"Ideas give actually only ideas: to think multiple shade, correctness and order - that is all which one can expect assuredly: for how does all of this blend in the soul? what does it find itself confronted with and should it change? how strong and lasting is this change going to be? and how will it finally blend and pitch in with the thousand-fold events and turns of human existence, let alone an era, an entire nation, all of Europe, the entire universe (as our humbleness believes) - you gods, what other world of questions!"1,2

- Johann Grottfried Herder (1774)

This statement by the German philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder opens up space for a

world of questions regarding ideas and how they relate to their environments. It describes

exceptionally well what this thesis is attempting to do: to provoke thought, reflexion and

discussion in multiple shade, correctness and order concerning the education and recognition

of qualfications of adult refugees and persons under subisidiary protection.

1_{Original: "Ideen geben eigentlich nur Ideen: mehrere Helle, Richtigkeit und Ordnung zu denken - das ist aber} auch alles worauf man gewiss rechnen kann: denn wie sich das alles nun in der Seele mische? was es vor sich finden und verändern soll? wie stark und dauernd diese Veränderung werde? und wie sie sich nun endlich in die tausendgestaltigen Anlässe und Fügungen des menschlichen Lebens, geschweige eines Zeitalters, eines ganzen Volkes, des ganzen Europa, des ganzen Weltalls, (wie unsere Demut wähnet), hineinmische und hineinwerfe - ihr Götter, welch andre Welt von Fragen!".

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4

4. Introduction

In this MA thesis for the Erasmus Mundus programme Euroculture, the idea of harmonization

in education for adult refugees and persons under subsidiary protection (in the following

RSPs) and the recognition of their qualifications in Europe will be under scrutiny. It is

understood that harmonization is "making the regulatory requirements or governmental

policies of different jurisdictions identical, or at least more similar"

3

. But how does

harmonization of RSPs' "Post-immigration educational opportunities"

4

relate to Europe,

federal states and their regions? The arguments in favour of and against this harmonization

from three levels - international, national and regional - are analysed in the specific cases of

Europe, Austria (Vorarlberg) and Switzerland (St.Gallen). It could be asked why

harmonization and why adult RSPs education and recognition of their qualification was

chosen. Thus, the following gives a short introduction to the issue at hand and the research of

this paper.

Today, many European countries see themselves challenged by the current migration, which

is taking place within and to Europe. One specific and highly discussed part of this migration

is the group of people looking for asylum in Europe, mainly from the regions of the Middle

East and Africa. According to the UNHCR report on forced displacement in 2014, Europe has

seen a 74% increase in refugee population from the end of 2013 to the end of 2014

5

_{to about}

3.1 Million. Considering the population of Europe (EU), approximately 500 Million, this is

only about 0.6%. However, due to geographical and socio-economic reasons, some countries

carry a larger burden than others in providing for the people fleeing to Europe, e.g. Hungary,

Croatia, Italy, Greece, Austria and Germany. Also non-EU states are affected, especially those

in the Balkan region (Macedonia, Serbia) as well as Switzerland. All of these are currently

preoccupied to find solutions to the challenges of providing adequate accommodation, food,

health care and occupation/education for these people.

The issues of education and recogintion arise more prominently with the prospect that many

RSPs will not be able to go back to their countries of origin in the near future, due to on-going

3_{David W. Leebron, “Claims for Harmonization: A Theoretical Framework,” Canadian Business Law Journal} 27 (1996): 66.

4_{Paula G. Watkins, Husna Razee, and Juliet Richters, “‘I’m Telling You… The Language Barrier Is the Most,} the Biggest Challenge’: Barriers to Education among Karen Refugee Women in Australia,” Australian Journal

of Education 56, no. 2 (2012): 1.

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5

conflicts and increasing instability in the MENA region

6

. Adult education is crucial, since the

successful integration of migrants to any given society is necessary in order to sustain it. As

the Inchon Declaration of the World Education Forum 2015 states, education is "essential for

peace, tolerance, human fulfilment and sustainable development"

7

. While the integration of

immigrant children in the local school systems is a well-known topic and many projects and a

considerable amount of research exists, the education framework needed for a successful

integration of newly immigrated adult RSPs in society and the labour market has received less

attention. Since the Arab Spring, and more extremely since the new crisis in the Middle East

(Syria/northern Iraq) and around the horn of Africa, Europe is confronted with growing

numbers of young adults RSPs with very different cultural and educational backgrounds.

They will need diverse provisions to reach social integration. On a national level, many adult

RSPs have been out of training, work or other meaningful occupation for a long time period

due to flight, long-lasting bureaucratic asylum processes or other restraints, such as health

issues. When they finally reach the stage of residence- and work permit the complexity of the

system of education, the lack of recognition of previous education and qualifications and the

marginalization of RSPs in the labour market are preventing a fast integration. Focused

research on adult RSPs is therefore very valuable today.

A further argument for research and investment in the development of well-functioning

education systems for RSPs is the changing demography. Europe will probably face a

shortage of labour force in the future, due to an aging society and declining birth rates. In such

circumstances, the only way to economic growth is productivity gains

8

_{, which according to}

some sources, depends heavily on investments made in education and training of the

workforce

9

_{. Such efforts must include all sectors of society, hence also refugees and persons}

under subsidiary protection. In September 2015 the EU settled on a redistribution of 160'000

refugees among its member states (MS)

10

_{. Harmonization, e.g. of adult RSPs education and}

recognition of qualifications, could facilitate this process of redistribution and resettlement of

people from one place to another. RSPs would face similar conditions in all MS. This

6_{Middle East and Northern Africa}

7_{World Education Forum 2015, “Inchon Declaration, Education 2030: Towards Inclusive and Equitable Quality} Education and Lifelong Learning for All,” 2015.

8_{Eurostat, “Demography Report,” Short Analytical Web-Note (European Commission, n.d.), 43.} 9_{Ibid., 52.}

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6

agreement could thus be a clear incentive to intensify Europe wide harmonization in several

fields of RSPs integration. Knowledge on it is consequently needed.

