Reconsidering the origins of maps in the Near East.

(1)

From the Four Corners of the Earth

Studies in Iconography and Cultures of the Ancient Near East

in Honour of F. A. M. Wiggermann

Edited by David Kertai

and Olivier Nieuwenhuyse

(2)

Alter Orient und Altes Testament

Veröffentlichungen zur Kultur und Geschichte des Alten Orients und des Alten Testaments

Band 441

Herausgeber

Manfried Dietrich • Ingo Kottsieper • Hans Neumann

Lektoren

Kai A. Metzler • Ellen Rehm

Beratergremium Rainer Albertz • Joachim Bretschneider • Stefan Maul

Udo Rüterswörden • Walther Sallaberger • Gebhard Selz

Michael P. Streck • Wolfgang Zwickel

(3)

From the Four Corners of the Earth

Studies in Iconography and Cultures of the Ancient Near East

in Honour of F. A. M. Wiggermann

Edited by David Kertai and Olivier Nieuwenhuyse

2017 Ugarit-Verlag

Münster

(4)

From the Four Corners of the Earth. Studies in Iconography and Cultures of the Ancient Near East in Honour of F. A. M. Wiggermann

Edited by David Kertai and Olivier Nieuwenhuyse

Alter Orient und Altes Testament 441

electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

Printed in Germany

ISBN 978-3-86835-216-0

ISSN 0931-4296

Printed on acid-free paper

(5)

Content

David Kertai and Olivier Nieuwenhuyse

Frans Wiggermann: A Life Exploring Assyriology and Archaeology 7 Tzvi Abusch

A Paean and Petition to a God of Death:

Some Comments on a Šuilla to Nergal 15

Dominique Collon

Old Babylonian Whirlwinds and Sippar 29

Kim Duistermaat

What’s Cooking at the Dunnu? Thoughts on an Exotic, Steatite-tempered Pottery Cauldron in the ‘Kitchen’ of

Grand Vizier Ili-pada at Middle Assyrian Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria 45 Bleda S. Düring

Reconsidering the Origins of Maps in the Near East 73 Markham Geller and Luděk Vacín

Fermenting Vat, Childbirth and Dreckapotheke: A School

Incantatory-Medical Tablet 83

Stefan Jakob

Die Kehrseite des Sieges 95

David Kertai

The Iconography of the Late Assyrian Crown Prince 111 Olivier Nieuwenhuyse

Civilized Men Drinking 135

Strahil V. Panayotov

The Second Seal of Kabti-ilī-Marduk/Suhaya on a New Egibi

Land Sale Contract 153

Irene Sibbing Plantholt

Black Dogs in Mesopotamia and Beyond 165

Dahlia Shehata

Naturgewalt und (Un)heilsmacht. Strukturelle und

inhaltliche Überlegungen zum akkadischen Anzû-Mythos 181

(6)

Ulrike Steinert

Cows, Women and Wombs:

Interrelations Between Texts and Images

From the Ancient Near East 205

Marten Stol

Ghosts at the Table 259

Lorenzo Verderame

On the Early History of the Seven Demons (Sebettu) 283 Willemijn Waal

Anatolian Hieroglyphs on Hittite Clay Tablets 297 Fred C. Woudhuizen

The Earliest Indo-Europeans in Anatolia 309

Index 319

(7)

RECONSIDERING THE ORIGINS OF MAPS IN THE NEAR EAST

Bleda S. Düring (Leiden University)

Introduction

One of Frans’s favourite theories on humans past and present is that an (or perhaps he would say the) essential element for understanding social life is pleasure and fun, or as he would put it Wein, Weib, und Gesang (provocatively preferring the older German male centred version over the more neutral ‘Sex, Drugs, and Rock and Roll’). In this paper for Frans it pleases me to apply this idea to an area that I am certain is of interest to him: namely mapmaking in the ancient Near East.

In the modern Near East maps are undoubtedly problematic. On the one hand, most people in the region have no idea what a map is and how to use it. As all of us quickly found out while travelling in the region, asking someone for directions with a map in hand is a completely pointless and rather frustrating exercise resulting in some person intently staring at a map held up side down for some minutes before handing it back to you with a shrug. On the other hand, if you happen to carry a de- cent map at any scale smaller than 1:100.000 in a non urban area, you are liable to get arrested, and we all know of cases of people who got in trouble over such maps even in recent years when high resolution Google Earth imagery reveal greater detail than any map could ever show.

