approved of by the bishop.”
41 An English translation of Gilio’s Dialogue on the Errors and Abuses of Painters was published by the Getty
Research Institute in 2018 and was translated by Michael Bury and Lucinda Byatt
42 Although there is yet to be a completed English translation of Molanus’s Treatise on Sacred Images, a chapter
which discusses its main points can be found in, M. W. Cole and R. Zorach, ‘Nor my praise to graven images’, The Idol in the Age of Art: Objects, Devotions and the Early Modern World, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2009, pp.215 - 239
43 An English translation of Paleotti’s Discourse on Sacred and Profane Images was published by The Getty
Research Institute in 2012. It was translated by Willian McCuaig and will be referenced throughout this thesis, especially during the chapters which discuss the artworks within the Olgiati chapel.
44 An English translation of this treatise is yet to be published.
45 An English translation of Comanini’s On the purpose of painting was published by University of Toronto
Press in 2001 and was translated by Ann Doyle-Anderson and Giancarlo Maiorino
46 Dr. Evelyn Carol Voelker’s 1977 English translation of Book one of Borromeo’s instructions is perhaps the
most useful and coherent examination of Borromeo’s instructions as it carefully considers each point made by him. Also see, R. Sénécal, “Carlo Borromeo's Instructiones Fabricae Et Supellectilis Ecclesiasticae and Its Origins in the Rome of His Time”, Papers of the British School at Rome Vol. 68, 2000, pp. 241-267
13 The following section is thus dedicated to a thorough examination of the artworks within the Olgiati Chapel. It will examine if and how the artworks respond to matters defined with the Tridentine decrees, referring specifically to the guidelines set out in the decree on sacred images as well as addressing the main theological issues of the time. It will furthermore refer to several of the theological treatises which expanded on points introduced at the Tridentine Council. Each artwork within the chapel, and in some cases individual parts of works, will be treated independently from one another. However, this does not mean that the works can be theologically separated from one another, because the reality shows that certain issues can be linked between them all, but instead functions to deliver a clear and coherent discussion
ZUCCORO’S ALTARPIECE
CHRIST WITH VERONICA ON THE WAY TO CALVARY
The altarpiece, which was placed above the church altar and in close physical, visual and spiritual proximity to those in liturgical attendance, would have been an important instrument in exerting ideals defined during the Counter-Reformation.47 Historically, the altarpiece had received
countless changes, corresponding to the dominant religious thoughts and designs of the time. The Counter-Reformation altarpiece concentrated on religious matters such as the Transubstantiation, the Virgin, Christ’s suffering, and the lives of the saints, all of which were meant to encourage piety in the worshipers, as well as focussing on delivering a clear narrative. 48
The altarpiece in the Olgiati chapel acts as prime example of such ideals. Painted by Federico Zuccaro it depicts Christ with Veronica on the way to Calvary. The painting illustrates the sixth station of the cross when Veronica offers her veil, known as sudarium in Latin, so that Christ may wipe his forehead. Zuccaro portrays Christ in profile, leaning on a rock as the weight of the cross is eased by
47 Alex Nagel delivers a thought-provoking examination of the Renaissance altarpiece in the fourth chapter of
his book, The Controversy of Renaissance Art, University of Chicago Press, 2011, pp.73 - 100
48 D. L. Sadler, Touching the Passion Seeing Late Medieval Altarpieces through the Eyes of Faith, Brill, 2018,
14 way of Simon of Cyrene lifting it from his shoulders. Veronica kneels in front of him, extending her right arm as she offers him her veil. Further dramatization of this scene is achieved by a group of figures which surround them, placed parallel to the right arm of the cross which protrudes up towards the top right of the painting, highlighting an additional figure to the left who rides a horse towards the top of Calvary hill where the location for Christ’s cross awaits him, thus anticipating his crucifixion.
The narrative-like rendering of this painting corresponds to the standards settled at the Council of Trent which urged art to act as books for the illiterate, achieved primarily through a clear narrative. Such demands are met with Zuccaro’s altarpiece which clearly depicts the encounter between Christ and Veronica where she offers him her veil and urges the onlooker to reflect on what will come next - the crucifixion.