The research objective of this thesis is to identify

a) the arguments in favour of and the arguments against increased and

international harmonization in the field of adult RSP education and of the

recognition of their previously aquired qualifications within Europe in the

post-2015 agendas,

b) how these arguments are reflected in the policies of Switzerland and Austria by

analysing existing national policies, legal provisions, concrete projects and

evaluations, and

c) compare them with the results of conducted qualitative interviews with

non-governmental stakeholders in the regions of St.Gallen and Vorarlberg.

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7

5. Methodology

For this thesis an array of different methodologies are used in order to reach the research

objective stated above: First, a literature review of sociology of RSPs education, including

sociology of migration and education, second a discourse analysis of international

conventions, declarations, agendas and policies, third a discourse analysis of the Swiss and

Austrian national legislation, policies and projects in the field and fourth qualitative research

in the form of qualitative interviews in the regions of Vorarlberg and St.Gallen. It is a

constructivist approach, trying to get an understanding of the issue of harmonization of adult

RSP education and recognition of qualifications from multiple perspectives, in order to draw

conclusions. The scope of analyses and the tools applied will thus be explained in this section.

5.1. Scope of Education

The education covered in this thesis is based on the concept of "Bildungsarmut". A person

who is suffering from educational poverty is someone who has finished neither a high school

certificate, nor a vocational training

11

_{. This concept is applied to adult refugees and persons}

under subsidiary protection's situation (RSPs). Consequently, sources concerned with their

education and recognition of qualifications up to the level of secondary schooling and

vocational training are included in the analysis. RSPs tertiary schooling (university) would be

an interesting topic as well, but it would stretch the scope of the research too far. The entire

group of RSPs from the end of compulsory schooling to pension age, thus all within work age

are taken into account.

5.2. Harmonization

One fundamental question must be clarified: What is meant by Harmonization in the context

of this thesis? In the literature several notions are used for similar processes. Harmonization is

one of them, others are mainstreaming

12

, alignment, coordination or approximation. These

terms are often used interchangeably, and the explicit meaning remains vague. As stated

earlier, in this thesis it is understood as "making the regulatory requirements or governmental

11_{Michael Beck, Franziska Jäpel, and Rolf Becker, “Determinanten Des Bildungserfolgs von Migranten,” in}

Bildungsverlierer (Springer, 2010), 329, http://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-531-92576-9_15.

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8

policies of different jurisdictions identical, or at least more similar"

13

. The categorization of

different kinds of harmonization by David W. Leebron

14

provides clarification and is a useful

tool to frame the discourse analysis of the treated sources and the analysis of interviews.

Leebron distinguishes four types of harmonization: rules, policy, principle and structural

harmonization. Rules harmonization regulates a specific issue. For instance, it introduces a

definition of a product by specifically naming the ingreadients and their share in it. A famous

example is the question: "What is milk?". Rule harmonization is basically what happens when

the EU passes a new regulation

15

. For adult RSPs education and recognition of qualifications

this type is limited, because the EU and other international organizations have no decisive

competence in the field. Policy harmonization happens when "more general governmental

policy objectives"

16

are harmonized. EU directives have this effect as they provide an aim and

the MS can themselves decide how to reach it

17

. Here, the EU has some competence in the

field of interest, of which the Qualification Directive (2011/95/EU) is an example. By

principle harmonization, Leebron understands the common acceptance of principles, which

then influences the policy making

18

_{. An example of this is the declaration of the common}

basic principles on integration by the EU

19

_{. This type of harmonization can be observed in}

Europe in the field of adult RSP education and recognition of qualifications. The last type of

harmonization is structural. It includes the harmonization of "institutional structures and

procedures, both private and public"

20

. This is taking place in Europe, e.g. the introduction of

national contact points (NCPs) through the European Migration Network. Leebron argues that

this type of harmonization enforces the other types and that without structural similarities rule,

policy and principles cannot be fully harmonized. "Harmonization is not an end in itself.

Rather, it is a means of achieving goals such as greater efficiency or fairness"

21

.

Harmonization can be regarded as a concept with a range of degrees, reaching from absolutely

identical policies to loosely similar ones. It can be applied to diverse scopes, thus only one

specific aspect or among many, and to different scales - local, regional, national and

13_{Leebron, “Claims for Harmonization,” 66.} 14_{Leebron, “Claims for Harmonization.”}

15_{Tony Storey and Chris Turner, Unlocking EU Law, 4th edition (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York,} NY: Routledge, 2014), 158.

16_{Leebron, “Claims for Harmonization,” 68.} 17_{Storey and Turner, Unlocking EU Law, 160.} 18_{Leebron, “Claims for Harmonization,” 69.}

19_{Council of the European Union, “Press Release - 2618th Council Meeting - Justice and Home Affairs,” Press} Release (Brussels: Council of the European Union, November 2004).

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9

international. This typology of harmonization helps to understand the different developments

visible in the analysed sources.

5.3. Theoretical Background

Introductions to sociological theory provide a background for the analysis of the international,

national and regional processes and for the education and recognition of qualifications of

RSPs. Therefore the fields of Sociology of Education (Bildungsoziologie) and Sociology of

Migration (Migrationssoziologie) will be leaborated in connection with RSPs. A wide

definition of Forced Migration

22

_{is used and it is discussed what are the characteristics}

necessary to keep in mind when dealing with RSPs. Questions of why, where to, who, how

long, how many and what now are discussed. The theory of "The Forms of Capital" by

Bourdieu is the basis for the sociology of education part. Effects of cultural capital and the

lack of it (partly also economical and social) on a RSP's education and integration in the

labour market are discussed.

