NEWS FRAMING AND JOURNALISTIC
RESPONSIBILITY IN THE DIGITAL AGE
A case study on the coverage of the Christchurch mosque shootings in New
Zealand news media
Natalie Lange (S3501426) Master Thesis Journalism Studies
University of Groningen 12/01/2020
Supervisor: Dr. Ansgard Heinrich Second Reader: Dr. Dana Mustata
Abstract
This thesis analyses how the New Zealand newspapers framed the mosque attacks in Christchurch, which killed 51 Muslims on 15 March 2019. It builds on theories concerned with news framing and the role of ethics and responsibilities in journalism to explore what framing practices make for ethical reporting. The terror attack in Christchurch is only one out of many examples of the phenomenon which this thesis explored: responsible news gathering and framing practices in regard to digital tools and information dissemination through social media networks. Results from a content analysis of 179 news articles in two major New Zealand newspapers during the first two weeks after the shooting are analysed. The coverage of the mosque shootings is found to be very descriptive, focused on the victims, survivors, Muslim communities in New Zealand as well as the solidarity embraced in the aftermath of the attacks. The shooter is not given questionable political exposure. Reasons and consequences of the attacks are not analysed on a political or societal level. Moreover, this study found that the news framing functioned as a way of depoliticising the terror attacks since most articles did not contextualise the shooting as a politically motivated terrorist attack linked to right-wing extremism, on a significant level. The event was labeled as terror attack but further context and information in regard to New Zealand’s history of terrorism or the shooters motivations was missing. New sourcing opportunities such as the shooters manifesto or live-stream were not used to report on the attacks.
Keywords:Journalism Ethics, news framing, frames, journalistic responsibility, ethical principles, responsible reporting, ethical dilemmas, Content Analysis, New Zealand Herald (NZH), Otago Daily Times (ODT)
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my parents for always supporting me in everything I do and set my mind on. Special thanks to my wonderful sister who always believes in me. Thank you for all your encouragement and support along the way, especially in the past weeks. A shout out to all my amazing friends who have my back and helped me in this thesis writing process.
My warmest gratitude goes to my supervisor dr. Ansgard Heinrich. Thank you for your great support, insightful comments and inspiration during the process. I also would like to thank you for the super interesting and inspiring Business and Ethics classes that you held with such enthusiasm every week. It made it impossible not to be excited for the next class and actually made Monday mornings something to look forward to. Your classes inspired me to dive deeper into journalism ethics and combine it with a country I care for deeply, although, the events under study are heartbreaking. I am very thankful for your great thesis supervision and for your understanding when my life took some unexpected turns.
To the crazy bunch of people with different nationalities that I was privileged enough to call my classmates. I couldn’t have asked for a better group to do this masters with and even stressful times in the newsroom were fun with you. Some of you truly inspired me and I am grateful for all the projects we worked on together. A special shout out to Sophie. You are my favorite camera woman to work with. Annewil, Bex, Clem, Sophie and Hannah you brightened up so many of my days and made my experience here in Groningen unqiue. This master’s challenged me in so many ways and often brought me to my limits.While at the same time it encouraged me to grow even further and develop my research and practice skills in so many ways.
I am blessed to have come so far and to finally being able to submit my thesis. It was truly a rollercoaster with some unexpected turns but that is the beauty in it, I guess. Looking back I wouldn’t change a thing and are grateful for all the things I have learned and for how far I got.