Such a treatment of this biblical account differs greatly from other altar paintings which depict the relic. Instead, it was the norm to show Veronica holding the veil which, after being returned to her, miraculously displayed an image of Christ imprinted upon it after he accepted her gesture and held it to his face. The original sudarium on which the acheiropoietic portrait of Christ is depicted is thought to have first come to Constantinople from Edessa in the tenth century, with additional versions resurfacing in Rome and Paris after the fall of Constantinople in 1204, and another in Genoa in the fourteenth century.49 A visual example of this which, according to Livia Stoenescu, would have been known by
Zuccaro was The Altar of Saint Veronica executed between 1524 and 1527 by Ugo da Carpi for the Old St. Peter’s Basilica (Figure 14).50 The painting demonstrates Carpi’s attempt to depict a portrait of
Christ which emulates the one found on the sudarium of Veronica.
Such paintings would have corresponded to other concerns discussed in post-Tridentine treatises such as Johannes Molanus’s 1570 Treatise on Sacred Images, which, following on from points raised by Thomas Aquinas, argued that adoration of religious images which did not comprise an authentic depiction of Christ, as well as other religious figures, was a clear case of idolatrous practice.51
49 L. Stoenescu, Ancient Prototypes Reinstantiated: Zuccari's "Encounter of Christ and Veronica" of 1594, The
Art Bulletin, Vol. 93, No. 4, December 2011, pp. 423-448
50 Ibid. p. 425 51 Ibid.
15 Such a statement begs questioning whether Zuccaro also relied on established authentic depictions of Christ as depicting Christ in profile diverts from the usual standard.
In an article published in 2011 titled Ancient Prototypes Reinstantiated: Zuccari's "Encounter of Christ and Veronica" of 1594, Livia Stoenescu discusses this matter at length. She argues that Zuccaro’s decision to depict Christ as such was likely influenced by medieval portraits of Christ in profile that circulated during the Renaissance in engravings and woodcuts. She specifically finds similarities in a Milanese woodcut created at the end of the 15th century (Figure 15). The continued use
of such depictions of Christ claims authenticity from a text written by Patriarch Nikephoros Callistos during the 9th century. In his last chapter of his Historia, Nikephoros argues that icons produced in his
own day were not invented but were true depictions of Christ. Thus, by creating an image which adheres to the same representation used in medieval icons, Zuccaro claims his depiction of Christ to be wholly authentic.
Therefore, while full frontal depictions of Christ relied on the sudarium of Veronica to create a true-likeness, Zuccaro instead looked back to medieval icons showing Christ in profile, which, like the former, claimed to be based on authentic sources. A possible reason for doing so is that it creates more drama. If Zuccaro depicted Christ using a frontal view then the sense of narrative would be lost and would therefore simultaneously show a failure to adhere to the demand for it as initiated at the Council of Trent.
Thus, with his Olgiati altarpiece Zuccaro cleverly demonstrates an ability to fuse post-Tridentine principles together, manipulating standard practice in order to realise his own interpretation of the biblical scene. The painting furthermore acts as a link to two paintings by Giuseppe Cesari situated above it depicting the Resurrection of Christ as well as the Ascension of Christ, as by Zuccaro detailing the top of Calvary hill where Christ will be killed indicates the inevitability of the occurrence of the two scenes.
16 SALVATION
The inclusion of these three works, placed in ascending order, illustrates Christ’s journey from Earth into the presence of God in heaven. While Zuccaro’s altarpiece details a scene foreshadowing His death, Cesari’s two works placed above depict both His Resurrection and Ascension. Defined as the Paschal mystery, these events are at the core of Christian faith as by Christ partaking in them He redeemed humanity, paying the penalty for their sins as well as unlocking the gates to heaven, thus offering them the opportunity to reach salvation.
