From Enemies To Allies

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From Enemies

To Allies

An analysis of humanitarian and developmental men

engagement initiatives intent on preventing and/or reducing

SGBV, which combine gender equality with peacebuilding

and/or the gendered effects of conflict.

Master’s thesis by: Anouk Hulspas

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This thesis is submitted for obtaining the Joint Master’s Degree in International Humanitarian Action. By submitting the thesis, the author certifies that the text is from his own hand, does not include the work of someone else unless clearly indicated, and that the thesis has been produced in

accordance with proper academic practices.

TECHNICAL INFORMATION

Thesis written by Anouk Hulspas As part of the NOHA Master

Submitted in December of 2016

First Supervisor: Relinda Reiffers Second Supervisor: Dr. Rita Schäfer

Amount of words (excl. bibliography, annexes, foreword and abstract): 25160

Number of annexes: 8

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FOREWORD AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Although this thesis was written as a mandatory assignment for my NOHA master, it is a subject near and dear to my heart. For, I believe that even though gender should never be an argument for objections or limitations it also is something which needs should be regarded as part of basic human rights. I deeply sympathise with how, for women gender has almost come to mean restrictions and oppression. Yet, I hate how easy we forget that although it is less obvious, men too suffer from current gender beliefs. Fighting for equality and safety for both genders is not something women do to pass the time! And the current situation is also not something which benefits all men. Women may be more at risk for violence or deprivation of rights, but women we love and care for. They can have emotional and social lives and the warmth that comes from expressing your love to someone. Men might be revered for their power and get certain privileges, yet they are hardly ever allowed to show these same warm and vulnerable emotions, be an equal and caring parent to their children and often their manhood is questioned if they do in some way act aggressively.

Moreover, in conflict and its aftermath people suffer from atrocities and deprivations no one should ever have to endure. Often causing gender patterns to change for the worse and gender limitations to get aggravated into the extreme: Men are forced to fight and defend or flee and lose their male role. Similarly, women are often forced into an even more oppressed position than before and are at great risk of sexual violence.

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ACRONYMS

TOPIC RELATED INSTITUTIONS (continued)

DDR Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration

IASC Inter-Agency Standing Committee DV Domestic Violence ICC International Criminal Court

FGM/C Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross GAD Gender and Development ICRW International Centre for Research on Women GBV Gender Based Violence ICTR International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda GDGs Gender Dialogue Groups ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for

Yugoslavia

GDP Gross Domestic Product IGWG Interagency Gender Working Group GEM Gender Empowerment Measure (UNDP

term)

IMAGES International Men and Gender Equality Survey

GEP Gender Equity Project LOGiCA Learning on Gender and Conflict in Africa MISP Minimal Initial Service Packages OCHA Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian

Affairs (UN organ)

PLA Participatory Learning and Action OHCHR Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights SGBV Sexual and Gender Based Violence RWANREC Rwanda Men's Resource Centre SH Sexual Health SCSL Special Court for Sierra Leone

SV Sexual Violence SIDH Society for Integrated Development of the Himalayas

VAW Violence Against Women SVRI Sexual Violence Research Initiative VSLAs Village Savings and Loan Associations UN United Nations

WAD Woman And Development UN CSW United Nations Commission on the Status of Women

WID Women In Development UN WOMEN

United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women

WPS Women, Peace and Security UNDAW United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women

INSTITUTIONS UNDP United Nations Development Programme

(I)NGO (International) Non-Governmental Organisation

UNDPKO United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

UNFPA United Nations Populations Fund DG

ECHO

Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations

UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

DRC Democratic Republic of Congo UNICEF United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund

ECHO European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations

UN-INSTRAW

UN International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women ECOSOC (United Nations) Economic and Social

Council

UNSC United States EMERGE Engendering Men: Evidence on Routes

to Gender Equality

USAID United States Agency for International Development

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ABSTRACT

Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is committed against both men and women during peace, conflict and post-conflict. Yet, humanitarian and developmental programmes focus almost exclusively on women and girls, both as victims and change agents. A focus with varied success, at best, and negative backlashes, at worst. To change this, stakeholders have been working on engaging men for over two decades now. This effort has however lacked in momentum, which is in large part due to a lack of attention. Therefore, the purpose of this document was “Analysing humanitarian and

developmental men engagement initiatives intent on preventing and/or reducing SGBV, which combine gender equality with peacebuilding and/or the gendered effects of conflict.”. With the hope that this could help the new subcategory of men engagement

efforts, which venture into peacebuilding, become more effective and avoid the same lack of momentum as the general movement.

Consequently, the first 3 chapters dealt with: How gender is part of our identity and how it, as a regulatory system, is performed and maintained. Secondly, what constitutes as SGBV and the influence of conflict on SGBV and gender performance. Lastly, the normative background behind present gender equality efforts and the men engagement movement. Moreover, in chapter 3 several frameworks were created, to help organise and review the approach of gender as a concept in programmes, types of interventions and how programmes approach beneficiaries based on their gender.

Then, these chapters were followed by a two-part analysis, which used a realistic approach. Firstly, it looked at some large-scale evaluations regarding SGBV, men engagement and peacebuilding, in order to create a baseline of knowledge which could help evaluate the 3 case studies in the second part. Sadly, however, these evaluations generally only found mixed results, at best, and often an overall lack of significant outcomes. Next, in the second part of the analysis the 3 case studies were looked at; the

Young Men Initiative, the Falb et al. (2014) study and the Living Peace Groups

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Page - 8 - are not as transformative as they claim to be since they focus mostly on advancing the situation of women and reducing the violent behaviour of men. Higher appreciation for the current tasks of women or more allowances for the ‘soft qualities’ in men is almost absent.

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“Men - I would like to take this opportunity to extend your formal invitation. Gender equality is your issue too.” (Watson, Sept. 20th₂₀₁₄₎

INTRODUCTION

The rape of the Sabine women (Solangon and Patel, 2012), plates of penises showcasing victory over Persian enemies (Vojdik, 2014), rape in Greek mythology (Bowers, 1990) and Lilith’s punishment for her unwillingness to obey Adam (Yeniçeria, Korkmaz and Kökdemirc, 2016): Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) has been part of our historical and fictional narratives for thousands of years. A chronicle which continues to our present day, with recent examples being; the use of rape as a means of genocide (Sharlach, 2000; and Human Rights Watch, 1996), sexual abuse incidences involving UN Peacekeeping and American military (Vojdik, 2014; Al Jazeera, 2015; and Lewis and Laughland, 2015) and migrant/refugee children suffering sexual abuse along Libyan smuggling routes (Amnesty International, 2016). Moreover, there is no sign that the SGBV chronicle will end soon. Since, recently there has even been a campaign in India, called #LetsTalkAboutRape, which addressed the increase of rape and SGBV caused, according to some, by a glorification of Sexual Violence (SV) in Bollywood movies (Ahktar et al., 2016).