While these two opposite reactions to maps in the modern Near East might be a source of amusement to westerners – who are all map literate to some degree (an ability which will certainly disappear in the coming decades with the rise of the TomTom and internet on cell phones) – I contend that these reactions reveal very fun- damental issues about maps and what purposes they serve. I will pursue these points further below, but for now it suffices to note that: first, there is nothing natural about perceiving the world as an orthorectified map; and, second, that mapmaking is closely associated with bureaucratic control and exploitation. These observations will serve as a starting point to re-evaluate the cultural context in which the earliest maps were created.

The Çatalhöyük map: splendid isolation?

In the 1960s the site of Çatalhöyük produced a series of exciting finds that have jus- tifiably made the site famous (Mellaart 1967; Hodder 2006). This includes highly evocative plaster installations on the walls of buildings and figurative wall paintings.

Among these there is one that deserves our special attention (Fig. 1). It was found in building 14 of level VII (Mellaart 1964: 55, pls. 5b and 6a; 1967: 176-177, pls. 59 and 60). According to Mellaart (1967: 176-177):

(8)

74 Bleda S. Düring

“In the foreground is shown a town with rectangular houses of varying sizes with internal structures reminiscent of Çatal Hüyük houses clearly indicated. Each house has its own walls and they are placed one next to the other without open spaces. […] Beyond the town and much smaller as if far away, rises a double peaked mountain covered with dots and from its base parallel lines extend. More lines erupt from its higher peak and more dots are grouped beyond its right slope and in horizontal rows above its peak, interspersed with horizontal and vertical lines. A clearer picture of a volcano in eruption could hardly have been painted:

the fire coming out of the top, lava streams from vents at its base, clouds of smoke and glowing ash hanging over its peak and raining down on and beyond the slopes of the volcano are all combined in this painting. It is not difficult to lo- calize this picture: Hassan Dağ is the only twin peaked volcano in Central Anato- lia and it lies at the eastern end of the Konya Plain, within view of Çatal Hüyük.”

One can only admire the eloquence with which Mellaart puts forward his interpretation. Probably this is one of the reasons why this particular interpretation of the wall painting concerned has been accepted by both archaeologists and cartographers (Oates and Oates 1976: 93; Delano Smith 1987: 57; Yakar 1991: 213; Ülkekül 1999;

Sagona and Zimansky 2009: 92; Rochberg 2012: 9-11). However, I will argue in this paper that this broad acceptance of Mellaart’s interpretation has little merit.

The problem that concerns me here is that the Çatalhöyük map occurs in splendid isolation. The next documented building plans in the Near East can be dated to the end of the third Millennium BCE and occur in Mesopotamia, including for example temple plans on the lap of Gudea, the ruler of Lagash. The earliest true maps appear to date the Late Bronze Age, including the famous Nippur map (Fig. 2) dated to around 1400 BCE (Unger 1935; Millard 1987; Rochberg 2012).

Thus, there seems to be a temporal gap of about 5000 years between Mel- laart’s Çatalhöyük map and the earliest subsequent maps in the Near East. Unless one would take the position that our archaeological database is so patchy that such substantial gaps are meaningless, it is essential to critically re-evaluate the Çatalhöyük map in order to test whether it stands up to scrutiny. This can be done in two ways.

First, one can re-evaluate the image Mellaart interpreted as a map and problematize Fig. 1. The Çatalhöyük map (after Mellaart 1964: pl. 6a. Original drawing by Grace Huxtable.

Redrawn by Joanne Porck).

(9)

Reconsidering the Origins of Maps in the Near East 75

his interpretation. This has been done some years ago by Stephanie Meece (2006) and I will therefore keep this section to the necessary minimum. Second, one can chal- lenge Mellaart’s interpretation on a more conceptual level, and this will be the main approach I will follow here.

Reassessing the Çatalhöyük map

Scrutiny of the image interpreted by Mellaart as a map image can take place along several lines. First, the particular manner in which the two main components of the map: the volcano at the back and the town plan in front have been juxtaposed can be scrutinised. Second, it is possible to argue that these two components do not belong together but constitute a palimpsest of sorts. Third, good parallels for the volcano and town components seen in isolation can be listed.