Soteriology, the study of religious doctrines of salvation, has been a topic of much discussion throughout Christian history, not least at the Council of Trent. One of the most notable first examinations of it was carried out in the Patristic period by Saint Augustine of Hippo (354-430). Among many other matters Augustine explained Original Sin, clarifying the inability to rid oneself of it without the grace of God.52 His teachings were further verified and developed by Saint Thomas Aquinas (1225–
1274).53 Soon after however, around the beginning of the fourteenth century, new thoughts developed
which challenged these established notions of salvation. While Augustine taught of humanities total dependence on the grace of God, new ideas stressed the importance of humanities own acts in the process of reaching salvation.54
Further questioning of Catholicism’s accepted stance on salvation was led by Martin Luther and other Christian reformists. Despite posing a great threat to Catholicism, the Catholic Church took twenty-five years to assemble an ecumenical council at Trent, where they discussed this topic at length. The long period of time it took to organise it has been largely put down to the Church’s anxieties regarding previous fifteenth century conciliarism, as well as apprehension regarding the intentions of political forces such as the King of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V.55
52 J. L. Pereira, Augustine of Hippo and Martin Luther on Original Sin and Justification of the Sinner,
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2013, pp. 47 - 77
53 For St. Thomas, see R. Van Nieuwenhove, “‘Bearing the Marks of Christ’s Passion’: Aquinas’ Soteriology,”
The Theology of Thomas Aquinas, ed. Rik Van Neiuwenhove and Joseph Wawrykow, University of Notre Dame Press, 2005, pp. 277– 302
54 Ibid. pp. 65 - 89
55 D. S. Prudlo, The Catholic Reform. In. J. S. Holcomb (Eds.), Christian Theologies of Salvation, NYU Press,
17 With the Council of Trent, the Catholic Church was thus provided an opportunity to define those matters disputed by reformers but also to discuss matters they understood, independent from the attacks of Protestantism, as needing reform.56 The topic of salvation, being an issue discussed and
disputed throughout Christian history by Catholics and Protestants alike, was thus of great importance.
One of the first matters they defined was at the fifth session in 1546 where they discussed humanities original condition, discussing that without the grace of God man remained corrupt with original sin. They defined five dogmas on the subject, the first three confirming long lasting doctrines of the Church approved by both the Catholics and the Protestants: the reality of original sin, the transmission of original sin to all men, and the idea that human nature suffered from it. The fourth canon asserts infant baptism, upholding Catholicism’s belief that it results in the forgiveness of original sin. The fifth and final canon proclaims that after being baptised not only is original sin washed away but the individual is pure and immaculate, and co-heirs with Christ. All in all, with these dogmas the Church confirmed that the first step to salvation is to be baptised as without being so man remains riddled with original sin and is thus fully incapable of entering heaven.57
Subsequent to this discussion on original sin the Council turned towards the issue of justification. Defined as God’s act of removing the guilt and penalty of sin while simultaneously making a sinner worthy through Christ's atoning sacrifice, it had been questioned and challenged by Protestant reformers. While Protestantism promoted that justification was achieved purely through trust in the divine mercy of God, the Tridentine Council affirmed Catholicism’s stance that it was a working process. This process involved the performance of good acts, thus increasing their chance of reaching salvation. However, it also involved the burden of committing sinful acts which decreased and even
56 This understanding contrasts with other discussions which solely see the Council of Trent as a reaction to the
Protestant Reformation, and which thus adopt terms such as the Counter-Reformation. The idea that the Catholic Church reacted not simply to the Protestant Reformation, but also to the other new challenges she faced is explored in, J. W. O’Malley, Trent and All That: Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era, Harvard University Press, 2000
18 lost an individual’s right to salvation, and which could only be restored through participation with the sacraments.58
Partaking in the use of the sacraments to achieve justification received much attention at the Tridentine Council.59 Baptism was considered the first justification, thus the first step to achieve
salvation. The sacrament of Confession, largely criticised by the Protestants, also received much consideration from the Tridentine Council who stated that by partaking in it, sinners were purified and returned to a state of grace in which they could once again reach salvation. The remaining sacraments; confirmation, penance, anointing of the sick, marriage, holy orders and the Holy Eucharist,61 were
furthermore embraced to allow the faithful to further deepen the initial grace granted upon them at their baptism.
Simply, the Tridentine Council defined that salvation was reached through the process of justification which necessitated humanities cooperation with the sacraments. As the Olgiati chapel was first and foremost a burial chapel, salvation would therefore have been a matter of great significance. The three works, as mentioned above, detailing Christ’s death, His Resurrection and Ascension were thus significant as they were a testament that if it were not for Christ’s sacrifice on the cross at Calvary, salvation would not be possible for humanity.
PASSION OF CHRIST
A further reminder to Christ’s sacrifice is demonstrated through a series of eight paintings depicting the Stories of the Passion by Cesare Rossetti, a close collaborator and pupil of Cesare. Despite the Chapel recently undergoing restoration, the paintings remain in bad condition and therefore any detailed artistic analysis of them is unattainable.62 However, the theological aspect of them is of more
significance for this paper.