5.4. Discourse Analysis Sources

Different framework conventions, declarations, and international education agendas/policies

from diverse international organisations are analysed to find out the current situation and

trends of adult RSP education and recognition of qualifications. These mainly include texts

from the European Union (CEDEFOP, EMN etc.) and OECD, but also UNHCR, UNESCO

and the Council of Europe. NGOs' overviews on specific rights give easy access to the legal

instruments available, e.g. "International Instruments: Right to Education of Migrants,

Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons" by Right to Education Project

23

_{. Up to date}

quantitative data on migration developments are collected from UNHCR, Eurostat, and

OECD to also illustrate the statistical trends.

Country profiles in terms of political, economical, social situations are given using national

statistical services and OECD publications. Then, sources from national governmental actors

currently involved with RSP education and recognition of qualifications are taken under a

22_{David Bartram, “Forced Migration and ‘Rejected Alternatives’: A Conceptual Refinement,” Journal of}

Immigrant & Refugee Studies 13, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 439–56, doi:10.1080/15562948.2015.1030489.

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10

critical political discourse analysis with the focus on harmonization. This includes a selection

of the most important existing legislation, policies, project plans/evaluations by i.a. the

national migration ministries (Staatsekretariat für Migration (CH), Ministry for Europe,

Integration and Foreign Affairs (A)), integration offices, and national interest groups.

5.6. Qualitative Interviews:

In order to collect primary data, qualitative interviews were conducted with regional members

of NGOs that are active in the field in the two regions Vorarlberg and St.Gallen. The two

different focus groups for the qualitative interviews (A [EU] and CH [non-EU]) should lead to

a better understanding of the (different) trends and needs proclaimed.

5.6.1. Choice of Regions - St. Gallen and Vorarlberg

In order to also gain an insight into the arguments in favour of and against more harmonized

policy making from the lower level of implementation two regions St.Gallen (CH) and

Vorarlberg (A) are focused on. They build the framework for the qualitative focus group

interviews of this thesis. In the following, a justification of the choice of regions is given.

It is obvious that the two regions share quite some similarities but also remarkable

differences, which will give fertile ground to reflect on what challenges different types of

harmonization could face, especially considering that many other regions are even more

differing. For the specific field of RSPs, both regions share the responsibility to host migrants

that are transferred to their territory according to distribution keys. After initial registrations in

Swiss reception and precedure centres (max. 90 days), the canton of St.Gallen receives 6% of

all Swiss asylum seekers

24

_{. When the asylum process is terminated, people who are allowed to}

stay are distributed among the municipalities in the canton. The Swiss state provides a

one-time lump-sum of 6'000.- CHFR (approx. 5450.- Euros) for integration to the canton per

received person. It also provides social welfare: 5 years for refugees and 7 years for people

under subsidiary protection. After that period of time, the welfare costs will have to be carried

by the canton in the case of unemployment

25

_{. In Austria the distribution of asylum seekers}

from the initial reception centres (EAST) is followed by a distribution to regional centres, run

by the Länder until the asylum process is finished. The distribution key is based on population

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11

size of the different Länder

26

_{. Vorarlberg thus receives currently 4,41% of all asylum}

applicants of Austria

27

_{. Refugees and persons under subsidiary protection have the same rights}

to social welfare as Austrian nationals in the case of unemployment. These costs are covered

by the Sozialfond, which is carried solely by the Land and municipalities.

Vorarlberg and St.Gallen lie in the Bodensee region, where Germany, Austria, Lichtenstein

and Switzerland border each other. Geographically, demographically, economically and

culturally the two regions are quite similar.

Canton St.Gallen28 _{Land Vorarlberg}29

Size 1951 km2 _{2.601 km}2

Population 495 824 381.627

Foreign population (%) 23.3% 15.45%

Unemployment rate 2.3% 6%

Biggest city St.Gallen (≈75'000) Dornbirn (≈48'000)

Bigger towns (10'000+ inhabitants) 8 9

Municipalities 77 96

Table 1.

Table 1. gives a short overview. Vorarlberg and St.Gallen are mountainous regions and are

similarly affected by recent demographic changes

30

_{, mainly land flight. Both have a}

considerable number of towns (10'000+ inhabitants), but also many remote villages that do

not offer extensive educational infrastructure. This could have considerable effects on the

educational infrastructure for RSPs in the two regions and is important when reflecting on

structural harmonization. St.Gallen's unemployment rate is considerably under the national

average of Switzerland

31

_{, while Vorarlberg's is almost identical to the Austrian national}

unemployment rate

32

_{. This could influence the handling of RSP education and recognition of}

qualification. An incentive to contrast these two bordering regions is their mutual membership

in the ARGE Alp, a cross-border association bringing together 10 alpine regions from

Germany, Italy, Austria and Switzerland. Through this association, the two regions

26_{Nationalrat Österreich, Grundversorgungsvereinbarung - Art. 15a B-VG, GVV, 2004, sec. 1, Art. 1 (4).} 27_{Hand in Hand mit Flüchltingen in Vorarlberg, “Begriffserklärungen,” Hand in Hand mit Flüchltingen in}

Vorarlberg, March 20, 2016,

https://www.handinhandinvorarlberg.at/info.php?c=daten-und-fakten-fluechtlinge-asylanten-und-konventionsfluechtlinge.

28_{Fachstelle für Statistik, “Kopf Und Zahl 2015,” September 2015.} 29_{“Vorarlberg in Zahlen - Ausgabe 2015” (Feldkirch, 2015).}

30_{Permanent Secretariat of the Alpine Convention, “Mehrjahresprogramm Alpenkonvention 2011-2016,” März} 2011, 3, http://www.alpconv.org/de/convention/workprogramme/Documents/MAP_20112016_de.pdf.