The Çatalhöyük map shows the supposed town from a synoptic or oblique, bird’s eye perspective, whereas the volcano is shown more or less in profile. This observation has various implications. To start with, if the town is shown in an oblique perspective it means that – if we accept Mellaart’s interpretation – the wall painting is better described as a landscape rather than a map. Further, one wonders why different angles were combined in a single painting, creating the suggestion that the volcano is located immediately adjacent to the site, whereas in fact the volcano is about 125 kilometres removed. Having worked at the site for three field seasons I have failed to see this volcano even on a single occasion. Even if one would be able to see the volcano from the site, the Hassan Dağ doesn’t have the shape it has in the Çatalhöyük wall painting from this direction (Meece 2006: 6).

0 500 m

Fig. 2. The Nippur map (after Fisher 1905: pl. 1 and Pedersén et al. 2010: fig. 7. Redrawn by Joanne Porck).

(10)

76 Bleda S. Düring

Second, given the fact that the volcano and the town in the Çatalhöyük wall painting do not physically overlap, there is a distinct possibility that we are looking at two distinct wall paintings that have visually become part of a single panel only due to chance factors such as how the wall plaster layers on this particular wall cracked. This argument ties in with the third, namely that both the volcano and the wall painting of the Çatalhöyük map have strong and convincing parallels at the site itself when seen in isolation. Both the palimpsest argument and the parallels have been discussed in detail by Meece (2006), and here I simply want to repeat her points very briefly for the sake of clarity. The ‘volcano’ resembles a large number of paintings of leopard skins at the site – a point originally noted already by Mellaart. The ‘town’, which was argued to resemble the plan of Çatalhöyük, in fact looks very different from anything a Çatalhöyük inhabitant would have seen, whereas there are many clear parallels of geometric patterns at the site that closely resemble the ‘town’ motif. One particularly clear parallel was published by the new Çatalhöyük Research Project of motifs closely resembling the ‘town’ (Matthews and Farid 1996: 287).

In summary, the Çatalhöyük map can be discredited by a close scrutiny of the image and its constituent components. However, rather than resting the argument here, I want to use this point as a springboard for a more interesting consideration of what maps really are and how they can best be understood.

Understanding maps and mapmaking

The more fundamental issue regarding the plausibility of the Çatalhöyük map interpretation is conceptual. The fact that maps constitute a highly specific and abstract technology serving very particular social needs has been completely overlooked by both Mellaart and his followers.

There is nothing self evident about representing landscapes as a map. The idea of a map requires a significant degree of abstraction of the world around us:

a reduction of complex landscapes to a flat and simplified synoptic representation drawn at a much reduced scale. The fact that maps are so engrained in western society that most of us take them for granted and use them to orient themselves in unfamiliar places has obscured the realisation that maps are complex abstractions with a highly specific cultural genesis (Delano Smith 1987: 58-60).

For orienting oneself in most environments ‘wayfinding’: that is learning a route and being able to reverse it by using landmarks, makes much more sense than consulting a map (Golledge 2003). Anyone who has recently tried to navigate through a large Near Eastern city knows that this is in fact the most sensible strategy. This has been the case throughout human history. If one has to travel through unknown territory the easiest method is to consult others, who without fail will direct you using landmarks. It is only where travels are across large uninhabited areas without clear landmarks, for example oceans and sand deserts, that these methods become problematic and additional means for conveying spatial information are required. However, this type of information is usually communicated and memorised through narratives and schematic representations of routes rather than maps (Tilley 1994: 36-54; Finney

(11)

1998; Golledge 2003: 29). Given that such wayfinding methodologies have clearly proven their value we should perhaps asks why map were created in the first place.

There is a strong argument that maps as we know them today do not originate from a necessity to orient oneself in the world. In various studies of European mapping programmes from the 18th Century AD onwards it has been clearly demonstrated that the considerable efforts towards creating accurate maps was primarily undertak- en at the instigation of governments in order to enhance their ability to control the countryside and increase tax revenues: only by creating accurate maps could the state obtain a record of who owned land and how much, and what taxes could be levied from these people (Pelletier 1998; Scott 1998: 44-52). Thus, in the argument of these scholars mapmaking is clearly linked to a centralising government seeking to fully control and exploit the countryside.