58 Ibid. pp. 232 - 234
59 See M. S. Horton, Theologies of Sacraments in the Reformation and Catholic Counter-Reformation, In. J. S.
Holcomb and D. A. Johnson, Christian Theologies of the Sacraments, NYU Press, 2017, pp. 119 - 127
61 Will be discussed in Part two, in the section dedicated to a discussion on the Holy Eucharist
62 For a detailed written examination of the restoration see, A. M. Pedrocchi & S. Magrelli, Restauri nella
19 The importance of teaching about Christ’s passion was established with the Catechism of the Council of Trent. Published in 1566, three years after the concluding Tridentine Council meeting, it was directed to pastors as a detailed handbook to be used in teaching about the Catholic faith. The section regarding the importance of Christ’s passion states that “the faithful ‘being moved by the remembrance of so great a benefit’ may turn themselves entirely to the contemplation of the goodness and love of God towards us.”63 The two explanations of this section most relevant in teaching about the passion of
Christ, in order to generate such emotion, include Article IV which states that Christ “Suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried” and Article V which states that “He descended into Hell, the third day He rose again from the dead.”
As discussed by Richard Viladesau in the chapter “The Cross in the Catholic Reformation and Counter‐Reformation” with his book The Triumph of the Cross, the significance of Article IV lies in the word “suffered” which stresses the pain felt by Christ when He was crucified on the cross.64
Viladesau further analyses it, discussing that by mentioning the mode of Christ’s death reiterates the notion that it reversed Adam’s sin as “He suffered death precisely on the wood of the cross…so that life should return by the way whence death had arisen; and so that the serpent who had triumphed over our first parents by the wood (of a tree) was vanquished by Christ on the wood of the cross.”65 This
symbolic explanation was urged by those who wrote the catechism to be frequently discussed and reflected upon, as by Christ dying in this manner signified the redemption of humanity and established the significance of the cross as being a key symbol of salvation. This latter point provides further significance to the altarpiece which gives the cross a dominant position, therefore making it a substantial part of the drama.
Further significance of Article IV, as affirmed by the catechism, is that it should stimulate feelings of love and gratitude as “by His death immediately opened heaven for those who, purified by
63 For an English translation of the Catechism of the Council of Trent see, J. A. McHugh, C. J. Callan, 1923,
retrieved from URL: http://www.saintsbooks.net/books/The%20Roman%20Catechism.pdf
64 R. Viladesau, “The Cross in the Catholic Reformation and Counter‐Reformation”, The Triumph of the Cross,
Oxford University Press, 2008, p.200
20 the Sacraments and gifted with faith, hope, and charity, become partakers of His Passion.”66 It moreover
should demonstrate the boundlessness of God’s love who spared His own Son and delivered Him up for humanities salvation.
The second explanation of Christ’s salvation, Article V, emphasizes the glory of Christ’s victory, introducing two significant elements of Christ’s death: His descent into “Hell” and His resurrection. With regards to the first part, the catechism explains that hell refers to several places: the bottomless pit of Gehenna, the cleansing fire of purgatory, and the peaceful place where the just abide before the coming of Christ. The second section regarding the resurrection of Christ is significant as it demonstrates God’s justice, confirms our faith and hope, and completes the mystery of our salvation.67
Considering the significance of these two sections it is therefore necessary to investigate both individually, while simultaneously discussing their representation in the Olgiati Chapel.
PURGATORY
Catholicism teaches that immediately after death each person appears before the judgement seat of Christ to receive a particular judgement, based on the deeds of their earthly life.68 This judgement
has three possible outcomes. For those who are completely purified of sin at death, a direct entrance to heaven is granted upon them. This option is usually bestowed upon saints and martyrs. For those who are saved, as through baptism, yet are not free enough of sin to directly enter heaven, an alternative temporary place called purgatory becomes their dwelling until they too are completely purified of sin and worthy of entering heaven. The last outcome is that of hell, a place which is filled with those individuals who chose to live a life of sin and are therefore punished by eternally being separated from God.