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12

Vorarlberg and St.Gallen are cooperating in diverse fields such as cultural, social and

environmental development. A structural body to allow different types of harmonization is

thus in place. From 2007 to 2010 the ARGE Alp organized the Symposium "Miteinander

Zukunft" - focussing on integration projects in the migration field, aiming at an exchange of

best practices and experiences. The reasons for the abolition of the symposium in 2011 are

unfortunately not transparent and could not be clarified, despite efforts. It is also clear, that

the geographical proximity of the two regions is practical for the research. It facilitates the

conducting of the interviews, saving time and expenses. Considering the short timeframe of

this research it is a sensible decision. Thus, the choice of the regions (St.Gallen and

Vorarlberg) was made on the basis of political structures, economic and societal structures,

geographical proximity, language and existing collaborative structures (international,

bilateral) among them.

5.6.2. Conducting and Analysis of the Interviews

The qualitative interviews allowed collecting information from actors of the same sector. The

interest of this research is not subjective opinions on the issue of adult forced migrant

education, but the institutions' and sector's aims and future investments. Seven interviews (A,

B, C, D, E, F and G) have been conducted in the form of semi-structured interviews, with

discussion initiating and steering questions

33

_{by the interviewer, and space for elaboration and}

digressions. The interview participants are regional non-governmental actors that are active in

the field of adult RSP education and recognition of qualifications. Regional non-governmental

actors do not have direct political influence on legislation and policies, but they are exposed

and sometimes at the mercy of it. They experience the practical side of harmonization.

Therefore they were chosen as focus group, as they provide a fruitful contrast to the national

and international levels. Initially it was planned to also include governmental actors and to

contrast the two groups. However, the response was unfortunately not sufficient to get enough

participants from this focus group. Also, it would have overdrawn the scope of this thesis. The

following seven partners could be interviewed within the period of 23rd of Mai 2016 - 5th of

June 2016: ARGE Integration Ostschweiz (CH), Caritas St.Gallen/Appenzell (CH), HEKS

Ostschweiz (CH), AMS Vorarlberg (A), AST Feldkirch (A), Caritas Vorarlberg (A) and

Menschen-Leben Vorarlberg (A).

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13

The interviews were audio recorded, along with note-taking by the interviewer. Then, the

audio data was transcribed verbatim. For the preparation and conducting of the interviews and

the forth following analysis the book "Qualitative Research Practice: A Guide for Social

Science Students and Researchers" by Jane Ritchie and Jane Lewis (2003) was used. A

content analysis of the interview transcripts is conducted through a cross-sectional code and

retrieve method

34

_{, using the concept of an analytic hierarchy, divided into the stages of data}

management, descriptive accounts and explanatory accounts

35

_{. First, themes and concepts}

were produced from the initial readings of the transcripts (data management). Second, these

themes are described and analysed in more details, with a constant reference to the data,

identifying different shades of each theme (descriptive accounts). The different arguments

stated in the interviews were coded according to different categories. The categorisation of the

arguments was made with the general understanding of "categories as ways of grouping,

displaying and discussing data thematically such that comparisons between conceptual

content can be made or further lines of enquiry pursued."

36

_{. In the third and final stage, it will}

be tried to find patterns of themes and to explain them (explanatory accounts) and relate them

to the theoretical framework of Leebron

37

_{. Across the two groups a matrix of arguments can}

be developed, showing the Austrian/Swiss dimensions and their relations of argumentation.

This is done in the analysis chapter of the paper.

34_{Jane Ritchie and Jane Lewis, eds., Qualitative Research Practice: A Guide for Social Science Students and}

Researchers (London ; Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage Publications, 2003), 203.

35_{Ibid., 214ff.} 36_{Ibid., 205.}

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14

6. Sociological Background

6.1. Sociology of Migration of RSPs

From a sociological perspective, the fields of sociology of education and sociology of

migration are pertinent for this thesis. Forced migration

38

_{is the specific field of interest and}

the aim of the following part is to give an overview of its different dimensions and how they

are situated within the theories of migration. This will help to analyse the findings from the

qualitative interviews in a later part of the thesis. The academic field of migration studies can

subdivided into several different approaches. Some of them are only remotely connected to

the very specific migration of refugees and tolerated 3rd country nationals.

First of all, some clarification is needed regarding the definitions of refugees, asylum seekers

and forced migration. The UN legal definition of a refugee is the most commonly used and

defines refugee as a person who,

"owing to well- founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it"39_.

An Asylum Seeker on the other hand is a person who, "has left their country of origin and

formally applied for asylum in another country but whose application has not yet been

concluded"

40

_{. They are consequently in the admittance process for legal protection by refugee}

conventions.

Furthermore, there is also the group who do not qualify as refugees, but who's

presence is tolerated in the receiving country due to diverse reasons. In this case the term

person under subsidiary protection applies. For this thesis only the two groups of refugees

and persons under subsidiary protection are analysed. The reason for this is that their

provisions are often quite similar while those for asylum seekers are very different if not

inexistent. For analysis purposes it does not make sense to combine all of them.

Refugees and persons under subsidiary protection are forced migrants. They are people who

are registered within the system of a receiving state and thus

clearly in a ministry's charge.

38_{International Organization for Migration, “Key Migration Terms,” International Organization for Migration,} January 14, 2015, http://www.iom.int/key-migration-terms.

39_{United Nations, “Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees,” ed. UNHCR, 1951,} http://www.unhcr.org/3b66c2aa10.html.

40_{Refugee Council, “Who’s Who? - Definitions,” Refugee Council, January 27, 2016,}

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15

This is important for the following case studies and analysis.

Forced migration is a useful

notion for this research as it is a frequently used term in sociology of migration to describe

and analyse the characteristics of refugee's and persons under subsidiary protection's

migratory movements. In order to be able to assess arguments in favour of and against

harmonized educational policies within Europe, it is necessary to identify more clearly the

specifics of the group of forced migrants. The definitions of forced migration are quite

diverse. Here, a forced migrant is in summary a person who experiences a " serious threat to

life or basic well-being, regardless of whether that threat is labelled political and/or

economic"

41

_{and it "occurs not only when alternatives are lacking entirely but also when there}

is no reasonable alternative to migration"

42

_.