A SPECIFIC PROBLEM

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Page - 10 - increase at staggering rates in conflict, post-conflict and humanitarian crises (Stark and Ager, 2011; and Solangon and Patel, 2012).

Yet, whether or not the choice to focus on women was made out of necessity it has created the questionable notion that ‘women=gender’, as visible in a plethora of academic literature (e.g. Flood and Howson, 2015; Javaid, 2014.; and Carpenter, 2006), empirical research (Spangaro et al., 2013), United Nations documents (UN WOMEN, 2016a; and Security Council Report, 2016), international conventions and normative efforts (e.g. IASC, 2006; and UN General Assembly, 1979) and humanitarian and developmental interventions (e.g. Schoofs, Smits and Cruz, 2010; Kaufman, 2003; and Olivius, 2016). Moreover, through publicly framing women and girls as more deserving of aid we are linking aid to serving justice (Wortel, 2009), something which goes against the very foundation of humanitarian action; the humanitarian imperative (The Sphere Handbook, 2016). Meanwhile, it also violates the basic human rights of men and boys; by neglecting their specific safety issues during conflict and disaster. Causing men to now have worse legal protection against SGBV than women and them also not getting the proper care and support they deserve as victims (Flood, 2015; Chant and Gutmann, 2000; Javaid, 2014; Javaid, 2015; Dolan, 2014; and Flood and Howson, 2015).

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Page - 11 - are often unsympathetic, disrespectful and even hostile when women and especially men come out as victims (Carpenter, 2006; and Promundo-US and LOGiCA, 2014).

THE REACTION AND DOCUMENT PURPOSE

To resolve some of the issues researchers and implementers (both developmental and humanitarian) have therefore been looking at engaging men in the gender equality process for over two decades now. Yet, despite interventions spanning all continents (Instituto Promundo, 2012; and Ricardo and Barker, 2011), UN and academic support (Greig and Edström, 2012; Flood and Howson, 2015; World Health Organisation, 2007; and Peacock and Barker, 2014) and special formal organisations/networks (such as the MenEngage Alliance, 2016) attention for the movement has been relatively absent (Kaufman, 2003; and Flood, 2015). So, while women empowerment has continued to have a dominant positive image (an example: the #WhatIReallyReallyWant campaign; The Global Goals, 2016) men engagement has stayed relatively unknown to the larger public. A clear sign of this is that in 2014 Emma Watson, actress and UN WOMEN Goodwill Ambassador, was able to give a speech at the UN headquarters in New York presenting the HeForShe campaign, a new men engagement initiative from UN WOMEN, as a new and innovative way to address gender inequality (Watson, 2014; United Nations, 2014).

Consequently, with the hope of creating more momentum for the men engagement movement, this document aims to learn from a growing body of general evaluative work regarding SGBV, men engagement and peacebuilding (e.g. Greig and Edström, 2012; Instituto Promundo, 2012; Spangaro et al., 2013; and Ricardo and Barker, 2011) and use the combined knowledge to analyse a new and small emerging field of men engagement interventions where gender equality programming is combined with peacebuilding and/or the specifically gendered effects of conflict. The motivation for choosing this specific topic is twofold: First, most humanitarian and developmental programmes are already in conflict and post-conflict area’s and this new step, therefore, seems like a logical progression. Second, hopefully, the insight gained here will help the new movement not fall prey to the same lack of momentum and attention the general men engagement movement has suffered from. Hence, the research focus can be framed as: “Analysing

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effects of conflict.” Herein, the attention will mostly be on humanitarian projects, yet

since humanitarian and developmental efforts are so intertwined and gender equality is more often a focus in developmental programming then it is in humanitarian it would be hard to avoid them completely. Not to mention undesirable, from a holistic point of view.

RESULTING DOCUMENT STRUCTURE

SGBV in times of conflict, post-conflict and humanitarian crises is not just a crime of opportunity caused by a socio-economic breakdown of society and a collapse of law and order, or a result of military strategy and structure (Solangon and Patel, 2012). Sexual violence in times of crises is, most often, the aggravated version of the performance that already happens continuously in everyday life (IASC, 2006). So, trying to explain conflict-related SGBV without first gaining an abstract understanding of gender and its place in a social context would be a grave omission. Chapter 1 will hence provide a look at gender on a conceptual level, its value (incl. intersectionality) and use in societies, maintenance and reinforcement techniques and its learning structures (Butler, 1999; and McNeilly, 2014). Hopefully, looking at this will give suggestions for how we can successfully ‘relearn’ the destructive elements of current gender performance.

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“Different though the sexes are, they inter-mix. In every human being a vacillation from one sex to the other takes place…” (Woolf, 19731₎

1. PERFORMING GENDER

Terms like gender equality, equitable views and women empowerment are affluently tools by feminists advocating for social change and by humanitarian and developmental workers looking to improve the effectiveness of their programming. However, clear consensus about their meaning is absent. Gender, as a topic, has become so diffuse that sometimes no matter what boys, girls, women and men do, it is a form of gender performance (Risman, 2009) and at the same time gender programming in the humanitarian and developmental settings has become synonymous to ‘women empowerment’ (e.g. Schoofs, Smits and Cruz, 2010; Kaufman, 2003 and Olivius, 2016). Therefore, a deconstruction of gender and a look at how people learn and value gender is due. This chapter will start with a theoretical discussion on what gender is, then it will look at the act of distinguishing between the genders and afterwards learning and maintenance mechanisms of social gender values are discussed. The end of this chapter will summarise why, in relation to the aim of this thesis, it is important to look at gender on a conceptual level.