As purgatory was the place in which most individuals went, as they were neither so bad as to go to directly to hell nor so good as to immediately enter heaven,69 it became a matter of great
66 Ibid.
67 R. Viladesau, 2008, p.201
68 Schreck, The Essential Catholic Catechism, 1997
69 C. A. Edwards, Purgatory. obo in Renaissance and Reformation, 2013, Retrieved from URL:
https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195399301/obo-9780195399301-0083.xml#firstMatch
21 significance. Defined for the first time at the Second Council of Lyon in 1274 where it articulated two points, with the first stating that some souls are purified after death, and the second explaining that such souls benefit from the prayers and pious duties performed by the living, it has since received little modification. Reiterated at the Council of Florence a century and a half later, it was not until the twenty-fifth session of the Council of Trent (4 December 1563) that the Catholic Church further clarified its stance on the term.70
The decree primarily established purgatory as deriving from ‘the sacred writings and the ancient tradition of the Fathers in sacred councils’, thus elucidating its longstanding nature. It further delivered instructions on how the faithful, through suffrages, can aid the souls as well as through the “acceptable sacrifice of the altar.”71 It concludes with a statement ascertaining the importance of the bishops role in
maintaining, teaching and preaching about the matter, concluding that they too must prohibit curious and superstitious enquiries concerning the doctrine.72
The necessity for such a clear and detailed decree resulted from the fervent attacks the doctrine had received from Protestantism. Two of the main issues Protestant reformers extensively promoted: that the redemption of humanity from sin was achieved solely through Christ’s sacrifice and that humanities own acts in the hope of reaching salvation were ineffective, mainly derived from the work of the Bohemian reformer Petr Chelčický in his On True, Certain and Uncertain Purgatory (1430s).73
Martin Luther further develops his points, stating that salvation is solely achieved through faith and that damnation is the result of atheism. He furthermore refutes purgatory as idolatry. These thoughts developed throughout the sixteenth century with Protestant authors further refuting the notion that sins could be absolved through a variety of ways, including purgatory, as they believed that only through faith in Christ’s atoning sacrifice ensured their salvation. They furthermore condemned Catholicism’s
70 For a detailed examination of early modern purgatory which simultaneously offers historical information
regarding the issue see. T. Malý, Early Modern Purgatory: Reformation Debates and Post-Tridentine Change, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History, 2015, Retrieved from URL:
https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/arg.2015.106.issue-1/arg-2015-0109/arg-2015-0109.xml
71 T. A. Buckley, Session XXV. Decree touching Purgatory, Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 1851,
Retrieved from URL:
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Canons_and_Decrees_of_the_Council_of_Trent/Session_XXV/Purgatory
72 Ibid.
22 belief in the necessity of good works to achieve forgiveness and viewed the doctrine of purgatory as solely benefiting the Pope. The Wittenberg theologian, Samuel Huber went so far as to argue that through promoting the use of indulgences to limit ones time in purgatory the Pope was appropriating Christ’s power.74 The Protestants concluded their stance on purgatory by refuting the existence of it,
claiming that it had no basis in Scripture and was based entirely on an inaccurate interpretation of the Bible.75
As the Olgiati Chapel was primarily a burial chapel, purgatory would have been an issue of prime importance to the family. The former half of the Tridentine Council’s statement, that the faithful can aid the souls stuck there through suffrages, would have been of particular resonance. This declaration correlates to the writings of Saint Antonius who spelled out three advantages of burials within churches: the saints honoured by the church would intercede on behalf of the deceased; the faithful, coming to church, would see the tomb and pray for the deceased; and the dead would be assured of rest undisturbed by demons.76 Thus, by himself and his family being buried in the Olgiati Chapel,
Bernardo wished for them to be prayed for and helped by the faithful visiting the chapel so that they may leave purgatory and enter heaven. A visual reminder for the faithful to participate in this activity is depicted with the scenes of the Passion of Christ. As the cross is a key symbol of salvation, it prompts onlookers to meditate on its meaning, furthermore, reminding them of the necessary steps they must perform to ensure they, as well as their loved ones, reach salvation. This point harks back to the Tridentine Council’s demand that art be didactic, as for onlookers to understand this message the images should be clear in meaning.
The second half of the decree on purgatory, that the faithful can furthermore aid the souls through the “acceptable sacrifice of the altar,” is also of importance, but will be discussed in the section dedicated to the chapel’s representation of the Holy Eucharist, in part two.