Firstly it can be asked 'why' forced migrants move. Since Lee (1966), migration research

identifies different push and pull factors that lead to migratory movements. The push factors

are those conditions, which make people leave their home, while pull factors are conditions

that attract migrants to go to and stay at a certain place. Diverse collections and combinations

of such push and pull factors have been established, from economy oriented to more inclusive

models, also taking social aspects into account. These factors are placed on micro-, meta- or

macro-levels, depending on whether they are determined by the individual, organizational or

societal contexts. The term forced migrants implies that the migrants did leave their home

involuntarily, and consequently the push factors can be considerably narrowed down. Wood

divides the push factors for forced migrants into three groups: 1) War, political instability,

persecution 2) Ethnic, religious, tribal conflicts 3) Ecological crisis, and life-threatening

economical decline.

43

_{Any combination of these push factors obviously increases the}

migration.

Secondly, the question of 'where to' must be asked, and since forced migrants arriving in

Europe are of interest here, it is more pertinent to ask: Why to Europe? The UNHCR states in

several of its publications that most refugees and asylum seekers stay in the immediate

surrounding of their country of origin. This suggests that many forced migrants try to remain

in the proximity of their home and hope for return. However, when circumstances in these

places become aggravated and the possibility for return to their home in the immediate and

41_{Bartram, “Forced Migration and ‘Rejected Alternatives,’” 441.} 42_{Ibid., 442.}

43_{William B. Wood, “Forced Migration: Local Conflicts and International Dilemmas,” Annals of the}

Association of American Geographers 84, no. 4 (December 1, 1994): 615,

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16

intermediate future becomes unlikely, further relocation to more distant destinations are taken

into consideration. The 2015 increase of migration from Syria to Europe, due to food shortage

in the UNHCR refugee camps around the country, are one example of this

44

_{. The migration of}

refugees and tolerated 3rd nationals is not a voluntary decision, however, the decision to go to

no place but Europe could at least be partly voluntary.

The human capital approach can be helpful here. It regards migration not as a simple

consumption of the possibility of movement but rather a conscious investment

45

_{. Europe}

offers (mostly) stable political governments, good schooling, elaborate welfare systems,

comparatively stably growing economies, personal freedom etc. These can be considered pull

factors and Adult education and recognition of qualification are one of them. The investment

in the journey to Europe is worth the risks involved when the access to these pull factors is

probable. The flaw of this approach is that - similarly to the theory of economic migration - it

assumes the migrants have correct information

46

_{, hence that they could properly judge the}

risks of the journey as well as their chances in the country of destination. Reports of

disillusioned forced migrants

47,48

_{contradict this. Further, the theory of transnational migration}

looks at migration as a movement within "delocalized social reality and social fields"

49

_{. It}

implies that migratory groups have a tendency to form imagined communities (ethnic

colonies) across spatial borders and time through exchange of information, goods and people.

In how far this applies exactly to forced migrants remains to be further studied. It is further

understood that on the one hand forced migrants often try to go to places where same

nationals are already settled, and that on the other hand they are (or used to be) confined to

one place in Europe once registered, due to legal mobility restrictions, e.g. Dublin III. In

44_{Thomas Gutschker, “Ursachen der Migration: Wie der Hunger die Syrer in die Flucht trieb,” Frankfurter}

Allgemeine Zeitung, November 8, 2015,

http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/fluechtlingskrise/wie-der-fluechtlingsandrang-aus-syrien-ausgeloest-wurde-13900101.html.

45_{Marco Martiniello and Jan Rath, eds., An Introduction to International Migration Studies: European}

Perspectives, IMISCOE Textbooks (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012), 27.

46_{Ibid., 28.}

47_{Karsten Polke-Majewski, “Flüchtlinge: Ablehnen, Abholen, Abschieben,” Die Zeit, August 6, 2015,} http://www.zeit.de/feature/fluechtlinge-in-deutschland-abschiebung-fluege-gesetze.

48_{Raniah Salloum and Roman Pernack, “Griechisch-Mazedonische Grenze: ‘Wenn Wir Das Gewusst Hätten,} Wären Wir in Syrien Geblieben,’” SPIEGEL ONLINE, March 3, 2016, http://www.spiegel.de/artikel/a-1080508.html.

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17

reality, recognized refugees move on due to low social welfares, difficulties to access labour

markets and lack of ethnic colonies

50

_.

Next it should also be asked 'who' exactly the forced migrants are, in the sense of where they

come from and what they bring in terms of social, cultural and economic capital. The most

important trait here is heterogeneity. Demographic Eurostat's latest asylum quarterly report

51

identifies that Syrian, Afghan and Iraqi people lodged most asylum claims. Over the past

years this tendency has been stable. Other noticeable nationalities are Albania, Pakistan,

Eritrea, Nigeria, Bangladesh and Somalia. Forced migrants have mostly different origins than

voluntary migrants, for instance work migrants within EU countries or 3rd country nationals

who are entering the receiving country with valid visas. Due to migration control methods,

voluntary migrants can be expected to be well qualified and/or fitting a demand for labour

force. This does not necessarily apply to forced migrants. The age distribution of all first time

asylum applicants in the EU in 2015 shows that on average 70% of the arriving forced

migrants are between the age of 18 and 64, about 53% between 18 and 34. In terms of gender,

more than 70% asylum applicants in 2015 were male. This can give some indication of who

are the RSPs, as 52% of all decisions taken have been positive (refugee status, subsidiary

protection or other protection)

52

_.

The available information on human capital of the migrants is also problematic on the side of

the receiving society. The term asymmetrical information describes the situation when

migrants are aware of their human capital, but "employers of destination region can not

observe the true levels of skills"

53

_{. Potential employers assume the average distribution of}

skills among the group of migrants, which often forces well-educated migrants into under

skilled jobs due to the association with the more negative image of the general migrant group.