1.1 SEX AND GENDER

The distinction between sex and gender is widely used to illustrate a difference between biological composition and the social and cultural construction we as societies have linked to this (Esplen and Jolly, 2006). The (biological) sex of someone is determined by

1_{A quote from Virginia Woolf’s Orlando from}₁₉₂₈_{. A book which has become a feminist cultural icon}

and is much studied by gender scholars, together with Friendships Gallery. It shows that although Orlando is portrayed as androgynous, as a way of challenging gender norms and showing distinction between biological sex and gender it is hard to completely avoid the culturally engrained perceptions and values given to gender. For another quote from the book is: “And then they would say, still, she has none of the formality of a man, or a man's love of power. She is excessively tender-hearted. She could not endure to see a donkey beaten or a kitten drowned.” For further studies of the book see Hastings, 2008 and Burns,

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Page - 15 - the composition of their reproductive structures and their biological/genetic composition (Small, 1998). The major forms are male and female and a small third grouping is called intersex2. Conversely, gender is the socially constructed classification and value system which society has linked to our biological sex. Based on literature this document sees herein 3 important aspects (Christodoulou and Zobnina, 2009; Holmes, 2003; Esplen and Jolly, 2006; Helgeson, 2012; McNeilly, 2014; Butler, 1999; and Butler, 2004): 1) Almost anyone and anything gets attributed a gender, based on physicality, sexual orientation and/or behaviour, this happens according to societal values and does not need consent from the subject being classified. 2) Humans perform gender and this enactment is both the consequence of societal rules, but also maintains these rules. 3) Every person has a gender identity, which is an internal perception and can be, yet does not have to be, separate from the external societal attribution of gender3.

Yet, although the distinction between sex and gender seems logical, both scientists and laypersons alike use the concepts interchangeably and at random (Helgeson, 2012): Gender roles are sometimes also referred to as sex-related behaviour (implying a biological determination which should be avoided). Likewise, often gender identity and gender role identity are seen as the same, while a person can identify as a certain gender and act differently in public (gender expression) to conform to society.

Furthermore, while the separation between sex and gender may fuel the debate concerning what is changeable (Helgeson, 2012), some theorists have argued that both are, in fact, social constructs invested in maintaining the status quo of binarized sexes. Moreover, they are too simplistic, since existing biological evidence speaks more of resemblance than it does of differences (Harris, 2015; McNeilly, 2014; Butler 1999; Helgeson, 2012; and Butler 2004). Thus, the evidence helps more in overthrowing traditional gender beliefs than it legitimises them.

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1.2 GENDER AND IDENTITY

So, while though the sex vs. gender comparison is controversial, it remains prominent in everyday life. The most simplistic explanation for this is that there are still some undeniable biological differences, between men and women, for example, only the female body can get pregnant. Furthermore, whether biology or socialisation, men and women act differently: Men are considered more aggressive, which has been scientifically linked to their biology, and girls tend to talk earlier than boys (Hegleson, 2012).

Nonetheless, most women and men act similar and if our behaviour was solely biological there wouldn’t be so much variance across cultures (Helgeson, 2012). Thus, to unravel the real cause of gender pattern salience we must look at the cognitive, affective (emotional), cultural and intersectional aspects of gender.

1.2.2 GENDER COGNITION

Part of our persistence is related to a human preference to look for differentiation (Helgeson, 2012). A practice which is caused by the fact that thinking consciously about all we encounter on an everyday basis is impossible, since the entirety of that information would simply be too much to process. Therefore, our thought processes are largely automatic, meaning; nonconscious, unintentional, involuntary and effortless. Scripts and schemas are part of this, since they give quickly accessible and clear groups of data and, especially amidst uncertainty, these sets of information help us behave appropriately and/or even help us understand ourselves (Fiske and Taylor, 2010; and Aronson, Wilson and Akert, 2010; and Bem, 1981).

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Page - 17 - 4 types of prescriptive gender stereotypes: 1) Gender-intensified prescriptions are general highly desirable social traits and based on your gender you are supposed to certain ones. 2) Gender-relaxed prescriptions are still socially desirable, yet based on your gender you can get leniency if you fall short. 3) Gender-relaxed proscriptions are undesirable in general yet someone can have them because of their gender and gender-intensified

proscriptions are low in social desirability and especially if you are part of a certain

gender (these traits are the subject of social vigilance). Below are some examples4:

Distinguishing between the 4 types is important because it helps explain why not all undesirable behaviour gets the same response (Prentice and Carranza, 2002):

 Assimilation: Small violations of the standard get explained away within existing stereotypes (Prentice and Carranza, 2002). Acceptance of male performed SGBV can possibly be an extreme version of this.

 Punishment: When an action or lack thereof violates the status quo significantly active punishment occurs. A violation of intensified believes customarily results in disparate treatment (hostility, violence, exclusion, etc.) and concerning relaxed norms this is unequal/double standards (Prentice and Carranza, 2002). Examples are the backlash against women empowerment and homophobic assaults.

 Reward: Violations of gender-relaxed proscriptive and prescriptive norms sometimes gets rewarded, yet only if intensified norm gets violated. Achieving this is hard since

4_{Mostly those relevant to this document, yet for a complete list see Prentice and Carranza,}₂₀₀₂_.

For men For women

Gender-intensified prescriptions Gender-relaxed prescriptions Gender-intensified prescriptions Gender-relaxed prescriptions - Aggressive - Forceful - Competitive - Willing to take risks - Assertive - Excitable - Clean - Friendly - Interest in children - Happy

- Warm & kind - Sensitive - Interest in Children - Polite - Cooperative - Intelligent - Principled - Self-reliant - Ambitious

- Defends own belief Gender-relaxed proscriptions Gender-intensified proscriptions Gender-relaxed proscriptions Gender-intensified proscriptions - Controlling - Stubborn - Promiscuous - Jealous - Rebellious - Emotional - Approval seeking - Yielding - Weak - Shy - Yielding - Emotional - Shy - Weak - Gullible - Rebellious - Stubborn - Promiscuous - Controlling - Arrogant

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Page - 18 - women must be more competent than male peers to even be valued as competent and men need to be extremely warm and caring to really be seen as such (Prentice and Carranza, 2002).

While, gender discrimination is also a form of active punishment, no violation of a norm is necessary for this, merely belonging to a gender (or perhaps exactly because someone clearly fits into a gender stereotype) is enough (Helgeson, 2012).

1.2.3 GENDER AFFECT

There is almost nothing in this world we don’t have at least some emotion about. Therefore, schemas are more than just lifeless pieces of cognition.: Personal emotions are part of our personal gender schemas, much the same as socially shared emotions are elements of the general gender stereotypes. Moreover, not only is affect part of our schemas it can determine and change the entire value, dominance and tone: The cognitive notion of ‘men are more assertive’ is part of a gender stereotype, but can have different personal values: If someone has experienced that assertiveness gets promoted, this person might give it a positive value. Yet, if a woman has been harassed by, what she sees as, assertive men or if a timid man feels pressured by the prescriptiveness of the notion they might have a negative emotional value.