74 T. Malý, 2015, p.247
75 A detailed account of these developments is provided in, T. Malý, 2015, pp. 246 - 251
76 J. K. Nelson and R. J. Zeckhauser, The Patron's Payoff: Conspicuous Commissions in Italian Renaissance
23 RESURRECTION OF CHRIST
Cesari’s depiction of the Resurrection shows Christ floating above his now empty tomb where four soldiers are gathered, reacting in shock as they come to the realisation that Jesus is the Son of God. The depiction is based on the account from the fifteenth chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians in the New Testament of the Christian Bible, stating that ‘Christ died for our sins in accordance with the Scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day in accordance with the Scriptures.’77 This account of the resurrection, found and largely believed to have originally been
written by Paul the Apostle and Sosthenes in Ephesus, is believed to be one of the earliest creeds about Jesus’s death and resurrection. The creed has been placed no more than five years after Jesus’ death by a large majority of biblical scholars, including the post-Tridentine theologian Giovan Andrea Gilio who believes it to be an authentic and indispensable source.78
Christ’s resurrection was important to the post-Tridentine Church as it was the ultimate miracle that proved that Jesus was God and Christianity the one true religion. It additionally guaranteed that all the Christian dead will be resurrected at Christ's parousia. Although the biblical scene was mentioned in the gospels, no description of what it was like exists due to there being no witnesses present at Christ’s resurrection. Any interpretation of the scene is therefore based on accepted imagined representations which developed over time, corresponding to the changing accepted customs.
Despite this, Cesari’s representation of the scene does not fully correspond to the ideals established at the Council of Trent as they objected to floating or hovering depictions of Christ, demanding instead a return to the older conception, with Christ's feet firmly on the ground, either stepping out of a sarcophagus, or standing upright, holding a banner.79 Although Cesari’s Christ does
conform to the latter point it fails to adhere to the others. Considering the Olgiati Chapel was placed in
77 1 Corinthians 15:4
78 M. B. Hall, Michelangelo's Last Judgment: Resurrection of the Body and Predestination, The Art Bulletin,
Vol. 58, No. 1, March 1976, p. 85
24 a Titular Church, and which therefore perhaps adopted a stricter approach, it seems odd that adherence to the decree laid out at the Tridentine Council was not obeyed.
However, as sacred images had to be approved by a bishop it can be assumed that despite disobeying the Tridentine preferred depiction of the resurrection, the painting was still accepted.80 This
point is further corroborated through records of Clement VIII’s visitations which sought to check if artworks were strictly following the precepts defined at the Tridentine Council. In the 2014 book, The Sensuous in the Counter-Reformation Church, Dr Opher Mansour wrote a chapter titled “Censure and Censorship in Rome 1600” which lists the visitations Clement VIII conducted, stating that they attempted to promote “the veneration of divine things, the maintenance of good morals, correction of errors and the arousal of piety among men.”81 Inspired by Charles Borromeo’s visitations in his
Archdiocese of Milan as well as his publication of the Acta Ecclessia Mediolanensis in 1582, Clement VIII established his visitations with his bull Speculatores Domus Israel on 8 June 1592.82 Mansour
further lists the Churches which received a visitation, detailing that the Church of Santa Prassede received one on the 7th July 1596.83 Considering that Cesari completed his works one year prior to this
visitation it can be affirmed that his works, as well as those by the other artists, were accepted as embracing post-Tridentine values as no account exists which shows that they were corrected or removed.
Moreover, Cesari’s failure to strictly adhere to the accepted Tridentine resurrection representation is perhaps a testament to artistic freedom, simultaneously highlighting that although the Council’s decrees and various theological treatises discussed what was not permitted in an artwork, they were vague in stating what was.
80 For an English translation of this decree, which includes among its proclamations that artworks had to be
approved by a bishop, see, T. A. Buckley, Session XXV. Touching the Invocation, Veneration, and on Relics of Saints and Sacred Images, The Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, Routledge, 1851, pp. 231 - 235
81 O. Mansour, Censure and Censorship in Rome 1600, In. M. B. Hall and T. E. Cooper, The Sensuous in the
Counter-Reformation Church, Cambridge University Press, 2013
82 Ibid. p.139 83 Ibid. p. 156
25 GREGORY THE GREAT
Visually separating Cesari’s Resurrection and Ascension is a representation of St Gregory the Great (3 September 590 - 12 March 604) shown in the vault panel above the resurrection (Figure 16). Gregory is one of the four Great Church Fathers, with the other three also shown in the vault panels: Augustine is depicted above the entrance, Jerome to the left side and Ambrose to the right. The inclusion of these four Great Church Fathers is significant as they are foundational members of the Catholic Church, thus demonstrating its longevity. Gregory’s prime visual standpoint being above the altarpiece and the resurrection, as well as his face being depicted looking up at the scene of the Ascension, evokes further implication.
