THE ROLE AND INCLUSION OF RURAL WOMEN AND YOUTH IN LOCAL PEACEBUILDING BODIES IN COLOMBIA:
FROM 1990s TO PRESENT
A Thesis Presented to
The University of Groningen, Netherlands by
Brittany Jane Sneller
December, 2017Supervisors:
Dr. Pedro Valenzuela, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, Colombia Dr. Joost Herman, University of Groningen, Netherlands
This thesis is submitted for obtaining the Joint Master’s Degree in International Humanitarian Action. By submitting the thesis, the author certifies that the text is from his own hand, does not include the work of someone else unless clearly indicated, and that the thesis has been produced in accordance with proper academic practices.
Abstract
Rural women and rural youth are two groups commonly excluded and marginalized in
Colombian society. They are often made invisible; their voices go unheard and their rights are ceaselessly violated. What’s more, their plight has been further exacerbated by the brutal realities of the prolonged armed conflict that has left a destructive trail of suffering and grief among some of the nation’s most impoverished populations. In response, a plethora of peace and development initiatives began to surge the country during the early 1990s as the nation’s peace movement rapidly increased in size and scale. The nation escalated its response as the international community anxiously poured in funds to help Colombia establish peace and development. The plight of those most impacted surfaced; with national demonstrations involving rural women and youth from all over the country. They increasingly demanded for their rights to participate in national peace dialogues, to have access to economic and educational opportunities, rightful ownership to land, and much more. This research delves into this context as it analyzes the local peacebuilding approach in Colombia and the role and inclusion that rural women and youth have in the peace and development projects. This research draws upon existing literature to provide the reader with necessary information regarding the research topic. Then, this thesis provides two embedded case study analysis to identify the working mechanisms and methodology of the peacebuilding initiatives led by Colombian grassroots Peace and Development Programs and the European Union’s Peace Laboratory plan. The results of this research show how these
peacebuilding programs were effective in what they intended to do, which was establish peace and development in conflictual territories with a focus on the inclusion of rural women and youth.
Table of Contents
Abstract 1
Table of Contents 2
Acknowledgments 5
List of Abbreviations 6
Chapter One: Introduction 8
1.1 Research Problem 8
1.2 Research Aims & Objective 9
1.3 Research Question 11
1.4 Justification of Research 12
1.5 Research Setup 14
1.5.1 Limitations 14
Chapter Two: Literature Review 16
2.1 Local Peacebuilding in Colombia 16
2.1.1 Emergence of Peacebuilding: A Historical Perspective 16
2.1.2 Critical Arguments 18
2.1.3 Peacebuilding in Colombia 19
2.1.4 Peace and Development Programs (PDPs) 21
2.1.5 EU-funded Peace Laboratories 25
2.1.6 Conclusions: Local Peacebuilding in Colombia 27
2.2 Rural Women 28
2.2.1 The Women’s Movement 28
2.2.2 Impact of Conflict on Rural Women (90s-Now) 30
2.2.3 Challenges Rural Women Face 32
2.3 Rural Youth 36
2.3.1 Defining ‘Youth’ 36
2.3.2 Youth as “Seeds of Peace” 36
2.3.3 Impact & Challenges Rural Youth Face 39
2.3.4 Conclusion: Rural Youth 40
2.4 Conclusions: Chapter Two 41
Chapter Three: Case Study Analysis 43
3.1 Case Study: Introduction 43
3.2 Rural Women Case Study: AMCABF 44
3.2.1 Background 44
3.2.2 Regional Context & Problem 44
3.2.3 Purpose, Vision, Mission 45
3.2.4 Participants 46
3.2.5 Strategy & Objectives 46
3.2.6 Outcomes/Results 47
3.2.7 Lessons Learned 50
3.2.8 Challenges 51
3.2.9 Feedback 52
3.2.10 Impact 54
3.2.11 Conclusions: AMCABF Case Study 55
3.3 Rural Youth Case Study: CONSORNOC 58
3.3.1 Background 58
3.3.2 Regional Context & Problem 59
3.3.3 Participants 60
3.3.4 Purpose & Goals 61
3.3.6 Outcomes/Results 64
3.3.7 Lessons Learned 65
3.3.8 Challenges 66
3.3.9 Testimonies 67
3.3.10 Impact 68
3.3.11 Conclusions: CONSORNOC Case Study 69
Chapter Four: Conclusion 72
4.1 Summary of Analysis 72
4.2 Final Limitations 75
4.3 Lessons & Recommendations 76
Acknowledgments
I would like to take the opportunity to express my gratitude to all those who contributed to the development of this thesis. I would like to thank my primary supervisor, Pedro Valenzuela for the insightful conversations over cups of Colombian coffee and for the helpful contacts during my research stay in Colombia. Furthermore, I would like to thank my secondary supervisor Joost Herman and coordinator Elena Herman, for their continued support and guidance in the
achievement of this master. I would like to thank my Colombian host Marcela, who warmly welcomed me into her home for three months in Bogotá, and whose lust for life has left a dear impression on my mind and heart. Also, I would like to thank Ms. Neider, who shared her precious time to help me get back on track with the development of this thesis and who let me practice my Spanish in confidence. I would also like to thank Astrid from Redprodepaz and Ms. Belcy from Consornoc who gladly shared their breadth of knowledge and resources with me to help me gain a better understanding of my research, even after I left Colombia. Finally, I would like to thank my loved ones for their support and encouragement, despite the many miles between us. To my mom, sisters, aunt, and loving grandparents, thank you for always pushing me forward and for always believing in my dreams, even when I didn’t. And finally, to my best friend and life partner, Paul, thank you for traveling all over the world with me for this masters, for your unwavering guidance, support, insight, intelligence, encouragement, silly jokes, and most of all, unconditional love. Because of you, all of this was possible.
List of Abbreviations
ADC Asociación para el Desarrollo Campesino Association for Peasant Development AEA American Evaluation Association
AMCABF Asociación de Mujeres Campesinas Buscando Futuro Association of Rural Women Seeking the Future CINEP Centro de Investigacion y Educacion Popular
Center of Research and Popular Education
CONSORNOC Corporacion Nueva Sociedad de la Región Nororiental de Colombia Cooperation New Society of the Northeastern Region of Colombia
EC European Commission
EU European Union
FARC Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia Revolutionary Armed Forcés of Colombia INGO International Non-Governmental Organization IMP Iniciativa de Mujeres Colombianas por la Paz
Women’s Peace Initiative
NGO Non-Governmental Organization PDP Programa de Desarrollo y Paz
Peace and Development Program
PDPMM Programa de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio Peace and Development Program of Magdalena Medio
PL Peace Laboratory
PL II Second Peace Laboratory
PRODEPAZ Corporación Programa de Desarrollo para la Paz Cooperation Development Program for Peace
REDPRODEPAZ Red Nacional de Programas Regionales de Desarrollo y Paz National Network of Regional Peace and Development Programs
SFCG Search for Common Ground
UN United Nations
UNDP/PNUD United Nations Development Program
Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women WHO World Health Organization
Chapter One: Introduction
1.1 Research Problem
After half a century of conflict and internal armed conflict, the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrilla group finally put aside their
differences to join hands in signing the bilateral ceasefire peace agreement. Over the course of the internal armed conflict, there has been tremendous suffering and negative consequences on and across diverse areas from the guerrilla groups, paramilitaries, and armed forces. As a result, rural populations, marginalized groups, the agriculture sector, local businesses, countrymen and women, youth, schools, livelihoods, access and availability to natural resources, the surrounding environment, and much more, have all been negatively impacted due to the prolonged armed conflict.