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Page - 19 - So, while on the surface it may feel like sexism has lessened and blatant endorsement of traditional roles or differential treatment (traditional sexism) is a thing of the past. Sexism has actually just become more subtle with explicit denial, yet still implicit adversity against ‘women’s issues’ and resentment against preferential treatment (modern sexism) (Helgeson, 2012; Glick et al., 2004; and Glick and Fiske, 2001).

1.2.4 GENDER IN CULTURE

Both benevolent and hostile sexism are shown to be negatively correlated to gender equality. This is believed to be caused by sexism being part of the gender order patriarchy. Literally, this term means that there is a male head of a social unit/family, yet it is more widely used to describe cultures where men have a dominant power position (Pilcher and Whelehan, 2004). Ambivalent sexism theory poses that both benevolent and hostile sexism legitimise male dominance, causing women to feel resentment caused by a lack of power, yet also making them respectfully benevolent due to their dependency on men in general (Glick et al., 2004). Moreover, relative deprivation theory and social identity theory imply that the resentment felt over men having power is a characteristic of a system under stress. Caused by feminist advocacy there is a delegitimization of men’s power status and this is causing gender trouble (a term first posed by Butler, 1999).

Contrarywise, per Glick et al. (in Glick et al., 2004 and Glick and Fiske, 2001) reality is, in fact, the opposite; notions of “bad but bold” men and “wonderful but weak” women make patriarchy seem inevitable. Men pursue power and hence are dominant in the power hierarchy and women are caring and communal, yet powerless against male dominance, which makes them the head of the evaluative hierarchy. Yet, patriarchy is not simply men having power over women; it is a privileged group of men having power over other men as well as over women. It moreover doesn’t mean that there is a single version of the male and female identity, or otherwise known as masculinities and femininities (Helgeson, 2012).

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Page - 20 - deemed interesting, yet not relevant5_{. For now, it is just important to mention that} although colonisation and modern culture may have made non-binarised gender practices and cultures with more female dominance more marginalised (Independent Lens - PBS, 2015), the fact that these cultures exist can be useful in transformative gender work as an alternative to dogmatic binary gender believes.

1.2.5 INTERSECTIONALITY

Posed first by feminist and critical race theorists, intersectionality theory describes how different categories of our identity simultaneously exist and depend on one another for meaning (Cole, 2009). Herein, gender as an identity feature (just like race, religion, class, gender, sexual orientation, age, disability, etc.) intersects with other modalities and dimensions (McCall, 2005) within our self-concept. The different parts of our identity are simultaneously experienced, thus indivisible, and when subordination and discrimination are based on a combination of identity aspects it is often the worst (Yuval-Davis, 2006; Cole, 2009). Where our identity aspects intersect is where our location on the power grids of our societies and cultures is (Yuval-Davis, 2006).

The problem with looking at identity in this manner is that the categories that can be included are illimitable, since it is based on human creativity, and even one category by itself can have unequal value depending on context (Yuval-Davis, 2006). Yet, the benefit is that we realise that groups are not homogeneous, and it makes us attentive of neglected groups. In the way that it helps us see how, for example; black women may sometimes share in the discrimination endured by all women, while at other times they may be regarded as different from white women and have more in common with black men (Crenshaw, 1993 in Yuval-Davis, 2006; and Cole, 2009). Intersectionality theory, therefore, asks 3 questions: Who is included in the group? What role does inequality play? And where are similarities between this group and others? This last is to reassess the validity of any of the assumption possibly used to answer the first two questions (Cole, 2009).

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1.3 ENACTING GENDER

All sections above describe how the concept of gender affects us, yet as Foucauldian theory describes this influence is circular and we humans play our own part in maintaining its rules of power (McNeilly, 2012; Butler, 2004). As feminist theory was the first to point out; people learn, use, maintain and change the value of gender through interaction and social norms. Therefore, it is relevant to address the active agency power of people, so that we may also understand how interventions can change the destructive elements of current gender practice.

1.3.2 LEARNING & USING

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Page - 22 - schemas, tend to be stable across different contexts, like those mentioned above, it is most often the situation that determines people’s behaviour. Since self-regulation mitigates the strength of our stable self-concept by creating a temporary and context-related working self-concept. This changeable version of our self-concept is created from easy accessible/primed schemas and filled with situational demands, roles and values. Only our strongest-held notions from our stable self-concept remain (Fiske and Taylor, 2010). Due to this, different aspects of one’s self-concept may become more dominant, for example; at school or work both men and women may act more gender egalitarian and ambitious, yet at home, more traditional roles can occur (Aronson, Wilson, Akert, 2010). Or on a more extreme level; it can even cause the working self-concept to become incongruent with the stable self-concept, causing people to perform violence and/or acts of SGBV they would normally never condone or perform themselves.

1.3.3 MAINTAINING

Female and male gender stereotypes have remained surprisingly steady throughout history and tend to opposite each other (Prentice and Carranza, 2002). Their strength and lack of change a symptom of an evolutionary fear for uncertainty and social exclusion. Fears so strong that being excluded, even though we know it’s not our fault, can give a similar reaction in the brain as physical pain! (Fiske and Taylor, 2010). Subsequently, even disadvantaged groups (concerning gender this would be all who are not those privileged few men) don’t always fight prejudice, but show dominant-favouring attitudes, with race this is, for example, already well documented (Glick et al., 2004). Although such views seem illogical they are part of how all people create worldviews that provide meaning and purpose to their lives. Moreover, Terror Management theory states that when people are under a perceived threat to their life, like e.g. conflict or a humanitarian crisis, they find solace in adhering to such beliefs more strongly. This way self-regulation can protect the positive views of the self and the world. As a by-product, we judge others who do violate our norms more harshly, resulting in for example; blaming innocent victims of SGBV for provoking the crime. Since, this helps maintain a belief in a just world (Fiske and Taylor, 2010).

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Page - 23 - prophecies (Fiske and Taylor, 2010). Yet, such mechanisms also translate into certain social and societal effects: Exemplar is how, per Social Comparison theory, classifying yourself into social groups during the creation of your self-concept, results into homogeneous in-group and out-group views, which perpetuate stereotypical thinking. Furthermore, the need to trust your own group fosters a tendency to distrust the ‘other’, hereby creating prejudice. And, as mentioned before sexism is an enforcer of patriarchal beliefs; creating boundaries and no-go area’s (hostile sexism) and also rewarding those who follow the rules (benevolent sexism) (Fiske and Taylor, 2010; Helgeson, 2012; and Aronson, Wilson and Akert, 2010).