It follows that our present use of maps as a means of orienting ourselves in unknown places is a secondary development, a popular usage of a technology and resource developed for a very different set of purposes, namely the interests of the ad- ministration. Here we can draw a parallel with the current popularity of Google Earth, a similar technological resource now used by all of us but which was originally created for the military and served to enhance US / NATO supremacy across the globe. It is with such a perspective in mind: that until very recently good maps were considered dangerous intelligence, that high resolution maps have been classified across the Near East and access to such maps was therefore restricted.

How relevant are these considerations of maps—as instruments of control, exploitation and military dominance for the powers that be—to older maps? There are scholars who argue that mapmaking is linked with: “the demands of agriculture, private property, long-distance trade, militarism, tribute relations’ and other attributes of redistributive economies” (Wood 1993: 56).

However, I do not agree with this perspective. While good arguments for a linkage between state control and exploitation exist for the Roman period (Dilke 1987), it is not clear at the moment whether this linkage also existed in earlier periods.

As far as I can see mapmaking in earlier periods, including maps known from Mesopotamia, and the Greek and Hellenistic worlds were not clearly linked to state control and exploitation. If this were the case one would expect maps to be much more ubiquitous and mapmaking to be concerned with documenting particular regions and landholdings. Instead, early maps of the Near East and Eastern Mediter- ranean are both much less common than one would expect and are concerned with relatively abstract entities such as cities and the world as a whole (Unger 1935; Aujac 1987; Millard 1987).

Moreover, in the better documented example of Greek cartography mapmaking seems to have been a pastime mainly practiced by philosophers or mathematicians interested in a complex problem of how they could establish the dimensions of the world and how those could be best represented in a synoptic image (Aujac 1987).

Here it should also be noted that both Greek and Phoenician trading networks across the Mediterranean and beyond preceded accurate maps by centuries and that no close association between cartography and nautical activities can be established. In this sense, the situation is very different from that in later millennia, where we can es-

(12)

78 Bleda S. Düring

tablish close relations between, for example, the Genoese maritime trading networks and their navigational maps from the 14th century AD onwards, or the maps of Portu- guese, Dutch, and English as they set up their trading networks from the 15th century AD onwards (Campbell 1987). Interestingly, these maps were primarily developed for purposes of navigation, and thus their genesis is rather different from that of the subsequent mapping on the European interior in the early modern period and that of earlier mapping in the Roman Empire which appears to have served state control and exploitation.

Mapmaking in Mesopotamia

Similar to the Greek world, the art of mathematics was relatively well developed in Mesopotamia (Oppenheim 1972: 305-310; Robson 2008). It seems plausible to link mathematics and mapmaking, given that producing a map without recourse to measured surveying techniques in combination with an understanding of mathematic formulae is impossible. Indeed one can only marvel at the close correspondence between the Nippur map already introduced and the plan produced by the archaeological mission to Nippur (Fischer 1905: 12-15, pl. 1; Unger 1935; Pedersén et al. 2001: 131;

Rochberg 2012: 26-28). The map shows the river, a canal, the city wall and its gate, and various large structures including the main temple. All of these elements corre- spond with features found by archaeologists. The proportions are also accurate.

Despite the accuracy achieved in the Nippur map, mapmaking does not seem to have been of great importance to Mesopotamian society. Surveys of the extant evidence of maps do not include more than a dozen examples (Unger 1935; Millard 1987), a figure which contrasts starkly with the hundreds of thousands of cuneiform texts from Mesopotamia (the British Museum alone has some 130.000 texts).

One can only speculate on the reasons maps did not become important in Mesopotamia. Here are some possibilities that can be mentioned. First, the medium of the clay tablet would have hampered the creation of large-scale maps.

Second, navigating the Mesopotamian landscapes would in all likelihood have been a relatively straightforward affair: the landscape was dotted with distinctive cities and towns, well-populated, and the main rivers and canals would have provided both an easy means of transport and orientation. Thus, maps would have served little purpose in this respect.