As a recent inquiry by the Austrian labour market service (AMS) has shown, many forced

migrants currently arriving from the Middle East are better educated than previously

50_{Stefan Luft, Die Flüchtlingskrise: Ursachen, Konflikte, Folgen, Originalausgabe, C.H. Beck Wissen 2857} (München: Verlag C.H. Beck, 2016), 82.

51_{Eurostat, “Asylum Quaterly Report” (DG Migration and Home Affairs, June 15, 2016),} http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Asylum_quarterly_report. 52_{Eurostat, “Asylum Statistics,” Eurostat - Statistics Explained, March 2, 2016,} http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Asylum_statistics.

53_{Bob Vandererf and Liesbeth Heering, Causes of International Migration: Proceedings of a Workshop}

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18

expected

54

_{. It is probable that the entire public is influenced by asymmetrical information. A}

better system of recognition of qualification and the dissemination of this information would

enhance this situation.

Another question is the temporal aspect of forced migration, namely 'how long' these people

will live in the receiving country. Depending on the situation in the country of origin,

expectations of return can differ greatly, but as Heckmann states, "the protection providing

country sees the stay of refugees often only as a temporary situation and tries often to restrict

integration processes"

55

_{. The same applies to tolerated 3rd nationals. However, when looking}

at Woods push categories for forced migration, it is striking that these categories are mostly

issues that demand long-lasting improvement and recovery processes and cannot be solved in

the timeframe of a few months. It must thus be contested in how far the expectation of returns

is realistic and whether this attitude is not dangerous for the future development of receiving

states.

For the receiving state, migration control plays a vital part in migratory developments, most

importantly concerning 'how many' arrive. Different policies and processes within political

entities usually determine how many migrants are allowed to temporarily or continuously

stay. Some scholars argue, "integration can only be expected with a immigration adequate to a

country's capacity"

56

_{and if possible states try to control this. Concerning forced migration,}

especially in countries that have signed and follow human rights conventions, methods of

migration control become highly problematic if not impossible to apply. The current situation

in South-Eastern Europe, where borders are partly closed to many forced migrants,

demonstrates that European states are struggling to control the current migration. Another

example is Germany's attempt to declare Afghanistan as a safe country in order to be able to

refoul (send back) this national group of forced migrants. These actions could be in conflict

with humanitarian obligations of European states

57

_{. Refoulment is in many cases not possible.}

Resettlement programmes could allow a better-controlled immigration of forced migrants,

accepting well-defined numbers directly from refugee camps in the proximity of the forced

54_{Matthias Benz, “Österreich Ermittelt Erstmals Berufsqualifikationen: Flüchtlinge Sind Besser Ausgebildet} Als Gedacht,” Neue Zürcher Zeitung, accessed January 22, 2016,

http://www.nzz.ch/wirtschaft/wirtschaftspolitik/fluechtlinge-sind-besser-ausgebildet-als-gedacht-1.18676192. 55_{Friedrich Heckmann, Integration von Migranten: Einwanderung Und Neue Nationenbildung (Wiesbaden:} Springer VS, 2015), 24.

56_{Ibid., 59.}

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19

migrants homes. Momentarily this is happening in very restricted numbers, e.g. Switzerland

welcomed only 611 resettled persons in 2015

58

_{. Overall it can be said that forced migration}

also differs greatly from other kinds of migration in that it is more difficult to be controlled by

states.

One aspect that is also important in forced migration is the 'what now'. Integration becomes

topical, which in sociology is divided into structural, cultural, social and identifying

integration. Structural integration is the access to key institutions (e.g. schools, labour market,

welfare system, political bodies). Cultural integration, or acculturation, describes the cultural

"change in an individual or a culturally similar group that results from contact with a different

culture."

59

_{. Norms, values, language etc. are prone to change here. Social integration}

incorporates the development of social network and affiliation to the new social surrounding

and the development of a sense of belonging.

60

_{It is here that the weak legal status and the}

consequent insecurity of forced migrants are very prominent. Insecurities include withdrawal

of residence permit, redefinition of security status of home state, changes in national policies.

Castles et al. clearly state that

"people who lack security of residence, civil and political rights are prevented from participating fully in society. They do not have the opportunity of deciding to what extent they want to interact with the rest of the population, and to what extent they want to preserve their own culture and norms."61

Considering the uncertainty of the lengths of stay but the high probability of no return in the

immediate or intermediate future and the simultaneous neglect of states to support integration,

mentioned above, this could have drastic effects. Furthermore, forced migrants could be

dealing with difficult psychological circumstances, such as post-traumatic stress disorder and

depression. Also, their economic capital is often largely inexistent and they had to leave

behind most of their material possessions.

58_{Staatssekretariat für Migration SEM, “Asylstatistik 2015” (Bern-Wabern: Schweizerische Eidgenossenschaft,} January 6, 2016), 8, https://www.sem.admin.ch/dam/data/sem/publiservice/statistik/asylstatistik/2015/stat-jahr-2015-kommentar-d.pdf.

59_{J. Lynn McBrien, “Educational Needs and Barriers for Refugee Students in the United States: A Review of} the Literature,” Review of Educational Research 75, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 330,

doi:10.3102/00346543075003329.

60_{Heckmann, Integration von Migranten, 72ff.}

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20

6.2. Sociology of Education

It is clear that many diverse aspects influence integration processes. Education and

recognition of previous qualifications are only two of them. They are closely linked to each

other. Education mostly leads up to a qualification, which gives access to the next level of

education or a work position. Meanwhile, the culture of qualifications in a given context

influences the nature of education, how it is structured and implemented. It is thus important

to analyse them in combination. The research of the specific field of adult forced migrants

education constitutes a scientific "wasteland"

62

_{. Since not a lot of knowledge is available, the}

theory of Pierre Bourdieu's forms of capital

63

_{provides the basis for a general understanding of}

the role of education, which will be applied to the specific situation of RSPs and will later

help to assess the arguments in favour of and against harmonization of RSPs education and

the recognition of their qualifications. The following section shortly elaborates upon the

different aspects of Bourdieus theory, reflects on it and a link to adult forced migrants is being

made.