While the impact of a decades-long conflict will forever leave a lasting impression on the country and its beloved people, it hasn’t been without a fight to make things right. In recent decades, there has been a sharp increase in grassroots level organizations seeking to establish peace and development initiatives in conflict regions. These organizations are mainly in the form of Constituent Assemblies, Peace Communities, and Peace-and Development Programs (PDPs), among others (Henriques, 2013). Among these initiatives developed short-term “Peace
Laboratories” (PLs) which, according to Henriques (2007), constitute multidimensional
programs and organizations of peacebuilding at the micro level, in close conjunction with civil society, the European Union (EU), and the Colombian-government’s support and participation (p. 4). Peace Laboratories, alongside their long-term Colombian PDP counterparts, attempt to address the root causes of conflict and try to generate peace and development at the utmost local level—empowering marginalized groups and excluded social groups from the Colombian territories (p. 5).
More specifically, these grassroots level organizations attempt to address area-specific problems. These problems are the result of both the devastating consequences of the conflict, but also the reasons for which the conflict was initially ignited (i.e. immense poverty, social injustice, lack of government initiative and development, etc.). These factors are deeply rooted in the diverse
thread that makes up Colombia’s social structure. It is a vicious cycle, in that the underlying enablers of the conflict further ignite the fire behind the conflict. The armed conflict has exacerbated previously impoverished conditions of life. Indeed, Colombia’s conflict is not the result of core problems such as narco trafficking and political corruption alone—though factors such as these largely contributed to the escalation, financing, and prolongation of the conflict. Rather, the problems underpinning the overall conflict are much more intertwined within the very diverse social fabric of the country.
To find a solution to these problems, organizations must aim to address the core problems laid in the foundations of the country’s social structure. That means organizations such as PDPs target local populations and communities marked by a historic absence of the State, in addition to the effects of war, illegal trafficking, devastation of agriculture and land, and much more. This in turn leaves: farmers with no crops and no income to feed their family, resulting in increased poverty and a high number of deaths among malnourished children; women with traumatic memories of abuse and rape, resulting in a deterioration of their mental and physical health and possibly exclusion from society; children with no education, resulting often in under aged working abuses and stunted mental growth; and youth are left with a complete lack of
opportunities, resulting in recruitment into armed groups (among other criminal activities) and unwanted pregnancies among girls.
As mentioned above, the problems present among local populations are many. However, for the purpose of this research, the problem discussed herein will concern mainly the factors that directly affect and impact rural women and youth; as these commonly marginalized groups are excluded from social and political processes and are also most negatively impacted by intense levels of poverty exacerbated by the prolonged armed conflict.
1.2 Research Aims & Objective
The overarching aim of this research intends to discover the underlying operational mechanisms of grassroots organizations (by using PDPs and EU-funded PLs as a focus) used to bring peace and development to rural populations (specifically rural women and youth) affected by war and the country’s troublesome social structure. This research hopes to identify the activities and
practices put in place by organizations such as PDPs in order to bring about positive change to the livelihoods of rural women and youth. More specifically, this research intends to analyze the extent to which the inclusion of rural women and youth in peace and development initiatives has transformed across time, specifically since the 1990s. How does their inclusion transform across time and to what extent are they the focus of development and peace initiatives? Furthermore, this research aims to analyze the effectiveness of these peacebuilding practices, and if successful, if it’s possible that they be transformed into country-wide initiatives, or perhaps on a larger scale, as internationally-recognized models for establishing peace among long-term conflict-stricken populations.
In order to achieve these aims, the objective of this research will initially endeavor to extensively analyze relevant available literature surrounding the theories of local peacebuilding, local peace bodies such as PDPs, EU-funded PLs in Colombia, and literature discussing the inclusion of rural women and youth since the 1990s and the main challenges women and youth face in context of the armed conflict. This research will analyze current understandings surrounding peacebuilding, what it means and which perception of peacebuilding this research will be using, as perceptions of peacebuilding have direct ramifications on the process and projects
(Scharbatke-Church, 2011). By conducting an extensive literature review, this research will provide contextualizing knowledge that will shed further insight on the overarching research question and underpinning sub questions regarding the livelihoods of rural women and rural youth.
In addition to theoretical knowledge, this research aims to review and apply information collected from a three-month research stay in Colombia. The short-term research stay based in Bogotá, Colombia enabled this research to collect useful information from people directly involved or associated with PDPs and their activities and collecting relevant scholarly articles and literature; further providing supporting information to the research problem and the overall focus of this research. In particular, this research draws upon the resources of a PDP network in order to collect relevant data surrounding this study’s topic of local peacebuilding and rural women and youth in these processes.
Finally, this study will draw upon the conclusions and analysis of specific case studies of projects developed by PDPs, EU-funded Peace Labs, and regional organizations, associations, and partners. By doing an in-depth case study analysis, this research will perform a detailed examination of two projects led by PDPs and PLs to analyze the impact their activities may have on rural women and youth. By conducting an embedded case study analysis provides detailed information regarding the project’s effectiveness and impact on rural youth and women. This research will look at two aspects that are at the heart of peacebuilding evaluation: accountability and learning. These in-depth case studies will allow this thesis to analyze whether the local peacebuilding projects are effectively carrying out the goal of peacebuilding, or whether they are satisfying moreso criteria of the development field. To determine this, this thesis will draw upon the evaluation standards by the American Evaluation Association (AEA). Finally, the conclusion will serve to address the relevant sub questions and their relation to the main research question. 1.3 Research Question
Thus, the core of this research is to focus on the role and inclusion of rural women and rural youth in peace and development programs (local and international) since the 1990s until now. More specifically, at the core of this research question is to analyze whether the presence of PDPs and alike partners in targeted conflict regions are effective in their mission to establish peace and development and to bring positive change to the livelihoods of rural women and rural youth. As an integral part of this study, two embedded case study analysis will serve to assess if, and how, PDPs and their partners can effectively improve the livelihoods of rural women and youth in war-torn territories. Do their projects entail activities tailored to increasing access to land, education, income, opportunities and more?
This research will further base its findings by seeking to answer five core sub questions that correlate to and underpin this study:
1. What are the major challenges that rural women and rural youth face at the local level (i.e. in conflictual regions).
2. Did the PDPs-achieve/are they achieving what they intend to do—establish peace and development at the local level across regions in Colombia?