1.3.4 CHANGING

Acting against our beliefs or self-concept, yet also when learning something new, can cause us to question our convictions. Furthermore, when it is perceived as a threat to our stable world view, it can result in cognitive dissonance. Something which people tend to resolve via one of three ways: we change our actions, try to justify our actions by changing the dissonant thought or we add new cognitions which help resolve the conflict (Aronson, Wilson and Akert, 2010). If we relate this to violence, this would mean; either we stop the behaviour, change what we perceive as real violence (justify) or find a special reason why the violence was legitimate (add a cognition). Continuous rationalisation of decisions, like the one to commit violence, can, however, lead to more and more acceptance of violence and eventually permanent change in values (Aronson, Wilson and Akert, 2010).

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Page - 24 - However, important in all this is that, in some way or another, people are made aware of either what their beliefs exactly are or that there is a need to change them (Aronson, Wilson and Akert, 2010). A favoured tool for this in the humanitarian and developmental sector, especially regarding gender equality advocacy, is media campaigns (like the earlier mentioned HeForShe, #LetsTalkAboutRape and #WhatIReallyReallyWant campaigns). Therefore, it is wise to look at persuasive communication theory regarding changing people’s opinion, before concluding this chapter with a recap. Per the Yale

Attitude Approach, persuasive communication depends on ‘Who says What to Whom’:

Especially when information travels the peripheral route, trustworthy (think lab coats) and attractive (celebrities) people are more persuasive because at that moment we are guided by heuristics (Aronson, Wilson and Akert, 2010). Moreover, a good idea is to not be blatantly persuasive, while also instilling a moderate level of fear/arousal and combining this with advice. For, putting the ‘fear of god’ in people can make people act more dangerously; terror management techniques make people deny the seriousness of a threat (Aronson, Wilson and Akert, 2010). Lastly, while distraction, low-intelligence and being young (best between 18-25 years) makes you more easily persuaded, it is better if you get people to pay conscious attention. Since, only through the central information processing route do people create stable new attitudes (Aronson, Wilson and Akert, 2010).

1.4 WHY DID WE LOOK SO CLOSELY?

Comments like “Act like a man” or “It must be that time of the month” may seem innocent, yet they are evidence of just how interwoven traditional gender norms still are in current society and how quick non-conformity gets punished. Moreover, effects of these hidden traditional gender norms are not just limited to verbal reinforcement: Regarding women an example of this is the Madonna-Whore (or Pedestal-Gutter) syndrome, which is the fact that generally women are treasured until they break gender rules and then they are disproportionally harshly punished (Glick and Fiske, 2001). Furthermore, present male socialisation gives men, in general, bad coping strategies, which is linked to more violence amongst men and even to them dying earlier (IGWG - Subcommittee on Men and Reproductive Health, 2003).

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"We have anger in us. Because of this, our remaining peaceful does not produce the effect it should.” (Gandhi, 19206₎

2. FROM STATUS QUO TO VIOLENCE

As mentioned, some academics and activists argue that SGBV is part of current normal gender socialisation (Solangon and Patel, 2012; Skjelsbæk, 2001; McNeilly, 2014). However, this notion that all norm governing systems inherently have violent characteristics is not universally shared (McNeilly 2014; and Butler, 2009). Moreover, basic humanity principles like kindness and caring are always more socially desirable than violence. Hence, it is illogical to accept violence as part of our stable world views (Fiske and Taylor, 2010).

Exploration of SGBV in this chapter will be twofold: First, it will address forms of SGBV that occur in everyday life, their causation, effects and consequences, yet also protective factors that can prevent people from perpetrating SGBV. Then the aggravation of these forms during conflict and humanitarian crises will become the focus, including how views on masculinity and gender can change because of these stressful and violent contexts.

2.1 SEXUAL & GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE

A universally acknowledged definition for SGBV doesn’t yet exist. However, this thesis believes that the definition of the Reproductive Health for Refugees Consortium (in Ward, 2002) is very suitable: “… any harm that is perpetrated against a person’s will;

that has a negative impact on the physical or psychological health, development and identity of the person, and that is the result of gendered power inequities that exploit distinctions between males and females, among males and females.” Since this specific

6_{Extract from the article “Triumph of Non-Violence” from which this quote is can be found in Mazmudar,}

2003. It shows Gandhi’s believe that although non-violence is difficult it should be the goal. In his speeches,

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Page - 27 - definition is indiscriminate regarding whom can become a victim and therefore does not exclude anyone. Also, the phrase “any harm” allows for SGBV to be more than just a physical assault. Allowing for less conventional crimes like forced witnessing and performance of rape to be included. Additionally, the word “identity” acknowledges the main motivation for SGBV, which is to show dominance and humiliate the victim: Whether addressed at a male or female, SV often irrevocably destroys someone’s social status and elevates the power status of the perpetrator; sometimes positively amongst peers (like fellow combatants), yet mostly in a negative way towards the victims, their spouses, family and communities. An effect which stems from binarized and asymmetrical heteronormative sex/gender beliefs supporting the notion of ‘dominance = masculinity’ and ‘weakness = feminine’ (Solangon and Patel, 2012; Skjelsbæk, 2001; McNeilly, 2014).

However, for victims, the dire effects of SGBV stretch much further than destroyed reputations: After rape, female victims are commonly seen as tainted. Their husbands often no longer respect them and sometimes punish them through domestic abuse or complete rejection (Promundo-US and LOGiCA, 2014). Moreover, in some places women run the risk of being charged with adultery, they can be forced to marry their rapist or can even become the target of an honour killing (Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2003). For male victims, the effects are just as prominent, yet habitually less private and more on a community level: Some cultures strip male rape victims of their male gender status and brand them female. Similarly, men almost always face social discrimination due to homophobia, even from doctors and aid workers (Dolan, 2014) and thus also run a high risk of being criminally charged for homosexuality. Since, in some countries even a ‘homosexual’ act against someone’s will can brand this person as gay (Dolan, 2014; Maolidi, 2009; and Kury, Redo and Shea, 2016). Likewise, there are still countries (including conflict-affected ones) which have no law protecting men against SV (Dolan, 2014).