TABLE OF C ONTENT
1 Introduction ... 1
1.1 Structure of this thesis ... 4
2 Theoretical framework ... 5
2.1 Journalists social responsibility ... 6
2.2 How ethical principles assist to fulfil this responsibility ... 9
2.2.1 Obligation to Truth ... 11
2.2.2 Fairness and Balance... 11
2.2.3 Independence ... 12
2.2.4 To minimise harm ... 13
2.2.5 Accountability and Transparency... 13
2.2.6 Objectivity ... 14
2.2.7 New Zealand Media Council ... 15
2.3 How journalistic responsibilities play out in light of news framing ... 18
2.3.1 Journalistic framing devices ... 22
2.3.2 Framing terrorism ... 24
2.3.3 Role of news media in framing tragedies... 26
2.4 How the introduction of digital tools change and challenge responsible journalistic practices ... 28
2.5 Background on the mosque shooting and the shooter ... 33
5 Methodology ... 36
5.1 Content Analysis (CA) ... 36
5.2 The case under study ... 38
5.3 The country and the newspaper ... 38
5.4 The time frame and the sample size ... 39
5.5 Operationalisation of the content analysis ... 40
5.6 Limitations and Discussion ... 41
6 Findings and Analysis ... 44
6.1 Framing of the mosque shootings ... 44
6.1.1 Format ... 44
6.1.2 Inverted pyramid ... 44
6.2 Stylistic devices ... 47
6.2.1 Stylistic devices headline ... 47
6.3 Journalistic principles ... 52
6.3.1 Focus of the article ... 52
6.3.2 Primary Label ... 56
6.3.3 Sourcing practices ... 58
6.4 Information about the shooter ... 64
6.4.1 Best practice ... 69
6.4.2 Prominence ... 70
7 Conclusion and Recommendations ... 74
References ... 77
Appendix ... 83
Appendix 1: Codebook ... 83
Appendix 2: Figures NZH and ODT ... 12
List of Tables
Table 1 Frequency of sources in New Zealand Herald ... 58
Table 2 Frequency of sources in Otago Daily Times ... 59
Table 3Type of source used in New Zealand Herald and Otago Daily Times ... 62
List of Figures Figure 1 Type of information used across all sampled articles of the Otago Daily Times ... 45
Figure 2 Type of information used across all sampled articles of the New Zealand Herald ... 46
Figure 3 Overall use of adjectives across all sampled articles of the New Zealand Herald and the Otago Daily Times ... 48
Figure 4 Type of frames used across all sampled New Zealand Herald articles ... 53
Figure 5 Type of frames used across all sampled Otago Daily Times articles ... 54
Figure 6 Labels used by the New Zealand Herald and the Otago Daily Times in the whole sample in numbers ... 56
Figure 7 Type of information provided about the shooter in total sample of the New Zealand Herald ... 65
Figure 8 Type of information provided about the shooter in total sample of the Otago Daily Times ... 66
Figure 9 Type of prominence that is used across all sampled articles of the New Zealand Herald’s sample ... 71
Figure 10 Type of prominence that is used across all sampled articles of the Otago Daily Times’s sample ... 72
Figure 11: Type of format used by both news outlets in total sample ... 12
Figure 12: Average article length for both news outlets measured in numbers through the wordcount. ... 12
Figure 13: Total number of adjectives used in New Zealand Herald articles. ... 13
Figure 14: Total number of adjectives used in Otago Daily Times articles. ... 13
Figure 15: Frequency of adjectives used in headline and text of the New Zealand Herald ... 14
Figure 16: Frequency of adjectives used in headline and text of the Otago Daily Times ... 14
Figure 17: Type of sources used across total sample of New Zealand Herald ... 15
Figure 18: Type of sources used across total sample of Otago Daily Times ... 15
Figure 19: Type of source used per news outlet to gather information in total sample. ... 16
Figure 20 Excerpt Coding Sheet NZH ... 17
1 INTRODUCTION
Much has been written about journalism ethics. Discussions circle around good journalistic conduct and how to justify journalists’ behaviour or newsroom conduct. The case of Christchurch is only one out of many examples of the phenomenon which this thesis explores: responsible news gathering and framing practices in regard to digital tools and information dissemination through social media networks. Conflicts, riots, protests, shootings, and other similar events are increasingly live-streamed as they happen. Thus, user-generated content often provides the only visual elements and first-hand information from the scene of the event. What is a rather new phenomenon is that instead of witnesses, perpetrators provide live-videos of their actions on social media platforms. This constitutes the dilemma of how to best cover the event in a responsible way that informs the public but does not cause any harm or plays into the hands of the perpetrator. The profession of journalism is connected to certain responsibilities, such as to serve, inform, and educate the public, in which ethical principles assist to accomplish these duties. The introduction of digital tools, however, interrupts “traditional” journalistic conduct since the way news and information is gathered, produced and disseminated is altered and changed. With these changes journalists are challenged by new as well as old issues while the guidance that traditional core principles provide to practitioners fail to address the new challenges and ethical implications. The mosque shootings in Christchurch and more recently the attempted attack on a Synagogue in Halle exactly illustrate these new challenges and ethical implications that contemporary journalism faces.
On 15 March 2019, just before 2 pm local time, a man fired indiscriminately on children, women, and men inside the Al Noor mosque, in central Christchurch, New Zealand. Mass shootings have occurred all over the world in the past and are, therefore, not a new phenomenon. The shooting in Christchurch, however, was quite unusual since the gunman strapped a camera to his forehead to stream his actions live on Facebook.The headcam footage showed the gunman killing several people on his way into the mosque, inside the mosque, and his getaway. After killing 42 people at Al Noor mosque the shooter drove off to another mosque, Linwood mosque, for his second attack where he killed eight people while people from around the globe were able to follow his attacks live via facebook without any censorship. At the same time, news outlets around the globe were left with the challenge of how to best report and inform the public of this dreadful attack. The dilemma in the case of Christchurch was not only that the first-hand information from the scenewas provided by the
shooter himself but, furthermore, that the shooter was trying to stream his actions for a purpose. Thus, journalists not only had to decide how to cover far-right extremism but also how to deal with the shooters live-stream and manifesto that clearly communicates right-wing extremist beliefs.