3. What are the primary roles for rural women and rural youth in local peacebuilding initiatives?
4. How do PDPs and similar peace and development programs attempt to address the damage and suffering to the livelihoods of rural women and youth exacerbated by long-term conflict through their projects?
5. How can lessons learned from the Colombian approach to local peacebuilding play a role at the international level?
These sub questions will be answered throughout the literature and case study analysis in order to complement the overall research question.
1.4 Justification of Research
The angle of this research focuses particularly on an integral yet underdeveloped topic: the roles and inclusion of rural women and youth in Colombian local peacebuilding activities and
organization initiatives. As this research will show, the inclusion of women and youth (and their respective roles) in peacebuilding activities was not always made a priority. Rural women and youth are two commonly marginalized groups who, for decades, have been excluded from exercising their full political, economic, social, and citizenship rights. This research thus brings to light the plight of rural women and youth, the challenges they face in context of the long-term conflict, and how various local peace and development projects can empower them to better their livelihoods for a sustainable and secure future. By examining the challenges rural women and youth face, we can understand how to better implement programs and activities to relieve their plight. By analyzing the projects (via two embedded case studies) of PDPs and EU PLs, this study can draw upon the extent to which local peacebuilding in Colombia aids to reduce conflict-causing tension, and to which the livelihoods of rural women and youth are improved long-term due to these projects.
There is not a magnitude of previously-led research surrounding PDPs and their local
peacebuilding initiatives, and even less so with a focus on rural women and youth. Moreover, apart from research conducted by researcher and professor Miguel Henriques, who has done extensive fieldwork and research on the role of the EU in PLs in Colombia, there is not a plethora of substantial research surrounding EU-funded PLs, the local peacebuilding strategies, and the compounding impacts on the national or global level. Therefore, it should be noted that it is not only Colombian-led PDPs that have not been extensively analyzed, but also EU-funded peacebuilding projects.
Thus, the importance of this study endeavors to bring to light rural women and youth and their role and inclusion in local peacebuilding projects led by PDPs and PLs. Both the academic and humanitarian community can benefit from this study and from similar studies in the future due to the growing acceptance of local peacebuilding as an effective approach for establishing peace and development in a country. As the PDPs grow in their development, mission and aim, so too will their exposure. With this study, and with additional research, local organizations such as PDPs can receive more national and international attention, and the importance of including rural women and youth in peacebuilding projects can be made more apparent. This in turn will impact the capacity and funding required, to stretch the PDPs outreach even further to additional local communities and marginalized groups in need of support and assistance from humanitarian and development partners.
Additional and alternative implications-of this research may also suggest-that grassroots and/or local peacebuilding strategies, for example through local outlets such as PDPs, are most effective in establishing long-term peace-and development within a nation. If this research finds that the Colombian approach to local peacebuilding initiatives are more effective at generating peace and development, then current knowledge regarding effective peacebuilding methods should shift from a global/national perspective, to a more local, micro-level one. This theory will be further analyzed during the literature review.
1.5 Research Setup
This research is broken down into five principal chapters. Chapter one introduced the problem, main question and sub-questions of the research, in addition to justification, methodology, and limitations of the research setup. In chapter two, analysis is given to existing literature
surrounding local peacebuilding theories and practices in additional to the impoverished situation of rural women and youth in Colombia since the 1990s. It examines the trends and theories of thought regarding local peacebuilding approaches and discusses the rise of local peacebuilding bodies such as PDPs and EU PLs in Colombia. It also looks at women’s inclusion and role in rise of the peace movement in Colombia from the 1990s to present; the impact the conflict has had specifically on rural women; and the main challenges they face which local peacebuilding bodies attempt to address. Chapter two concludes by analyzing youth in a similar structure such as the role youth played in the peace movement, the impact of the armed conflict and challenges they face, and youth’s inclusion in peacebuilding activities which will be discussed in chapter three. Chapter three will thus focus on specific case studies regarding rural women and youth in peacebuilding projects led by aforementioned peace and development bodies. Examination of these case studies will offer an in-depth analysis on the role of women and youth in local peacebuilding projects and activities, and the lessons learned and outcomes of these projects. Chapter four will offer overall conclusions and a summary of the final analysis of the research results. It will include final limitations of the research, lessons learned and recommendations. 1.5.1 Limitations
This research setup has two main limitations that are important to note here. Firstly, data collected in the field (i.e. key informant interviews) was limited due to unavailability of key actors and time constraints, in addition to a shift in focus of the research question. The initial research question was changed due to limited access to relevant information which decreased the concerning the viability and feasibility of the previous research question. Due to this change, the access to new available key actors was restricted because of time constraints and tight
scheduling. Secondly, a bulk of the information regarding this research is only available in Spanish. Although the three-month research stay allowed the researcher to progress significantly in regards to Spanish language skills, conducting oral interviews in Spanish was made difficult.
Thus this research combines both English and Spanish written sources, and while this allows for a positively fuller perspective on this research topic, it has contributed to the restriction of this research from collecting data in the field in regards to interviewing rural women and youth.
Chapter Two: Literature Review
2.1 Local Peacebuilding in Colombia
2.1.1 Emergence of Peacebuilding: A Historical Perspective
Whether with international or local peacebuilding, our modern understanding of what it means to ‘build peace’ is derived from a plethora of theories and approaches. Although the idea of
peacebuilding existed prior to that of the Colombian conflict, it wasn’t really until Galtung’s (1976) peacebuilding theories, for which he is famed, that the successes and failures of
international peacebuilding efforts became an often heated subject of debate among the world’s top-level diplomats and humanitarian and development organizations. As Galtung questions, “What structure would decrease the likelihood of violence, what is the structure of peace?” (1976). After all, what exactly is the best way to build durable peace in a country torn by protracted war? Many researchers, philosophers, authors, and post-conflict experts have contributed to this field of knowledge in trying to tackle this difficult question. However, as Paffenholz (2014) argues, none have offered more of a transformative point of view than John Paul Lederach’s approach to peacebuilding.
Essentially, Lederach’s theory demonstrates the necessity to evolve from the outdated notion of “traditional diplomacy,” as this often places the emphasis on world leaders and unsustainable, short-term objectives (Lederach, 1997). Moreover, Lederach sheds light on a rather holistic approach to peacebuilding, which emphasizes durable perspectives, inclusion from a multitude of peace and conflict resolution actors, and most of all, the need to implement a working infrastructure with a focus on the locals involved (1997). The overall approach to Lederach’s model of peacebuilding can be seen as demonstrated in Figure 1 below.