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Page - 28 - large-scale handbooks and guidelines now cover a variety of SGBV-related aspects, such as the integration of preventive measures into humanitarian programmes (UNHCR, 2003), important legal frameworks for protection (Institute for International Criminal Investigations, 2016) and design instructions for gender equality research and interventions (Stop Rape Now, 2008; and WHO, 2007).

Based on these documents, together with some more specific academic articles, this thesis has made a summary of types and levels of violence which exist and one that is inclusive of both men and women. Subsequently, while some forms mentioned may still be gender specific, like FGM/C and forced performance of rape, most crimes included can be performed by and against both men and women. Furthermore, the dynamics illustrate that certain violence promotes or increases others to exist or increase, such as the fact that marital rape can stem from a denial of women’s rights on astate level.

Figure 2.1 SGBV by level and type (primary sources Jekayinfa,

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2.1.2 CAUSATION

When looking at the causes of SGBV, it is helpful to go further than cultural beliefs, societal practices and opportunity theory (Solangon and Patel, 2012). Since these are often not distinct and specific enough to effectively target within the scope of one developmental and/or humanitarian intervention. Something which is, however, more constructive, for this thesis, is the extensive world report on violence and health of the World Health Organisation (Krug et al., 2002). Perhaps somewhat dated, something which can be remedied with up-to-date fact sheets (WHO, 2016; and UNHCR, n.d.), the analysis is especially informative because it looks at SGBV from four social-ecological levels and includes barriers to effective prevention/response. While, these barriers may not always be linked directly to causation, being unable to properly help people adds to the risks and vice versa some risks create additional barriers. Poverty is a good example; lack of livelihood and education, combined with inadequate access to resources, causes heightened levels of stress, which can increase domestic abuse and vulnerability to transactional sex work (UNHCR, 2003). Moreover, with lower education levels and lack of resources people are also less aware of how to seek help, get treatment and/or report an offence, this creates barriers for effective prevention.

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2.1.3 AFTEREFFECTS AND CONSEQUENCES

To illustrate its severity, some of the aftereffects of SGBV have already been mentioned. Yet, their full extent and seriousness are much larger and almost immeasurable. Since there is a strong relation between how a situation is handled and associated effects. For

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Page - 31 - Physical/Health

Fatal Acute Chronic Reproductive

 Homicide  Suicide  Maternal mortality  Infant mortality  HIV/Aids related death  Injury  Shock  Disease  Infection  Disability  Somatic complaints

 Chronic infections and/or pain  Gastrointestinal problems  Eating and/or sleeping disorders  Alcohol/drug abuse

 Bleeding

 Decrease in sexual enjoyment

 Pregnancy complications (e.g. miscarriage, unwanted pregnancy, unsafe abortion)

 STIs, including HIV/AIDS  Menstrual disorders (e.g.

abdominal pains)  Gynaecological disorders  Sexual disorders

Psycho-Social State

Emotional/ Psychological Social Legal/Justice Safety/Security  PTSD  Depression  Anxiety, fear  Anger  Shame, insecurity, self-hate, self-blame  Mental illness  Suicidal thoughts, behaviour  Risky sexual behaviour

 Blaming the victim/survivor  Loss of role/functions in

society  Social stigma

 Social rejection and isolation  Feminisation of poverty  Increased gender inequalities  Erosion of family/social

cohesion (lack of trust)

 Emotional damage and social stigma of victims due to lack of severe punishments of perpetrators  Impunity concerning

committing SGBV can result in lack of trust in rule of law and state and create further cycles of violence

 Victim security is often lacking, due to threats and acts of further violence  Risks of retaliation for

reporting or prevention  Trauma/further harm to the

victim can occur if security workers/officers handle the situation in an improper way

Table 2.1.3 Possible aftereffects and consequences (Jekayinfa, n.d.; Russel et al., 2011; UNHCR, n.d.;

UNHCR, 2003; and UNHCR, 2011).

example; proper treatment can prevent chronic complaints and alleviate mental problems, while hostile and disrespectful treatment of victims only adds to their burden (UNHCR, n.d.; and UNHCR, 2003).

Moreover, some effects are hard to categorise or quantify, because their effect is indirect and/or they don’t (or not only) affect the immediate victim. As such, children in homes with IPV tend to suffer from lower general health, higher levels of malnourishment, stress and educational gaps (ICRW, n.d.; and Promundo-US and LOGiCA, 2014). Likewise, possible economic consequences, short- and long-term can spread very far, since medical care, sick-leaves, missed work opportunities and prevention or detection efforts affect both the immediate families, communities and countries at large. This is evident in examples from Colombia which shows that women who suffer physical violence earn 14% less than their peers and from Nicaragua and Chile who lose an estimated 1,6% and 2% of their GDP annually because of domestic violence (ICRW, n.d.).

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2.1.4 PREVENTIVE FACTORS

Luckily, not all humans are violent and apparently education plays a very big part in this, since not only does simple knowledge about SGBV makes women less likely to fall prey to violence (WHO, 2010) and if men acquire explicit attitudes against wife-beating they are less likely to perform domestic violence (Johnson and Das, 2008). Moreover, in general women with a higher education (secondary schooling or higher) are less likely to become a victim (ranging from 20 to even 55%) and men with a higher education show a 40% less likelihood of perpetrating partner violence (WHO, 2010).

Additionally, age can also be regarded as an important factor, since an older age, for both men and women, seems to work as a protective factor against both victimisation and perpetration. While young men are the most likely to perform violence and young women have the most chance of suffering SV (Morrison, Ellsberg and Bott, 2007). Likewise, belonging and social support can also act as a buffer, examples of this are; healthy parenting styles, having a supportive family, connectedness to friends and/or adults in the community, emotional health, living in an extended family, having a long marriage (over 15 years) and partaking in an association (Johnson and Das, 2008; Borowsky, Hogan and Ireland, 1997; and WHO, 2010).

Yet, little research has been done into what factors decrease the likelihood of IPV and SV, especially amongst nonclinical (normal) populations. Moreover, the evidence that does exist is often ambiguous and sometimes even contested. For instance, where wealth in a family, due to male income or rural property, seems to decrease the chance of DV (Kishor and Johnson, 2004; and Johnson and Das, 2008), parental wealth can increase the chance of DV for their daughter, if her spouse can use it to extort money (Morrison, Ellsberg and Bott, 2007). Therefore, more research about positive factors against violence is required.