Bourdieu identifies three types of capital: economic, cultural and social. All these forms of

capital are essentially an accumulation of labour, of either economic nature (monetary

wealth), cultural (knowledge, legal ownership, diplomas) or social (available networks).

Education is part of cultural capital, however, it is also linked to economic and social capital.

Cultural capital includes skills, ability and achievement

64

_{and it exists in embodied, objectified}

and institutionalized forms. Embodied cultural capital is the incorporation of knowledge. It

must be acquired, which demands time and depends on innate properties such as talent or

intelligence. It cannot be transmitted instantaneously and it allows someone to stand out in

certain contexts, e.g. an expert in a group of laymen. Embodied cultural capital is closely tied

to social capital, for children of families with great cultural capital have direct access to it

from early childhood. Also economic capital is influential; since wealthy people can spend

more time acquiring cultural capital, they accumulate more such capital. The value of a

specific kind of cultural capital does vary from one culture to another. For instance, the ability

to play the organ might be generally very highly valorised in Europe, but not in Somalia.

62_{Halleli Pinson and Madeleine Arnot, “Sociology of Education and the Wasteland of Refugee Education} Research,” British Journal of Sociology of Education 28, no. 3 (May 2007): 399–407,

doi:10.1080/01425690701253612.

63_{Pierre Bourdieu, “The Forms of Capital,” in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of}

Education, ed. Richardson J (Westport: Greenwood, 1986), 241–58.

64_{Annette Lareau and Elliot B. Weininger, “Cultural Capital in Eduaction Research: A Critical Assessment,”}

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21

There is a tendency to look at RSPs as a homogeneous group and to emphasise their

disadvantages due to the refugee background, rather than their individual potential

65

_{. It is}

evident that RSPs face a total re-evaluation of their embodied cultural capital when entering a

new country and new embodied cultural capital must be accumulated. For adult RSP

education especially financial support and time for acquisition seem relevant. Financial

support is needed to allow spending the time incorporating new knowledge. It is thus in the

interest of states (or provider of social welfare), that there is a well-functioning system of

acquisition, which leads to less expenses on the long term. Also, the earlier the RSPs are

enabled to acquire new knowledge, e.g. language competencies, IT knowhow, vocational

training etc., the sooner they will be able to have legitimate access to diverse positions, hence

become economically independent.

The second form is objectified cultural capital. It is the legal ownership of cultural objects, for

instance of a piece of art, and it is instantaneously "transmissible in its materiality"

66

_,

contrarily to embodied cultural capital. Firstly, economic capital (or a social relation with

economic capital) is necessary in order to acquire it. Secondly, embodied cultural capital is

then necessary to understand and appreciate objectified cultural capital or someone else is

needed to provide that part in order to profit from the object. For RSPs education this seems

to be less relevant, for the economic capital to acquire objectified capital is seldom available.

However, it could be applicable e.g. concerning the possession of books, which would

demand the embodied cultural capital of language.

The third form of cultural capital is institutionalized. It concerns the legally guaranteed

qualifications, such as diplomas, certificates, transcript of records etc., which cannot be

transferred, but are awarded to an individual. This kind of capital helps to compare people

with diverse qualifications. Some qualifications are better recognized than others and the

acquisition of qualifications usually involves time and money. It is important to differentiate

between the embodied and the institutionalized forms of cultural capital. Of course,

qualifications try to represent a person's knowledge in a specific field. However, two people

with the same diploma have identical institutionalized cultural capital, but their embodied

knowledge might vary greatly. For RSPs there are several aspects connected to this form of

cultural capital. Firstly, they often do not have proof of their qualifications and skills at hand

65_{Amanda Keddie, “Refugee Education and Justice Issues of Representation, Redistribution and Recognition,”}

Cambridge Journal of Education 42, no. 2 (June 2012): 197–212, doi:10.1080/0305764X.2012.676624.

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22

and confirmation by authorized institutions from their country of origin is not available.

Consequently adequate possibilities to demonstrate their embodied knowledge are needed to

get it recognized by local authorities in the host country. Secondly, if qualifications are at

hand, then there need to be standardised mechanisms to re-evaluate them in accordance with

local qualifications. Possibly, complementary training is needed and thus the availability of

such opportunities is decisive for RSPs to get access to the labour market, as they were able to

prove their competences within a recognized framework. Certificates and diplomas also do

not simply certify "technical capacity", but they are heavily connected "'social competence',

understood as a sense of social dignity"

67

_{that distinguishes a person socially. Migrants, and}

more prominently forced migrants, "experience a devaluation and non-recognition of their

skills"

68

_{and thus also a social devaluation.}

Bourdieu strongly links cultural capital with processes of social reproduction of upper class

ideals

69

_{. In the case of RSP education this should be reinterpreted. Goldthorpe argues based on}

empirical findings that cultural capital (resources), especially acquired through educational

institutions, enforces social mobility

70

_{and thus social change, not reproduction. The influence}

of educational institutions - as education is an integral part of integration processes - on social

mobility seems reasonable, as it allows RSPs to take on qualified jobs. Moreover, as different

researches from the US show, financial and social support of adult immigrants, which

includes access to education and recognition of previous qualification, can have a positive

influence on their children's integration. Both parents and children could relate to the host

culture (through schooling and job) and hence less conflict was caused between generations

71

_.

However, when looking at the recognition of qualifications of RSPs, "educational and

professional institutions exercise nationally-based protectionism by not recognizing

qualifications acquired abroad"

72

_{. Consequently, RSPs' educational opportunities and}

recognition of qualification should be regarded within this dichotomy of enabling and

limiting, as "measures of cultural capital are shaped by policy construction of national

economic interests, and protectionist professional policies"

73

_{. Bourdieu demands official}

67_{Lareau and Weininger, “Cultural Capital in Eduaction Research: A Critical Assessment,” 581.}

68_{Umut Erel, “Migrating Cultural Capital: Bourdieu in Migration Studies,” Sociology 44, no. 4 (August 1,} 2010): 643, doi:10.1177/0038038510369363.