During his pontificate Gregory insisted upon the destruction of pagan idols, as explored in a 1965 article written by Tilmann Buddensieg.84 Despite the Church later embracing pagan idols, as
witnessed throughout the Renaissance,85 the post-Tridentine Catholic Church saw it as an area of
concern. Paleotti discussed that paganism was a form of profanity, arguing for the omission of pagan detail from sacred space.86 There is therefore a parallel between post-Tridentine anxieties of pagan
depictions and those expressed during the pontificate of Gregory the Great.
Representing Gregory the Great thus perhaps justified the Church’s recent efforts to remove pagan idols from sacred spaces as it had previously also been carried out by the early Christian Pope. Moreover, the depiction of a figure from early Christianity communicated the long-standing nature of the Catholic Church to those who doubted the legitimacy of it, such as Christian reformers. Since Gregory I was admired by Protestants such as John Calvin, who declared in his Institutes that he was the last good Pope,87 it could therefore also be considered a PR move in conveying to those like Calvin
that the Catholic Church also recognised the importance of Gregory and that by accomplishing the same deeds as him they wished to work within the principles he embraced.
84 T. Buddensieg, Gregory the Great, the Destroyer of Pagan Idols: The History of a Legend Concerning the
Decline of Ancient Art and Literature, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 28, 1965, pp. 44 - 65
85 See, A. F. D'Elia, Pagan Virtue in a Christian World, Harvard University Press, 2016
86 See English translation of Paleotti’s text, Discourse on Sacred and Profane Images, trans. P. Prodi and W.
McCuaig, Getty Research Institute, 2012, pp. 183 - 190
26 Just as Gregory looks up towards the ascension, so do the apostles and the Virgin. They stand on the edge of the illusionistic atrium painted by Giovanni Alberti, looking up at Christ as He floats in the clouds accompanied by two angels. Along the base of the atrium a Latin phrase reads, videntibus illis elevatus est (while they were watching, he was lifted up). This not only refers to the apostles and Mary who are clearly watching Christ as He is being lifted up into heaven, but also refers to the prophets and sibyls depicted on the ceiling fresco surrounding the Ascension, who not only prophesized the coming of Christ but also His ascension.
SIBYLS AND PROPHETS
The sibyls and prophets are depicted in four pairs in each corner of the ceiling fresco with every figure accompanied by an angel carrying their prophecy.88 They sit on the illusionistic architecture
painted by Giovanni Alberti, with two of them - the figure of Moses to the left of the Resurrection and a sibyl to its right - staring down at those who enter the chapel. Despite both prophets and sibyls foretelling the same prophecies, the difference between the two is that while the Israelites learned God’s will through the prophets, the pagans learned it through the sibyls.
Cesari’s decision to depict sibyls among prophets in the completed work differs from his preparatory sketches which only include male figures. A possible reason for this modification is that it was not until the mid-sixteenth century that the Sibylline Oracles, a series of apocalyptic poems supposedly narrated by the sibyls, became widely known.89 Written before and during the two centuries
88 List of what each pair of prophets and sybils state: First pair is the one to the left of the depiction of
the resurrection. The subsequent three pairs will be listed as if going in a clockwise direction when looking up at the ceiling, body facing the altar:
1st pair - On the left side of the resurrection one sees Moses and an angel, who holds a sash which reads: Ascensor Coeli, auxiliator tuus/ Rider of Heaven come to your help - At the left side of Moses is Micah the Prophet, with an angel above with a sash which reads: Ascendet pandens iter - To break down all opposition ; 2nd pair - Next there is a sibyl with another angel holding a sash which reads: In ipsum omnis lex solvetur/ he will melt all things of the law - On the side is another sibyl with an angel with a sash which reads: Colaphos accipiens tacebit/ Although he receives blows, he will be silent ; 3rd pair - Then in the next space there is the Prophet Ezekiel with an angel holding a sash which reads: Ascendet gloria Domini/ The glory of the Lord rises - After which there is Jeremiah with an angel with a sash which reads: Quasi nubes ascendet/ he drives the clouds ; 4th pair - A sibyl follows in the next space with an angel holding a sash which reads: Expuent in cum salivas
venonosas/ spits out venomous spit- Then lastly, another sibyl follows with an angel with a sash which reads: Et medio die erit lux tenebrosa/ and the day will turn from light to dark