2.2 CONFLICT & WAR AGGRAVATING SGBV

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Page - 33 - disagreements and strive are bound to happen (Wallensteen, 2015; Francisco, 2009; and Nutt, 2011). Moreover, when violence does erupt, an environment gets created that increases both the occurrence and brutality of SGBV. Usually, because pre-existing gender beliefs and gender roles polarise as a consequence of an intensification of societal and cultural beliefs (Skjelsbæk, 2001). This section will, therefore, discuss conflict-related causation of SGBV, the specific effects of this and how even the performance of gender can change.

2.2.2 CONFLICT SPECIFIC CAUSATION

An eroded rule of law, torn-apart social ties and displacement; all contribute to the creation of unsafe environments where violence is met with impunity (UNHCR, n.d.; MenEngage, UNFPA, Promundo and Sonke Gender Justice, 2012). Moreover, the

‘weakness = female’ and ‘dominance = male’ beliefs, make it possible for SGBV to be

used as a warfare tactic by any fighting force (e.g. the state, militants or belligerents) and creates an opportunity for new forms of SV to come into existence:

Conflict and post-conflict

 Intensified ethnic conflicts

 Actual and/or attempted exertion of (political) power and control over opposing parties  Socio-economic discrimination

 SGBV as an act of war (including mass-rape, massacres and mutilations)

 Erosion of rule of law, ability to enforce rule of law and state capabilities to provide security  Disintegration of social structures and cohesion

Displacement

 (Faulty) design of camps (overcrowding, improper safety designs, multi-household dwellings, communal shelter, unsupervised areas, secluded resource or hygiene/WASH areas)

 Scarcity and/or unavailability of resources leading to movement to unsafe and isolated area’s and potential for extortion

 Exclusion from resources and rights based on gender related power inequalities  Collapse or lack of access to family and social support

 Lack of gender diversified camp leadership (most camp leaders are male)  Hostilities from local population

 Problematic geographical locations and environments  Lack of security protection and patrols

Humanitarian context and programming

 Failure to address or prioritize (S)GBV (in general or sex-selective)  Lack of gender sensitive programming, design of services and facilities

 Possible exploitation and abuse by humanitarian, human rights and peacekeeping personnel, made possible due to their relative positions of power and influence

 Lack of cooperation between humanitarian actors (and between humanitarian and protection programmes)

 Lack of knowledge and training  Lack of (visible) presence

Table 2.2.1 Conflict and post-conflict specific factors (Jekayinfa, n.d.; Russel et al., 2011;

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Page - 34 - What makes SGBV such an effective warfare tactic, is its ability to demoralise an opponent and destroy their power status. Since, attacking the masculine symbols of strength of an adversary (e.g. their sexual behaviour, reproductive organs, independence, strength or ability to protect) emasculates, feminises, and/or stigmatises them as weak. For instance, by making men watch the rape of a family member or by forcing them to perform this crime themselves social cohesion gets abolished and it makes the male victims unwilling to fight back (Russel et al., 2011). Yet, forced performance of SGBV can also be used as a training tool to socialise future combatants to follow orders. Because it helps desensitise them to violence, it dehumanises the enemy and creates group cohesion through a collectively felt responsibility for the atrocities. This eliminates anxiety and doubt on the battlefield (Wood, 2009).

2.2.3 CONFLICT SPECIFIC SGBV AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

Though related to age, status, ethnicity etc. for women and girls the most serious dangers of conflict are mass rape, forced pregnancy and abduction. Additionally, during transit people are often badly protected and without resources, which can result in survival sex, sexual attacks and capture by human traffickers. Furthermore, upon arrival at their destinations, they are often not safe either: Separated from many, if not all, of their male family members they are left deprived of a protector against possible assault and without someone that can demand resources for them (UNHCR, 2011). Moreover, the few remaining male family members tend to suffer from great stress, due to their traditional roles as caretaker being abolished or taken over by humanitarian organisations, which causes increases in DV (UNHCR, 2011).

Furthermore, post-conflict situations are often not much safer. Since, during repatriation and reintegration women, are again exposed to the unsafety of movement. Moreover, the separation from family and collapse of social structures remains a significant problem and leaves them without support. Then, when they finally arrive at home there is a danger of possible retribution, sexual extortion for services, denial of documentation or rights and an exclusion from decision-making processes (Jekayinfa, n.d.).

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Page - 35 - potential to become combatants, or possibly already are, they are often the main targets in sex-selective massacres. Which, should be construed as a form of GBV, because of the imbalance in danger based on gender. An assumption supported by female witness accounts of the Rwandan genocide, that state that women were spared because they were believed to have no ethnicity (Carpenter, 2006). Similarly, forced recruitment into fighting forces (both for military and belligerent groups) also unfairly affects men. Since, in most countries only men face a possibility of being enlisted into governmental forces, which isn’t illegal anywhere in the world, and men and boys are also the most likely targets for forced recruitment into militant groups. Additionally, enforcement of compulsory conscription can entail forceful actions, possible confinement and even actual and/or threatened violence (War Resisters’ International, 2003).

Nonetheless, men also face similar physical SGBV threats as women; rape, sexual mutilation and torture. Moreover, these crimes are habitually committed against imprisoned combatants, who cannot escape and are thus especially vulnerable, as a means of punishment and humiliation. Civilians face such risks too, yet the main motivation to attack them is to stop them from becoming combatants in the future, as was mentioned before. Exposed as ‘being helpless and incapable of protecting their family’ these civilian men permanently lose their standing in society and face social exclusion/stigmatisation (Carpenter, 2006).

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Page - 36 - (Helgeson, 2012; Javaid, 2014; IGWG - Subcommittee on Men and Reproductive Health, 2003; and MenEngage, UNFPA, Promundo and Sonke Gender Justice, 2012).

2.2.4 CHANGING ROLES AND MILITARISED MASCULINITY

If during conflict and humanitarian crises entire lives are disrupted and threatened it is only logical that normal behavioural patterns (like gender performance) are temporarily altered. Yet, this change can last after conflict and can cause a long-term and possibly permanent change in social norms.

For one, the threat to our lives and resulting stronger adherence to beliefs (Fiske and Taylor, 2010) causes a stronger emphasis on the already popular symbols of men as warriors and women as those that “keep the fire burning at home” (Withworth, 2005; and Skjelsbæk, 2001). Moreover, the promotion of this image of men as warriors stimulates the popularity of a militarised masculinity; this is an extreme hegemonic version of masculinity that entails the suppression of ‘feminine’ aspects like; insecurities, gentleness and individuality and cultivates a willingness to commit violence and full commitment/dependence in institutions or groups (Withworth, 2005; and Skjelsbæk, 2001). Moreover, it is a version of masculinity that is extremely patriarchal, since it dehumanises women into the ‘possession’ of men, thus increasing the likelihood of SGBV (Skjelsbæk, 2001).