Figure 1. Types of actors and approaches to peacebuilding, derived from Lederach (1997, p. 39) Each level plays a role in peacebuilding, but Lederach’s approach places grassroots leadership as the foundation of peacebuilding. In doing so empowers local resources among civil society members and further maximizes on outside donations and support from levels 2 and 3. Lederach’s theory-practice approach to peacebuilding has received a tremendous amount of support from peacebuilding practitioners from all over the world. As a result, the field of
peacebuilding research has further gained evidence which supports Lederach’s holistic approach. According to Paffenholz (2014), it is since Lederach’s groundbreaking contributions to the subject that peace and conflict resolution research, and the concerning policies put into practice, have seen a substantial shift in focus from international to local peacebuilding. Moreover, one of the most influential outcomes of Lederach’s research is the internationally-recognized notion that local actors should be the driving force behind peacebuilding initiatives (2014). This recognition is widely-accepted among humanitarian and development partners, in policy discourse, and has
led to a monumental transformation of peacebuilding efforts in support of local actors across recent decades (2014). However, although there is substantial evidence in support of Lederach’s shift towards local actors, there are also many complex challenges to this approach, and it’s not without heavy criticism.
2.1.2 Critical Arguments
Paffenholz (2014) review of Lederach’s theory demonstrates that, although peacebuilding practitioners recognize the importance of the international to local shift in peacebuilding efforts, experience has shown that the local approach hasn’t always succeeded in bringing about the desired peacebuilding outcomes. This, as Paffenholz describes, is due to two core reasons: (1) how the ‘local’ is understood by the international community; and (2) existing power relations that undermine efforts to narrow international support strategies (2014). Further indicators of a failed local peacebuilding strategy are also often the case in instances where peacebuilding implementation efforts are “too shallow, too centralized or neglects the local context” (Brinkerhoff, 2007). What does this signify? Local peacebuilding, it must be noted, is not
understood equally by all actors within the humanitarian stride, nor among governments, or local actors. From the actors involved, to the implementation methods and targeted activities and programs, many ‘local’ peacebuilding initiatives naturally have different approaches. The lack of a homogenous identity of the definitions of ‘local’ and ‘peacebuilding’ does not further aid peace initiatives. As Mac Ginty (2015) points out, the confusion surrounding the understanding of the local creates a situation where the local is not always a helpful construction. Furthermore, Mac Ginty notes that if one were to separate the concept of local from territory as a geographical concept, and instead apply a critical lens on its inner workings in terms of activity, networks and relationships, then maybe understanding the local will actually show more positive and sustainable results (2015). Interestingly so, much of the notable groundbreaking
peacebuilding research shares this common idea that the ‘local’ in local peacebuilding is much intertwined with relationships.
The goal of peacebuilding as understood by Lederach, so as to coherently refer to the idea of ‘local peacebuilding’ throughout this research, is stated in the following terms, “peacebuilding is
to create and sustain transformation and the movement toward restructured relationships” (1997). The theme of relationships is recurrent throughout a bulk of peacebuilding research. From
Lederach’s viewpoint, the key to reaching sustainable peace via constructive relationships is through reconciliation (1997). As Lederach defines,
Reconciliation is not pursued by seeking innovative ways to disengage or minimize the conflicting groups' affiliations, but instead is built on mechanisms that engage the sides of a conflict with each other as humans-in-relationship (1997, p. 23).
Authors and peace researchers, Philpott and Powers (2010) also mention relationships as an integral part of peacebuilding by suggesting that nurturing constructive human relationships exists at the very core of peacebuilding. Moreover, they refer to their understanding of peacebuilding as ‘strategic peacebuilding.’ To elaborate on this concept, Philpott and Powers characterize strategic peacebuilding in a comprehensive (albeit somewhat incomplete) list of hallmarks, or indicators of peacebuilding. Specifically, they suggest hallmarks such as,
The cultivation of interdependence as a social and political context for the effective pursuit of human rights, good governance, economic prosperity; the promotion of transparent
communication across sectors and levels of society in the service of including as many voices and actors as possible in the reform of institutions and the repair or creation of partnerships conducive to the common good (2010, p. 22).
As will be shown in this study, this theme of constructive human relationships and reconciliation plays a key role among local peacebuilding initiatives and the betterment of the livelihoods of women and youth in peace and development programs. Throughout the case analysis studies, this research will touch upon Lederach’s theory-practice approach to local peacebuilding and Philpott and Powers strategic peacebuilding approach which includes several indicators to a successful peacebuilding initiative. Will the PDPs satisfy the hallmarks within their rural peacebuilding projects?
2.1.3 Peacebuilding in Colombia
Although the Colombian conflict and violence was at its height during the latter part of the 1980s and 1990s with the formation and drastic growth in expansion of guerrilla and paramilitary
groups; it wasn’t until the 1990s and early 2000s that locally-focused peacebuilding initiatives and civil society activism truly began to take root in Colombian society (Paffenholz, 2014). But how can peace initiatives be understood? For the purposes of this study, this research uses Jesus Antonio Bejarano’s definition and understanding of peacebuilding,
Civil society actions in terms of initiatives, marches, workshops, forums, discussions, and
proposals that seek a politically negotiated solution to the armed conflict, seeks plans to overcome the difficulties that hinder the agreement of the parties in conflict, promote respect and the
guarantee of human rights, generate a peace culture and promote and demand that the parties in conflict act according to norms of international humanitarian laws (1999, p. 295).
Since almost thirty years ago, Colombian governments have endeavored, through the use of peace initiatives, to negotiate with illegal armed groups in effort to demobilize and seek peace agreements between conflicting parties (Bouvier, 2009, p. 6). Indeed, Colombia’s peace movement could be said to have begun with the creation of several bodies implemented under then President Belisario Betancur from 1982-1989 (pp. 9-10). According to Schneider (2009), after Betancur’s successful win, he immediately began implementing peace bodies in effort to create a model of amnesty, negotiations, and peaceful dialogue between the government and the warring parties.First with the creation of the Peace Commission, whose mission was to initiate dialogues with different political and social groups, including guerilla groups and then with the National Rehabilitation Plan, which aimed to address objective causes of violence and establish harmonious relations between the state and society (Durán, 2004). Notably, the National
Rehabilitation Plan endeavored to establish its peace strategies to be more present in the rural regions, thus diminishing support for the armed groups ((Durán, 2004)). As peace researchers have shown, Betancur’s presidency would initiate a chain of events that would revolutionize peacebuilding in Colombia for sequential administrations to come.
According to Bouvier (2009), in September of 1987, peace initiatives led by civil society and grassroots organizations, really started to take off with the declaration of the first ‘Peace Week’ (Semana por la Paz). This week was dedicated to raising awareness by holding educational and
advocacy events (pp. 20-21). This initial act towards spreading peace ended up establishing itself as a tradition that the Colombian people would take part in every September since.
Over the past three decades, activists, together with civil society and humanitarian or
development actors, began to construct grassroots-level organizations to implement effective peacebuilding strategies (Schneider, 2009). These organizations, now spread across all corners of the country, aimed to promote peace by resolving the conflict-causing factors that naturally originate from the nation’s rich diversity (i.e., ethnicities, race, indigenous populations, gender, religion, social class, and more). At the heart of these peacebuilding strategies is local
peacebuilding, which is, as previously mentioned, a concept that has been widely adopted by the humanitarian and development communities at large and is both a theory-practice tool
implemented in thousands of projects on the ground by hundreds of organizations present in conflict situations.