Finally, Mesopotamia differs in important respects from the early modern era in which mapping was sponsored by the state in order to increase state control and exploitation. Whereas in Europe the main resource for income generation was good quality land, the situation appears to have been very different in Mesopotamia. Here, the main resource seems to have been labour rather than land – which was abundant (Warburton 2011: 239). In Mesopotamia land itself was without value, it only ob- tained its value from the labour invested in it, for example by creating and maintain- ing irrigation channels with which it could be farmed. If this is really the case, then producing detailed maps of landholdings in the countryside would have been a rather pointless exercise, as there was no clear relationship between land per se and produc-

(13)

tivity. In other contexts, such as the transfer of parcel of property within a city, maps also seem to have been unnecessary, given that knowledge about the size of building plots seem to have been kept in central registries (Veenhof 2011: 217-228).

To sum up, mapmaking in Mesopotamia is probably best understood as akin to the mathematical exercises of which many examples have been found on cuneiform tablets (Oppenheim 1972: 305-310): a pastime towards improving mathematical skills and knowledge rather than something that served practical purposes such as navigation or taxation. This ties in with the idea that innovations are only taken up by society if they serve a need in that society (Rogers 2003).

Conclusions: maps as complex social technologies

Maps and mapmaking I argue are neither self-evident nor a human universal. The idea of producing synoptic scaled and simplified representation of landscapes and regions requires a considerable degree of abstraction that is far removed from how humans experience their surrounding as they go about their daily chores and in most circum- stances maps are less than ideal tools for navigation.

Considering both the degree of abstraction encapsulated in maps and their limited use for navigation, it is surprising that Mellaart’s map interpretation has stood largely unchallenged until recently. It is possible to argue convincingly that the Çatal- höyük map is in fact a palimpsest of two different wall paintings which are better understood in isolation. On a more conceptual level, moreover, it can be argued that true maps (as opposed to small plans or landscapes) can only occur in societies with some knowledge of mathematics.

Ancient Mesopotamia fits this criterion perfectly, and it is therefore perhaps not surprising that the world’s oldest genuine maps derive from this cultural horizon.

However, what is also obvious, is that maps remain relatively rare in Mesopotamia.

This fact runs counter to a by now well established idea that mapmaking was linked with states seeking to enhance control and exploitation of their populations. More- over, maps do not seem to have been used for navigational purposes, or one would again expect more of them to have been found. Thus it would seem that both uses of maps are secondary developments, in which mapmaking for navigation became important at first for navigating the open seas where there are relatively few other ways of orienting oneself, and mapmaking as a tool for control and exploitation developed in particular historical contexts characterised by centralising states depending heavily on agriculture for taxation.

How are we then to understand the few maps found in Mesopotamia? To me it seems likely that mapmaking, like in the better documented case of classical Greece, at first developed as a pastime for the intelligentsia interested in the mathematical problem of how they could establish the dimensions of the world and how those could be best represented in a synoptic image. Thus, if you like Frans, mapmaking was initially a pleasant pastime for those seeking relatively useless knowledge, much like some of us devote our energies today on the study of the ancient Near East.

(14)

80 Bleda S. Düring

Bibliography

Aujac, G. 1987. The foundations of theoretical cartography in Archaic and Classical Greece.

In J. B. Harley and D. Woodward (eds.) Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean (Chicago: Chicago University Press):

131-148.

Campbell, T. 1987. Portolan charts from the late thirteenth century to 1500. In J. B. Harley and D. Woodward (eds.) Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean (Chicago: Chicago University Press): 371-463.

Delano Smith, C. 1987. Cartography in the prehistoric period in the Old World. In J. B. Harley and D. Woodward (eds.) Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean (Chicago: Chicago University Press): 54-101.

Dilke, O. A. W. 1987. Maps in the service of the state: Roman cartography to the end of the Augustan Era. In J. B. Harley and D. Woodward (eds.) Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean (Chicago: Chicago Univer- sity Press): 201-212.

Finney, B. 1998. Nautical cartography and traditional navigation in Oceania. In D. Woodward and G. M. Lewis (eds.) Cartography in the traditional African, American, Arctic, Australian, and Pacific Societies (Chicago: Chicago University Press): 443-492.