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Page - 37 - and a social pressure to be sexually active. Furthermore, producing more homophobia in general society (Promundo and CARE, 2012; and CARE, 2012).

Additionally, the traditional economic role patterns of men and women are being disrupted in developing and conflict-affected countries: Due to changing demands and possibilities women get more opportunities to earn an income (such as small economic ventures due to micro-credit), while traditional male livelihood opportunities (like hunting and agricultural work) have decreased or has become illegal (Promundo-US and LOGiCA, 2014; Safilios-Rothschild, 2000).

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“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” (United

Nations General Assembly, 1948).

3. GENDER IN POLICY AND PRACTICE

Before the concepts of gender equality and protection against SGBV become part of standard humanitarian and developmental practice, their importance first had to be coded into legal frameworks and governmental and INGO policy. Since these are regarded as guiding documents for organisational/professional practice in the field. Furthermore, such documents legitimise advocacy efforts which call for change and they help organisations justify spending extra resources on appropriate measures. Even more, they make it possible to hold (I)NGOs and other implementers accountable when they neglect to take such appropriate measures

Yet, notwithstanding the positive stimulating effects, these legal and policy documents can also shape and restrict actions. Therefore, this chapter will start by looking at the most pivotal documents, regarding gender equality and SGBV protection. Hereafter, the related intervention programming is discussed, including suggestions for new classification frameworks, regarding how interventions attend to the concept of gender and type of programming. Lastly, the move towards men engagement will be discussed and one last schema will be proposed; one for analysing the approach towards beneficiaries based on their gender.

3.1 BASIC PROTECTION FRAMEWORK

The protection of people is broadly defined as: “all activities aimed at obtaining full

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Page - 39 - These bodies of law draw their power from the principle of mutual consent, customary law and peremptory norms (jus cogens) and though differing in scope and applicability these bodies are complementary and reinforce each other (Bassiouni, 1996; IASC, 2006). Looking at these bodies through a lens of gender equality and protection against SGBV, the framework works both implicit (e.g. ensuring general rights and giving possibilities for prosecution) and explicit (via specific gender and SGBV related codifications)7. However, as the document concerning the internally displaced already shows; not all important documents are in the form of treaties or law. In general, other important documents that can give valuable guidance are; recommendations based on treaties, UN documents (including peacekeeping mandates), commitments expressed (in for example UN General Assemblies, but also by governments) and international conferences. Regarding SGBV and gender equality especially some recommendations resulting from CEDAW, the impressive legacy of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and certain human rights and women conferences, like the Declaration on the elimination of Violence against Women and the Beijing declaration, are of note8.

3.1.2 ATTENTION FOR MEN IN NORMATIVE WORK

As already mentioned, following feminist reasoning and the especially vulnerable position of women, most of the document discussed above have focused their protective efforts on ensuring the safety of women. CEDAW is a good example of this. Yet, regarding the needs of men such documents tend to be less explicit. However, in recent decades the notion that men should also get specific attention has been getting some traction (Stern, Peacock and Alexander, 2016):

 The 1994 International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo started this movement, with calling for the inclusion of men and affirming the need to “to

encourage and enable men to take responsibility...”,

7_{See annex 3.1 for more specifics.}

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Page - 40 -  The Programme of Action of the World Summit on Social Development (1995) and its review in 2000 addressed the need for men to share family, household and employment responsibilities,

 The Beijing Platform for Action (1995) argued for a “partnership with men” in women’s concerns,

 Moreover, the twenty-sixth special session of the General Assembly on HIV/AIDS (2001) recognised a need for challenging gender stereotypes,

 While, in 2003 there was even a special expert group meeting convened on the role of men and boys by the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women (UNDAW),

 Lastly, the 48th session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women (UN CSW) reaffirmed all the above and called for enabling men to adopt safe and responsible sexual behaviour and supporting them in preventing GBV.

However, the inclusion of men is often only mentioned for the benefit of women, something which is also visible in the list above. Specific commitments that address the protection and needs of men remain sparse. Resulting in it often only being covered implicitly through general non-discriminate wording (Zawati, 2007; Dolan, 2014; and Javaid, 2014). Exemplar of this is; that the most important step in protecting men against SV has been the broad definition of rape in the Akayesu judgement of 1998 (a case of the ICTR). Since this refrained from specifying sexual organs and did not require penetration or lack of consent as essential elements of the crime, its non-discriminate language allowed for male rape to criminalised under international law. Yet, in 2014 there were still 16 countries where national laws did not protect male victims of sexual assaults, including countries like Egypt and Colombia (Dolan, 2014).

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Page - 41 - criminalised in some countries and they make no distinction between consensual or non-consensual. Moreover, service providers, including (I)NGOs, frequently don’t listen, deny the gravity of their experiences or even don’t believe the men, causing men to hardly seek help (UNHCR, 2012). Combined, these elements cause a refusal by men to even label their experiences as rape (UNHCR, 2012) and/or a higher likelihood that men will never report having been the victim of an SGBV crime (Carpenter, 2006).

Therefore, to change these barriers and the lack of attention a broad range of strategies is needed, such as legislative and policy reform, the involvement of the educational system, media attention and partnerships with (I)NGOs, private sector and society leaders (Stern, Peacock and Alexander, 2016).

3.2 FROM WORDS TO ACTIONS

Despite the guarantee in international law that all people are equal, gender discrimination continues to exist de jure (in law) and de facto (in practice). Examples of this, against both men and women, have been plenty in the previous sections of this thesis. Consequently, many different influential stakeholders, such as civil societies, (I)NGO’s, EU, UN bodies and governments have been actively advocating for more gender sensitivity. Both the UN and ECHO, for example, support the application of gender markers in proposals and reporting and have made it a required effort to include gender and age analyses (OCHA, 2012; and DG ECHO, 2013).

The most popular term used to sum up these efforts is ‘mainstreaming a gender perspective’ or ‘gender mainstreaming’ for short, which per the agreed upon 1997 conclusions from Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) is: “…the process of

assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or programmes, in all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy for making women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal is to achieve gender equality.”