2.1.4 Peace and Development Programs (PDPs)
While the plethora of governmental organizations and their implementing programs involved in Colombia have seen partial success, most of the peacebuilding projects are driven by grassroots organizations and civil society (Bouvier, 2009). The forefront pioneers of these local projects are made up of populations with diverse interests, ideas, ethnicities, etc; essentially, a mirror of the country’s social dynamic. Whether the local social movements (such as the aforementioned Peace Week) are led by rural peasant farmers, women, youth, indigenous populations and organizations, or the Caribbean coast’s ethnic Afro-Colombians, these local social movements have set examples in terms of local peacebuilding efforts and projects that reverberate how international institutions and governments approach local peace and development initiatives. There exists a general consensus among peace researchers who have directly experienced the 1 local situation in Colombia, or who have at least a substantial and thorough understanding of the complex context via research or other, that suggests that perhaps the most exemplary
community-grassroots-civil society local peacebuilding initiatives are the Peace and Development Programs (Schneider, 2009).
What are PDPs?
These programs, which are led by a combination of grassroots organizations, local businesses, churches, and civil society, involve local, national, and oftentimes international actors, from the humanitarian and development field. This approach taken by PDPs is made in effort to develop regional agendas, activities, and inclusive programs that aim to address the root causes of conflict by focusing on themes such as coexistence and reconciliation, territory, environment, human development, culture, education, and governance (Pfeiffer, 2015, pp. 2-3). Moreover, with the establishment on the National Network of Regional Peace and Development Programs (Redprodepaz) an organization interlinked with PDPs, the outreach of PDPs has managed to adopt a significant number of partners, associations, and institutions across local, national, and international levels to become members of the PDP network. Acting as the lead role as facilitator for these peace and development processes, Redprodepaz has stated PDPs to be expressions of civil society that aim to promote inclusive processes of citizen participation in effort to generate sustainable conditions of peace and development. Concretely, Redprodepaz defines PDPs as:
Initiatives that are designed, promoted and structured from civil society organizations and institutions aimed at coordinating and articulating public, private and community efforts for the joint construction of a peaceful nation from local and regional processes, based on the promotion of a culture of life, social integration and a sense of belonging to the regions, the generation of wealth and the improvement of the quality of life and the achievement of a participatory democratic order (Redprodepaz, 2015).
Moreover, to achieve this aim, PDPs work integrally within the ethical framework of human rights. Thus, through their mission and aim, PDPs endeavor to promote coexistence among diverse peoples, recognition of differences, prevention of and creative transformation of
conflicts, restorative justice and conditions for reconciliation, and most of all, peace that is both dignified and sustainable (Redprodepaz, 2015).
Birth of PDPs
The first PDP to pop up on the national radar was in 1995. Located at the heart of the country, Magdalena Medio was (and marginally still is today) one of the poorest and conflictive regions in Colombia during the 1990s-early 2000s (Bouvier, 2009). Due to its proximity to the
Magdalena River, the important role of the oil and mining industry, and the strong presence of violent armed groups at the time, the region quickly became a target among peace movements in order to address the root causes and consequences of the conflict that left populations struggling to survive (Arboleda & Garfield, 2002). Thus, the first PDP was born and became afterwards known as the Peace and Development Program of Magdalena Medio (PDPMM, 2015). The original proposal for the PDP in Magdalena Medio developed as a rather exceptional joint initiative (Ramirez, 2008). The initiative was promoted by the Human Rights Commission of the Union of Oil Workers of the oil company Ecopetrol, with support from the Catholic Diocese of 2 Barrancabermeja (the Catholic Church) and the Center for Research and Popular Education 3 (CINEP) (PDPMM, 2015). According to Arboleda and Garfield (2002), during the 1990s Ecopetrol, together with its company management and the labor union, was considered as perhaps one of the most influential and powerful institution in the country. The purpose of their joint initiative was to find a solution to address the persistent poverty and escalating violence in the region (2002, p. 2). The PDPMM (2015) centralized their program’s mission around two central questions:
1) Why does a region so abundantly rich in natural and material resources have a corresponding population with high levels of poverty?
2) Why does a happy population, who in general has a love for life, maintain high levels of violence in their social relationships?
The PDPMM, with its two central questions in mind, its guiding principles, and recognition that all the citizens voices and concerns should be heard, would henceforth revolutionize the way organizations would embody their vision for sustainable, community-driven development of both
2 The largest and primary oil company in Colombia. 3 Located in the western part of the Santander department.
the region and the complex relationships existing in it. From the perspective of Redprodepaz, this operational model of local peacebuilding which is based on the formation of various enabling organizations in charge of coordinating the social processes is what gives life to PDPs (2015). Almost identical to the PDPs existing today, the PDP of 1995 endeavored to increase living standards, while reducing violence through comprehensive reconciliation between principal actors ((communities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), levels of government, etc.,)) (Arboleda & Garfield, 2002).
Since the creation of the PDPMM over two decades ago, there have been countless peace and development initiatives throughout Colombia which are based under the same model
(Redprodepaz, 2015). Redprodepaz, in its coordination function, aims to integrate the local peacebuilding programs alongside their facilitating bodies to ultimately join efforts in strengthening the rural populations as political change makers and building peace among communities and actors in the regions (2015). In a 2015 report by Pfeiffer, there were 23 working PDPs covering approximately 50% of Colombia’s municipalities. Today as of 2017, Redprodepaz coordinates and helps integrate development and peacebuilding programs for 27 PDPs with a presence in 609 municipalities, in addition to 29 support entities and a National Network of People(Redprodepaz, 2015).
Figure 2. Regions and municipalities with active PDPs, adopted from Redprodepaz (2015)
2.1.5 EU-funded Peace Laboratories
While PDPs were already present on the ground throughout Colombia, it wasn’t until the early 2000s that the international community (specifically the EU) became predominantly involved in the peacebuilding movement. The PDPMM, after having been awarded with the National Peace Prize in 2001, encouraged the European Commission (EC) of the EU to financially support and design the first “Peace Laboratory” in the region in 2002 (Ramirez, 2008, p. 9).
Researcher Miguel Henriques, who had devoted 7 years of intense research regarding Peace Labs in Colombia, elaborated on the basis for the EU’s interest and involvement in the Colombian peace movement. As he noted, the EU had already began brainstorming about the development of peace-oriented programs during this period (2007). However, after the United States implemented their military-predominant program otherwise known as ‘Plan Colombia’, Europe thought it to be “politically imperative” to separate itself from this initiative and develop its own peace policies (2007, p. 5). Therefore, the EU looked to differentiate itself from Plan Colombia and its military-backed policy, and instead sought out policies in favor of its own approach to establishing peace and eradicating conflict in Colombia. Thus, after a close analysis of the PDPMM, its experiences in the field and with managing and structuring peace-oriented projects, the EU decided to create the first Peace Laboratory (2007). Henriques (2013) views PLs as being “one of the most interesting, ambitious and original civil society peacebuilding
initiatives that have ever emerged in Colombia” (pp. 120-121).