Given the criticism that was directed towards the framing of mass shootings and terror attacks by new media in light of journalistic responsibilities as well as the discussions that emerged in regard to journalism ethics after the Christchurch mosque shooting, an interest was sparked in the researcher to examine journalistic texts and their traces of ethical principles. Thus, the main goal of this thesis is to investigate what the journalistic texts about the shootings in Christchurch can tell us about journalistic responsibilities and duties, core principles, and framing practices in the digital age. Moreover, it concentrates on studying framing practices and the discussion which framing practices make for ethical reporting. This study chose two New Zealand news outlets, the Otago Daily Times and the New Zealand Herald, to explore how they framed the mass shootings. The two news outlets were not only chosen because New Zealand was the country most affected but also because New Zealand News outlets have been rather overlooked by scholars in the past. Scholarly research on journalistic conduct in New Zealand in terms of news framing and ethical principles is remote and not much explored. With mass shootings occuring more frequently in various other parts of the world, specifically in the United States or Europe, big news outlets such as acclaimed publications like The Guardian, or New York Times are studied for their coverage of the events while New Zealand news outlets have been mainly overlooked.
To study journalistic texts and the traces of ethical principles that guide the composition of these journalistic pieces, this study employed a quantitative content analysis (CA). To study how ethical principles manifest themselves in the textual coverage and what this says about the role of ethics and responsibilities in journalism today, the following research questions were explicated:
RQ1: How do New Zealand news outlets frame the mosque shooting in reference to ethical principles?
RQ1.1 Which stylistic devices are used to report the mass shootings? RQ1.2 How do journalistic principles1 play out in how the event is framed?
RQ1.3: How do news outlets in New Zealand deal with the shooter?
1.1 STRUCTURE OF THIS THESIS
This thesis builds on two main research angles: news framing and responsibility in reporting. It focuses on studying framing practices to discuss which framing practices mark ethical reporting, especially in reference to terror attacks.
Concepts of journalism ethics and news framing are important for this thesis since it looks at the news framing of the mosque shootings in Christchurch and determines which framing practices make for ethical reporting. Digital tools and online sources also feature in this discussion since the question emerges how journalists are thought to handle a perpetrators live-stream or manifesto which serves right-wing extremist purposes and beliefs. Is all available information to be used to report responsibly or should journalist’s self-restrict the avaiable material in reference to ethical principles such as to minimise harm or fairness and balance? Moreover, do the news media favour or counteract the right-wing extremist propaganda of the terrorist by how they frame the events?
The theoretical framework chapter of this thesis will explain responsibility and ethics in news reporting. It further ellaborates and explains the concept of framing and the value it has for journalism. From there it continues to discuss the challenges of the digital age for ethical reporting and relates both angles to each other. To fully appreciate the Christchurch case,background information is provided at the end of the theoretical framwork which considers Brenton Tarrant in the context of New Zealand terrorism but also provides information about the shooter himself.
The methodology chapter comprehensively justifies the choice of the analysed case, the method, the country, and the newspapers. Furthermore, it explains the operationalisation of the quantitative content analysis. CA is considered as the most suitable method for this study, due to the scope and advantage of this method as a descriptive tool and more specifically its functionality to trace ethical principles and frames in journalistic texts. The limitations of this study are discussed at the end of this methodology chapter.
Chapter 6 presents the findings and analysis of the studied material in a combined chapter. After the analysis of findings it presents a discussion of how the current research corresponds with previous study’s and knowledge about journalistic framing, ethical principles and responsible reporting practices.
Finally, with an eye on news framing and journalistic responsibility, presents the conclusion the key findings of this study and offers suggestions for further research.
2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Journalism involves the process of public sensemaking and interpretation of the world. This thesis builds on the premise that news media plays a siginifcant role in society’s opinion making process in general but especially in times of crisis since they provide answers to questions such as what happened, who is involved, and how to solve the situation. Citizens require a source of common knowledge and experiences to act within society (e.g. Donsbach 2014: 665). Shared knowledge is the key to functioning societies as Donsbach (2014) emphasises and Journalism can be understood as a knowledge profession since it provides the public with relevant knowledge (Donsbach 2014). The first chapter,therefore, outlines journalisms’ social responsibility and significant function of providing knowledge and context to citizens, which ultimately adds to and shapes their understanding of the world.