69_{Pierre Bourdieu, The State Nobility: Elite Schools in the Field of Power (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996).} 70_{John H. Goldthorpe, “‘ Cultural Capital’: Some Critical Observations,” Sociologica 1, no. 2 (2007): 17.} 71_{McBrien, “Educational Needs and Barriers for Refugee Students in the United States,” 349.}

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23

transmission of capital (economic, social, and cultural) to oppose this tendency. Otherwise,

"[a]s an instrument of reproduction capable of disguising its own function, the scope of the

educational system tends to increase, and together with this increase is the unification of the

market in social qualifications which gives rights to occupy rare positions"

74

_{. It is thus}

important to analyse the structures behind educational institutions and in how far they affect

social reproduction and marginalization of RSPs. The argument that "employable, educable,

and societally contributing refugees are not entities that pre-exist, but rather that are produced

or constructed in the materially heterogeneous relations of activities"

75

_{should be kept in mind.}

Further, it is important to also consider that RSPs are prone to be affected by overlapping

disadvantages when it comes to education. These include age, gender, financial situation,

living conditions and post-traumatic symptoms - hence all different forms of capital.

74_{Bourdieu, “The Forms of Capital,” 254.}

75_{Jill Koyama, “Resettling Notions of Social Mobility: Locating Refugees as ‘educable’ and ‘employable,’”}

British Journal of Sociology of Education 34, no. 5–06 (November 1, 2013): 950,

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24

7. Findings and Analysis of the European, National and Regional Levels

7.1. European Policies, Projects and Initiatives

The following section presents the trends on the European level concerning RSPs' education

and recognition of qualifications. There are diverse attempts to enable cooperation or

small-scale harmonization across borders in the field. But there are also comprehensive initiatives.

On the European level policy, principle or structural harmonizations are visible. Rule

harmonization is rare, since the member states have the competences in the field of integration

and education, not the EU. This section is not giving an all-inclusive report on this, but the

most important policies and projects are analysed. It is important to keep in mind that policies

and projects often target other groups of migrants as well, not only RSPs.

In the EU, the common basic principles for integration, defined in 2004, are most prominent.

The second principle states "integration implies respect for the basic values of the European

Union"

76

_{. This includes the core concepts of equality and non-discrimination. They are}

pertinent in education and recognition of qualification, especially among different groups of

RSPs (origin, age, gender, etc.) and in relation to local communities. Solidarity can also be

named, advocating exchange, collaboration and mutual give and take. In a first instance it can

thus be said that harmonization is supported through the argument of shared basic values.

Three other principles can be associated with the topic of this thesis directly. Basic knowledge

of language and institutions is emphasised in principle four, specifying that this must be

"enabled"

77

_{. This demands the provision of learning opportunities, including for instance}

language classes and counselling/guidance. The link between education of immigrants and

social participation is strengthened in principle five, consistent with sociological theory

78

_{. The}

temporal aspect is put in focus, as "particularly their [immigrants'] descendants"

79

_{are affected}

by educational opportunities. This emphasises the cross-generational effect of education. The

fifth principle proclaims equal access to institutions for migrants. By creating these basic

principles, the Council provided common grounds and a starting point for all future projects

of cooperation in the field. It paves the way for further harmonization and is thus an important

instrument.

76_{Council of the European Union, “Press Release - 2618th Council Meeting - Justice and Home Affairs,” 20.} 77_Ibid.

78_{see: chapter 6.2.}

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25

The European Commission published several handbooks on integration from 2004-2012, an

aid for stakeholders. The handbooks are not specifically targeted at RSP, but include them in

the suggestions. As they are European publications, they do have a harmonizing effect, if used

by actors in diverse MSs. The first handbook was published in 2004, a period when the EU

went through its biggest enlargement and when immigration numbers, especially of forced

migrants, were lower than today. Outstanding points are the demand for cooperation between

different actors (governmental, non-governmental, private)

80

_{and different levels (local,}

regional, national, and possibly even international)

81

_{and the urge to have diverse options and}

formats to acquire language and professional skills in order to accommodate immigrants with

different educational background

82

_{, but also to combine language and skills learning.}

Flexibility to cope with diversity is emphasised. The cooperation is needed to ensure that

"certificates are of a format which is known to employers and other educational institutions

[... to] be useful to the participants in accessing further labour market or training

opportunities"

83

_{. Consequently, the argument for harmonization made is that the farther the}

format of certificates is known, the more numerous are the opportunities for the holder.

Further, the need for "more influence on the policy-making process so that national

framework regulations respond better to the local realities"

84

_{is stated. The point made is that}

legal frameworks and practical reality should be complementary, especially between different

levels of governance. The second handbook on integration (2007) states the acquisition of

competences is key for integration. It reveals the tension between individually tailored

support, as in "more flexible ways of assessing and validating skills"

85

_{, and coordinated}

standards. "Any form of accreditation must be accepted and recognized by mainstream

organizations"

86

_{. Proposed is the involvement of employers, trade unions or known}

institutions in the process of recognition in order to create trust. This could be difficult on an

international level and it must be asked in how far this is even possible on a national level. Is

it even reasonable? The handbook emphasises the locality of the governance of integration.

80_{European Commission and Freedom and Security Directorate-General for Justice, Handbook on Integration}

for Policy-Makers and Practitioners, First Edition (Luxembourg: EUR-OP, 2004), 24f.

81_{Ibid., 6ff.} 82_{Ibid., 30.} 83_{Ibid., 15.} 84_{Ibid., 23.}

85_{European Commission and Freedom and Security Directorate-General for Justice, Handbook on Integration}

for Policy-Makers and Practitioners, Second Edition (Luxmbourg: EUR-OP, 2007), 55.

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