PLs, like the PDPs from which they are inspired, operate in some of the most controversial and conflictive regions in Colombia. Similarly, PLs are made up of multidimensional peacebuilding programs involving multiple stakeholders; in conjunction with civil society, the EU, and the government of Colombia (2013). What, therefore, separates them from PDPs? PLs, as Henriques explains, are verifiable ‘peace laboratories’ in that they try to discover new methods, approaches, and alternative ‘formulas’ for establishing sustainable peace and development at the nation’s regional and local level (2013). Thus, it could be said that PLs are similar to that of a real ‘laboratory’ which suggests concepts such as groundbreaking research, new ideas, creativity,
innovation, and exploration, among others. This would also suggest, that like a real laboratory, results are not guaranteed, but are extensively analyzed in order to find working solutions. At the core of the PLs overarching aim is the idea that the conflict transformation processes should intimately involve the region’s populations. By doing so, PLs endeavor to discover solutions to properly and effectively addressing the root causes of the conflict in the region. As Colombia is made up of a diverse nexus of complex social, cultural, economic, and political characteristics, PLs processes are purposefully meant to include forgotten territories and traditionally marginalized groups (i.e., peasant farmers, rural women and youth, indigenous populations, etc,). This working method of the PLs is what Henriques dubs as a kind of ‘social laboratory’ (2013, p. 121). This approach further brings peacebuilding processes such as
institutionalization, democracy, and development, to the forefront for these social groups (2013). Much like PDPs, PLs participatory mechanisms are aimed at generating sustainable peace and development. By creating ideal conditions for peace within the country’s social fabric (across social, economic, cultural, and political dimensions), PLs can focus on what pragmatically fosters durable peace, meanwhile addressing the conflictual factors and development disadvantages that continue to negatively impact these groups.
According to Henriques, the PLs guiding principles are mainly to “generate new life
opportunities, the rural population inclusion, and the social and economic development of the communities” (2013, pp. 121-122). This would suggest that the internationally-funded PLs are by nature locally-focused. In this regard, the objectives of the PLs concern (to mention just a few): transforming economic activity, for example through job creation (i.e. for peasant farmers) and through the provision of opportunities and alternatives for youth, discouraging them from becoming involved in illegal and criminal activities; bridging the gap between the urban and rural; fostering sustainable peace; bringing development and providing public services to remote areas; and much more. Henriques further expands upon these goals but for the purposes of this study, the most important factor to note here is that PLs ‘formula’ is “based on people” and supports the “belief that civil society can and must play an important role in peacebuilding in
Colombia” (2013, p. 122). Putting people at the center has been the theme of humanitarian aid in recent years, but progression on proper knowledge of how to do just that is still underway. Henriques findings are based upon a plethora of field data collection in the PLs regions, and includes personal interviews with main actors. His findings show that he is a well-versed scholar on the subject of Colombian peacebuilding approaches. Interestingly enough, his findings seem to be a mere reflection of Lederach’s reconciliation and relationships approach to effective local peacebuilding as the process centers itself around the “population’s participation and
empowerment” (2013, p. 127). This view is further shared by the EU’s approach to
peacebuilding in Colombia. A key factor in their approach is justly the “central role given to civil society” in project design and implementation, specifically in areas where the State (or the lack thereof) fails to provide citizens’ basic needs (International Cooperation and Development, 2015).
2.1.6 Conclusions: Local Peacebuilding in Colombia
Experience across decades has led to the transformation of knowledge surrounding effective local peacebuilding approaches. Whether success or failures, experience has guided theories of thought and tested them in practice. Since the past several decades, the notion that local
peacebuilding efforts should naturally include the people at the heart of any peace or
development program has been increasingly adopted and used worldwide. While it remains a heated subject of debate, the effectiveness of projects with people at the center show much more positive results for achieving sustainable long-term goals. Peace researchers and critics alike have both contributed tremendously to this subject field. When their perspectives are combined, they create a platform where both pros and cons of their arguments can be equally considered. Learning both the arguments for and against local peacebuilding contributes to the overall knowledge of the local peacebuilding approach theory. This in turn allows experts, organizations and governments, whether of a local or international character, to design a peace and
development project that actively seeks the inclusion and participation of the very people they endeavor to assist.
2.2 Rural Women
2.2.1 The Women’s Movement
Colombian peace initiatives (i.e., PDPs, the PDPMM, among others), experienced a rather relative invisibility, as Bouvier notes, during the earlier part of the 1990s. Bouvier suggests that part of this invisibility actually stems from marginalized populations, which for a long time, were visibly withdrawn from the eyes of society, the State, and international actors. These
populations, made up of majorly rural women and youth, Afro-Colombians, and indigenous peoples, are said to have been most victimized by violence, economic policies, and
discrimination (2009, p. 8).
The uprising of the peace movement in the 1990s could be said to have been (in part) due to the revision of the Colombian constitution. Precedent to the year 1991, the Colombian constitution did not explicitly entail guarantees for women’s rights (Bouvier, 2009, p. 216). The 1991 constitution is thus an important historical marker as it enabled networks, coalitions, and
women's groups working for peace to flourish and expand. Women’s groups immediately took to securing these rights. Bouvier sheds light on a handful of such rights, including “equality before the law, participation in decision-making posts, equal opportunities, as well as the abolition of all forms of discrimination against women and the approval of state-sponsored protective programs for pregnant women” (p. 216). However, despite the momentum towards women’s rights that surged in the 1990s, it wasn’t until the late 1990s-early 2000s that these peace initiatives began to reach the national and international scale with grassroots organizations and the EU-funded peace plan.
In fact, women’s grassroots organizations, comprised of peasants, workers, entrepreneurs, youth, heads of households, etc., can be traced back to long before the Colombian peacebuilding
movement ever began. Some of these have popularly gained visibility over the years, reaching beyond the national level to nations abroad. One such organization for example, is the
Association for Rural Development (ADC), which has been growing since 1980 with a vision of offering alternative options to development. It aims to exalt the important role of rural women
and is comprised of countrywomen, indigenous, and Afro-descendant communities of the Colombian Southwest (Asociacion para el Desarrollo Campesino, 2012).
Moreover, it was during the Pastrana-FARC dialogues between 1999 and 2002 that peace 4 organizations, together with civil society, demanded women’s active participation in national peace negotiations (Bouvier, 2009, p. 217). The participation and inclusion of women in the political, economic, and social and development sectors would further advance in the following years to come.