Fischer, C. S. 1905. Excavations at Nippur: plans, details and photographs of the buildings, with numerous objects found in them during the excavations of 1889, 1893-1896, 1899-1900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania).

Golledge, R. G. 2003. Human wayfinding and cognitive maps. In M. Rockman and J. Steele (eds.) The colonization of unfamiliar landscapes, The archaeology of adaptation (London: Routledge): 25-43.

Hodder, I. 2006. The leopard’s tale, revealing the mysteries of Çatalhöyük (London: Thames and Hudson).

Matthews, W. and S. Farid 1996. Exploring the 1960’s surface, The stratigraphy of Çatalhöyük.

In I. Hodder (ed.) On the surface, Çatalhöyük 1993-95 (Cambridge: McDonald Institute): 271-300.

Meece, S. 2006. A bird’s eye view—of a leopard’s spots. The Çatalhöyük ‘map’ and the devel- opment of cartographic representation in prehistory, Anatolian Studies 56: 1-16.

Mellaart, J. 1964. Excavations at Çatal Hüyük, Third preliminary report, 1963, Anatolian Stud- ies 14: 39-119.

——— 1967. Çatal Hüyük, A Neolithic town in Anatolia (London: Thames and Hudson).

Millard, A. R. 1987. Cartography in the Ancient Near East. In J. B. Harley and D. Woodward (eds.) Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediter- ranean (Chicago: Chicago University Press): 107-116.

Oates, J. and D. Oates 1976. The rise of civilization (Lausanne: Elsevier Phaidon).

Oppenheim, A. L. 1972 [5th edition]. Ancient Mesopotamia, Portrait of a dead civilisation (Chicago: Chicago University Press).

Pedersén, O., P. J. J. Sinclair, I. Hein and J. Andersson 2010. Cities and urban landscapes in the Ancient Near East and Egypt with special focus on the city of Babylon. In P. J. J.

Sinclair, G. Nordquist, F. Herschend and C. Isendahl (eds.) The Urban Mind, Cul- tural and Environmental Dynamics (Uppsala: Uppsala University Press): 113-147.

(15)

Pelletier, M. 1998. Cartography and power in France during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In J. R. Akerman (ed.) Cartography and statecraft: studies in govern- mental mapmaking in modern Europe and its colonies (Toronto: University of To- ronto Press): 41-54.

Robson, E. 2008. Mathematics in Ancient Iraq: A Social History (Princeton: Princeton Univer- sity Press).

Rochberg, F. 2012. The expression of terrestrial and celestial order in ancient Mesopotamia. In R. J. A. Talbert (ed.) Ancient Perspectives. Maps and Their Place in Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece & Rome (Chicago / London: The University of Chicago Press): 9-46.

Rogers, E. M. 2003. [5th edition] Diffusion of innovations (New York: Free Press).

Sagona, A., and P. Zimansky 2009. Ancient Turkey (London: Routledge).

Scott, J. C. 1998. Seeing like a State: how certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed (New Haven: Yale University Press).

Tilley, C. 1994. A phenomenology of landscape, the perspective of experience (London: Ar- nold).

Unger, E. 1935. Ancient Babylonian maps and plans, Antiquity 9: 311–322.

Ülkekul, C. 1999. An 8,200 year old map, the town plan of Çatalhöyük (Istanbul: Dönence).

Veenhof, K. R. 2011. Houses in the ancient city of Assur. In B. S. Düring, A. Wossink and P. M.

M. G. Akkermans (eds.) Correlates of complexity: essays in archaeology and assyr- iology dedicated to Diederik J.W. Meijer in honour of his 65th Birthday. PIHANS 116 (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten): 211-231.

Warburton, D. A. 2011. Taking a stab at archaeological thought on ancient Near Eastern eco- nomics. In B. S. Düring, A. Wossink and P. M. M. G. Akkermans (eds.) Correlates of complexity: essays in archaeology and assyriology dedicated to Diederik J.W.

Meijer in honour of his 65th Birthday. PIHANS 116 (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten): 233-259.

Wood, D. 1993. The fine line between mapping and mapmaking, Cartographica 30(4): 50-60.

Yakar, J. 1991. Prehistoric Anatolia, the Neolithic transformation and the Early Chalcolithic period (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press).