Questions regarding the social responsibility and fundamental purposes of journalism are of an ethical nature and are discussed in the second chapter of the theoretical framework. Ethics goes beyond the ability to respond in a correct way when “doing” journalism. Journalism as a profession has an ethical commitment that derives from its social responsibility to provide the public with a comprehensive, attentive and meaningful account of the events which enables citizens to understand and make sense of the world they live in and to participate in public affairs. Ethical principles help journalists to carry out their responsibilities and guide them in their practice. Thus, core principles that define responsible reporting in the western hemisphere were discussed in this chapter.
Journalistic methods include the act of news framing since frames are conciously or unconciously selected by the journalist to convey a story in a direct and meaningful way. The framing chapter first explains the concept of framing and its meaning in journalism. It further elaborates on framing devices used by journalists to narrate a story and to present interpretative frameworks. How a certain topic or story is framed links to journalistic responsibilities and ethical principles such as balance, truthfulness or transparency. The chapter concludes by studying news media’s role in framing terrorism. It presents previous research on news media’s coverage of terror attacks and the role of news framing.
The following chapter outlines how new sourcing opportunities and more material, enhanced by technological developments, effect and challenge responsible reporting and framing practices.
To make sense of the mosque shootings in Christchurch and news media coverage of the events, information about New Zealand’s history of terrorism as well as the Australian born perpetrator Brenton Tarrant is provided at the end of this chapter.
2.1 JOURNALISTS SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
Ward (2008) emphasises that journalism ethics examines and discusses “the “micro” problems of what individual journalists should do in particular situations, and the “macro” problems of what news media should do, given their role in society” (Ward 2008: 139). Journalisms’ purpose can be summarised as to circulate information, to interpret events, to hold the powerful accountable and act as a watchdog over power, to encourage reform, to educate and empower citizens, and to govern public opinion (Ward 2008: 139). Thus, journalism is thought to provide a public service that is of importance to democracy (e.g. Witschge and Nygren 2009). Professional journalism carries out a social role that acts on a certain degree of competence and methods which are agreed within the profession and by society (e.g. Donsbach 2014).
Traditional journalism’s power and monopoly position as knowledge providers comes with different obligations. These can be summarised as to be socially responsible, to make sure that different sides are presented fairly and that the public is provided with enough and significant information to decide and make sense of the world (e.g. Siebert, Peterson and Schramm 1963). As Borden and Tew (2007: 303) highlight: ‘the practice’s purpose and epistemological standards constitute a set of moral commitments that normatively shape journalists’ performances of news’ (Borden and Tew 2007: 303). In other words, journalists are thought to follow certain ethical norms and practice responsible reporting in order to fulfill their purpose and function in society.
The social responsibility theory of the press was developed by scholars and journalists and it employs the idea of a social contract. The idea behind this social contract is that the society allows professional journalists to report freely while journalists in return provide responsible coverage of essential public issues (e.g. Kovach and Rosenstiel 20014). In other words, the press should be free to perform its functions but this freedom should be exercised with
responsibility. Thus, journalists’ social responsibility entails the necessity for the journalist to keep society’s interest as a top priority and provide information that they need to govern themselves. Journalistic practices such as gathering, processing, and presenting the news are influenced by the social role journalism has in our society which is to inform and educate citizens. Journalists are then seen as actors within the society they serve (e.g. Heinrich 2011, Witschge and Nygren 2009).
Scholars like Ward argue that the social responsibility theory has gained global recognition over the years and that the theory still provides a backbone for new ethical approaches and challenges. It creates a standard by which the public and press councils can evaluate the performance of journalists (e.g. Ward 2020). In order to hold the press accountable for the level of responsibility they comply, a clear idea of what this social responsibility contains is needed. The public depends on journalists to describe and unfold events for them, especially if they are not geographically proximate. This responsibility of journalists to enhance our knowledge about a complex global world shows that journalistic products are ethically important insofar as they unite communities and raise different voices in a professional manner (Hansen 2014: 236). Journalist’s stories, therefore, have a considerable impact on people (Smith 2008: 27). Journalists choices about what is reported and how this is done affect audiences since their knowledge is directed by the content journalists provide (Kovach and Rosenstiel 2014: 277).