For instance, the Women’s Peace Initiative (IMP) established in 2001 by Colombian and
Swedish trade unions, created a platform where women across various sectors and regions, both urban and rural, could voice their rights. One of the goals of this initiative was to bring visibility to women as “valid political actors” in dialogues and negotiations for peace (Bouvier, 2009, p. 212). This after all, was called for by the United Nations (UN) Security Council in Resolution 1325 (2009). Calling upon all actors and parties to the conflict, including UN bodies,
governments and other stakeholders, Resolution 1325 addressed critical factors contributing to women’s inclusion in peacemaking and peacebuilding (2009). It is important to note here that the IMP was not alone to demand rights for women’s participation at the negotiating table, but serves only as an example of the major impact women’s associations and groups have had in the empowerment of women across recent decades.
Another example of the strength behind women’s participation in the peace movement is exemplified in a rally for peace in July of 2002. This rally mobilized after the Pastrana-FARC negotiations, which were perceived as being a failure regarding peace talks. A massive collection of women’s networks and organizations thus came together and created the Movimiento
Nacional de Mujeres contra la Guerra (National Women’s Movement against War) (p. 218). This peace demonstration turned national, rallying over 20,000 women in support of a common goal: to end war and establish sustainable peace in their country. The United Nations
Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) states that the following motto could be heard by 4 Failed peace negotiations between the Colombian government President Andrés Pastrana and the FARC guerrilla
marching women, “No pariremos ni un hijo más para la guerra” (We will not give birth to another child for war) (2004, p. 32). This example shows the strength behind the women’s movement that has not ceased in momentum since it’s started.
In the same year, the Law 731 of 2002 was established for the rights of rural women. The objective of this law, as stated in Article 1, is to “improve the quality of life of rural women, prioritizing those with low resources and consecrating specific measures to accelerate equity between rural men and women” (as quoted in ADC, 2017). This law is crucial for the
advancement and empowerment of rural women. It gives them right to land, without requiring assistance from a man figure in their families or community (2017). This law encourages women to work in unison towards equality and in voicing their rights. These examples serve to highlight the frequency and large scale of the women’s movement during the 1990s to early 2000s. It is since these historically mobilizing landmarks that there now exists a plethora of women’s groups, across all sectors and regions, involving women across diverse ethnic groups and social classes that are continually working together in order to promote an alternative approach to peace and to integrate gender equality in peacebuilding and development efforts. The breadth and depth of their movement projected them into achieving a better and just future for themselves and their country.
2.2.2 Impact of Conflict on Rural Women (90s-Now)
As highlighted above, Colombian women of various backgrounds, ethnicities, interests, religions, and more, already began mobilizing for peace in the early 1990s. Despite the terrors and trauma they endured from the armed conflict, it wasn’t until the adoption of Resolution 1325 of 2000 by the Security Council that concrete light was shed on the vastness of the impact of the prolonged conflict on women. Similarly, it was during these initial years of the 2000s, that the value of their leadership in the reconstruction of communities, their valuable inclusion towards achieving gender equality, and as aforementioned, their important role in the promotion and maintenance of peace and security was brought at the forefront of peacebuilding initiatives (Prieto, 2004). The impact of the conflict on women is multidimensional and complex, and with
the new foundation of laws and resolutions, the true impact of the conflict on women was revealed.
Across recent decades, studies show that the armed conflict in Colombia has had a drastic impact on women (specifically located in rural areas where the conflict was most intense). According to a 2004 UNIFEM study and a 2016 ONU Mujeres report, the armed conflict disproportionately impacted women and continues to do so today (Prieto, 2004 and ONU Mujeres, 2016). In 2004, UNIFEM reported the situation of women as being “systematically unknown” with a few known exceptions (i.e. sexual violence, forced pregnancies, and forced displacement) (Prieto, p. 19). Similarly, in 2016 ONU Mujeres reported that women are “historically exacerbated” by the armed conflict and reported women as being continuous victims of serious human rights such as displacement, forced disappearance, homicide, threat, and more (2016 , p. 4). Over 92 percent of the victims of crimes against freedom and sexual integrity (in the context of the conflict) were reported to have been on women (2016, p. 4). These numbers reveal the plethora of cases in which women’s rights, including the right to a dignified life, were repeatedly and senselessly violated.
The overall analysis of the 2004 UNIFEM study shows how the traditional roles (as they were understood) of rural women created a vicious cycle; their roles enhanced the armed groups agendas which resulted in further harm to the livelihoods of women. As the main caretakers of the family on a day to day basis, women’s roles typically included unpaid family work; for example, ensuring the family’s upkeep and well-being, preparing food, strategizing in order to overcome economic difficulties, and more (Prieto, p. 20). However, these same roles, already contributing to gender inequality and deepened impoverishment, were abused by the guerrilla groups as they took control of the communities. This led to extreme violence, including sexual violence and forced pregnancies (among both women and girls), forced labor, forced
displacement, and more. (p. 20). It is no doubt that women have suffered disproportionately from the rampant violence during the last recent decades. They are a vulnerable group, whose plight has been worsened in context of the armed conflict.
2.2.3 Challenges Rural Women Face
There have been many different studies that have been carried out on rural women and the challenges they face from various perspectives; some have economic or social focuses, while others combine a series of sectors. Nonetheless, after reviewing a combination of research reports and bulletins by organizations such as the Ministerio de Salud y Protección Social (Ministry of Health and Social Protection), the United Nations Development Program
(UNDP/PNUD), and UN Women/ONU Mujeres, the literature sheds light on three recurrent, mainstream challenges that rural women face (2011; 2015; 2016).
1) Women living in rural areas are at a disproportionate disadvantage. While both men and women suffer from the lack of basic goods, access, and citizenship rights, women are more frequently marginalized and their voices are left unheard.
2) Rural women are more vulnerable due to rampant gender inequality. In rural
communities, where patriarchal gender mentality manifests, women are vulnerable to exclusion and discrimination.
3) Rural women are recurrently subjected to different forms of violence which mostly emanate from the armed conflict.
These three challenges are not exhaustive, but serve to highlight the main challenges rural women face. Each challenge will be further analyzed in the following subsections. Rural Disadvantages
Indeed, the rural sector is a heavy-weighed and well-researched subject today. It is no secret that living conditions in rural areas are often poor, with access to basic goods being limited (or even non-existent). The lack of access to goods and opportunities are further compounded by the political, economic, and cultural exclusion (PNUD, 2011). While there are a plethora of
development initiatives focused on uplifting rural communities–and women–out of poverty, the majority of government-led development initiatives tend to benefit urban areas; further stretching the relationship between peasant farmers in rural regions and citizens living within the cities. This in turn creates a situation where rural communities, or more specifically rural women, are at
a disproportionate and unfair disadvantage, not just economically speaking, but also in political contexts.
To highlight this phenomenon, the 2016 results report by UN Women/ONU Mujeres shows that rural women continue to occupy more precarious jobs and represent a majority in the informal labor market and in unpaid family/care work (p. 5). Furthermore, despite significant advantages (i.e. inclusion of women in 2016 national peace negotiations), studies show that women continue to be under-represented in the political sphere and in decision-making processes. For example, the results of territorial elections show that women represent only 17.5% of total people elected; of that percentage, only 133 women were elected in mayor’s offices, representing only 12% of local leaders (p. 4). Thus, these studies shed light on the fact that rural women continue to be at a disadvantage in terms of accessing proper economic and political opportunities, in fully claiming their citizenship rights, and in receiving recognition for their work and contribution for the country’s economy.
Gender Roles
In addition to living in areas with unfavorable circumstances, rural women are exposed to
another critical factor: gender inequality. Rural women are living in a context which makes them vulnerable to patriarchal gender mentality. More often than not, this unequal mentality leads to the establishment of mechanisms of exclusion, discrimination, and concretization of stereotypical ideologies about women and their role in society (PNUD, 2011). Such mechanisms promulgate the reproduction of traditional roles assigned to rural women, further enhancing a logic that feeds discrimination (2011). This leads to the unequal distribution of scarce resources and
opportunities (both in the family and in the community), making rural women more exposed to already difficult economic and social conditions (p. 134-135). These conditions are indicated by high levels of poverty, poor access to services, lack of labor market opportunities, domestic or sexual abuse, and unfavorable conditions in health and education (p. 135).
Much of the gender focus in these studies relates to family farming, for example. Family farming is a key focus and activity for the rural economy and food security (Prieto, 2004). The
order to know and recognize the dynamics of these activities, and the role women play in them (2004). In this way, recognizing women’s productive work in the family agriculture sector fosters opportunities for rural women that reduces gender inequality. These studies show that gender roles have a harmful impact on rural women, from economic opportunities and political participation, to exposure to situations of social and family violence.
Violence
The third challenge, and perhaps most obvious and prominent finding, derives from the violence subjected to rural women. According to PNUD (2011), violence against rural women manifests itself in various forms, including (but not limited to): domestic violence, sexual violence, forced displacement and recruitment, among others. These different forms of violence, regardless of nature, occurs in the daily lives of rural women; both as a result of the context of the armed conflict and as a result of gender inequality in these contexts (2011, p. 136-137). As noted in the 2016 ONU Mujeres report,
Violence against women occurs systematically in everyday life, in both public and private spheres. In 2016, more than 900 women were killed, more than 43,000 reported being victims of sexual violence and 17,740 legal medical examinations were reported to women for alleged sexual offenses (p. 6).
Despite the signing of the peace accords in La Habana in 2016 between FARC and the Colombian government, the 2016 ONU Mujeres report shows that the armed conflict has had lasting impacts on violence against women. The numbers mentioned above represent women from both urban and rural areas, however, it can be assumed that the intensity of violence against women was higher in rural areas due to territorial control by the guerrilla and paramilitary
groups. This is reflected in a 2003 report by La Dirección de Investigación Criminal e INTERPOL de la Policía Nacional (Directorate of Criminal Investigation and Interpol of the National Police) which found that sexual offenses and interfamily violence increased by 200% from 1994-2002, with 12,736 cases reported in 1994 to 36,149 in 2002 (UNIFEM, 2004, p. 25). The numbers have certainly decreased since the rise in peacebuilding initiatives, but this
As PNUD (2011) highlights, the quantitative and qualitative relevance of violence against women is undeniable. However, across recent decades during which conflict levels in rural regions reached their peak, it remains difficult to analyze and measure the vast reach of violence against rural women. This is due in part to the lack of information in assumption of
under-registration or under-reporting of cases (2011, p. 137-138). As the report notes, some of this under-reporting could be due to the lack of confidentiality and guarantees for the victims. Rural women face additional barriers to denounce the violence because of social and cultural patterns often present in rural communities (p. 137). Violence against rural women is thus a challenge that many organizations tend to focus on through various programs and activities. These studies show that rural women have not only suffered the atrocities of violence caused by past events of the armed conflict, but continue to endure said violence as a result of the conflict combined with additional unfavorable circumstances.
2.2.4 Conclusion: Rural Women
Colombian women, of all ethnicities, backgrounds, and coming from various areas (urban and rural) play a critically important role with the rise of the Colombian peace movement since the 1990s. With the emergence and escalation of the peace movement during the 1990s, women united to voice their rights. As a result, literature analysis has shown that rural women living in impoverished situations exacerbated by the armed conflict have gained in visibility across recent decades. After demonstrations, nation-wide events, and with the attention of the international community with Resolution 1325 and aid organizations alike, the dire impact and consequences of the prolonged armed conflict on rural women came to light. Thereafter, organizations, civil society, and local peacebuilding bodies began to actively address the root causes of conflict by identifying the challenges imposed on the most vulnerable groups (women, youth, indigenous, etc.) and promoting the inclusion of these groups at the center of peacebuilding and
peacekeeping initiatives. Today, there exists a plethora of organizations and peacebuilding bodies working on the ground; strategizing with locals and the government and international organizations in order to empower rural women (in addition to youth and indigenous groups) as the principal change makers in fostering sustainable peace and development in their own families, communities and regions.
2.3 Rural Youth
2.3.1 Defining ‘Youth’
Youth is a flexible term to define age. However, youth or young people, as described and defined by the United Nations Secretariat are terms used interchangeably “to mean age 15-24 with the understanding that member states and other entities use different definitions” (United Nations, 2013). However, some UN organizations, such as The United Nations Children's Fund
(UNICEF) and the World Health Organization (WHO), indicate youth as children until the age of 18 (2013). Therefore, for the purposes of this research, this study’s focus on youth or youth groups will indicate an approximate age of 10-24. Alternative terms, such as ‘adolescents’ or ‘children’ may be used in this research to achieve the same purpose, however, will indicate an age range more accurately representative between 10 and 18. These concepts will be used throughout the remaining literature review and during the case study analysis of peacebuilding projects involving rural youth in chapter three.
2.3.2 Youth as “Seeds of Peace”
Similarly to the women’s peace movement, youth groups started becoming involved in the surging peacebuilding efforts during the mid-late 1990s. As the FARC guerrilla group expanded their presence with funds from the drug trade, inciting kidnappings, killings, and other heinous acts of war, citizens became tiresome of the prolonged conflict. Civil society peace efforts began to take form. Youth, indigenous peoples, and secular societies began to unite for peace, hence the rapid growth in Colombia’s civil society peace movement (Bouvier, 2009). As aforementioned, women played an essential role as negotiators for peace during this time. But they were not the only purveyors for peace. As Bouvier explains, it was amidst this surge in the peace movement that the inspiring Children’s Mandate for Peace initiative was born (p. 22). UNICEF, alongside the National Network of Citizen Initiatives for Peace and against War (REDEPAZ) announced a campaign featuring a Mandate for Peace, Life and Liberty (Bellamy, 2000). This campaign predominantly featured young children and teenagers as the face for ending war and to involving children under 18 in warfare (2000). As one of the participants and leaders of the Children’s Mandate for Peace, Farliz Calle, declares in a speech,