What is more, we learn about events that are not proximate to us through news outlets which provide relevant information about the events. Citizens seek out information that is provided by news organisations to make sense of the world and their role within it (Benson 2013: 1). The knowledge we have about far-off events, such as the Syrian refugee crisis or terror attacks in different parts of the world, is shaped by the information and analysis we receive from different news outlets (Benson 2013: 1). Because we lack first-hand knowledge and personal interactions with affected communities or witnesses, news media play a significant role in shaping perceptions about the events and the situation at large (Lawlor 2015, Wallace 2018: 210). Ward (2008: 143) describes journalism as a “bridge for understanding across cultures” since journalists help citizens to understand global problems like environmental degradation, poverty, political instability, and technological inequalities.With the representation of events through news media, current events are not only reflected on but the journalistic interpretation of events also constructs the meaning of these events (Berry et al. 2015: 13) and provides an interpretative framework to the public. The function of news to
help humans to make sense of the world they are living in is also advocated by scholars such as Kovach and Rosenstiel (2014), Hansen (2014), Heinrich (2015) and Ward (2019). Hence, it is journalists’ aim to act as a trustworthy source of information and by doing so serve the public interest. This aim to serve the public comes with different responsibilities and needs for professional regulations (e.g. Singer 2006). This is why professional practices and associated norms are created not only to define the profession of journalism but also to guide journalists into a shared profession (Singer 2006: 2).
Even though the “knowledge monopoly2” of journalists is shaken by the Internet, the question of the social responsibility of journalism remains to be timely, especially in regard to the introduction of digital reporting tools into the journalistic practice as well as the rise of new ethical dilemmas. Journalism is influenced by its environment which for instance becomes evident by looking at the tranformed processes in which information is produced (e.g. Heinrich 2011). Information can be gathered through various online tools and mutiple ‘modes of information production’ are used to gather, verifiy and disseminate information. This selective process includes the practice of framing since information is filtered and presented to the audience in certain frames. Journalism is situated in an environment that is undergoing some changes and transformations which impacts not only the profession but also the ‘traditional’ process of information production and information transmition (Heinrich 2011: 13l).
The discussion about journalisms’ social responsibility is important for my thesis since journalist’s actions are guided by the understanding of their role and the purpose it is ascribed to. While the discussion of journalism ethics and justifiable journalistic conduct can be quite complex and broad focuses this thesis on studying framing practices as well as the discussion of which framing practices make for ethical reporting. This study analyses content (news articles) in light of recent changes in technology, increased access to various types of information and the challenge of deciding what information to use and how to report incidents. The journalistic text as a product reflects core values and principles which are manifested through journalistic framing devices. To explore this relation of news framing and
2Journalism used to hold an absolute monopoly over the provision of everyday public knowledge.This
monopoly position is weakened through the introduction of the internet since new actors such as bloggers and citizen reporters also disseminate information and public knowledge.
journalistic responsibility the mosque shootings in Christchurch serve as an example from which inferences can be drawn about the journalistic conduct in the digital age especially with reference to how new reach, faster information flow, new voices, new mobility, new accountability, and linked data influence journalistic framing practices as well as professional values and ethics.
2.2 HOW ETHICAL PRINCIPLES ASSIST TO FULFIL THIS RESPONSIBILITY Not only human interplay and human coexistence are built on the foundation of ethics but also professions like journalism rely on ethics. They guide professionals in their daily work routines and hold them accountable towards others. Scholars commonly agree that journalism ethics is considerate of good journalistic conduct (Ward 2015: 13) and can be understood as ‘a system of shared values and social practices’ (Iggeres 1999, Kovach and Rosenstiel 2014, Ward 2015). This system of shared values and social practices might, however, differ from country to country or newsroom to newsroom. The norm of objectivity, for example, has a greater value in journalism practised in the States or New Zealand than in Europe (e.g. Rupar 2006). Codes of ethics were formulated by journalism associations to build up standards and shield journalism from external influences (Ward and Wasserman 2010: 279). Ethical codes help journalists to fulfil their responsibility, as they encourage thoughtful and responsible decision-making. They define best practices and help news organisations as well as individual journalists to be consistent and fair in the way they cover the news (e.g Foreman 2015). Furthermore, ehical codes encourage journalists to be professional, to serve the public, to report objectively, to separate news and opinion, and to sustain editorial independence (Ward 2010: 142-143). Meanwhile, Smith (2008: 18) highlights that in order to be credible and ethical, journalists need to be competent at what they do. Journalistic values can help journalists to a certain degree to be talented at their crafts (Smith 2008). Moreover, ethical standards help journalists to gain the trust of citizens who seek reliable information in order to be self-governing in a democracy (Foreman 2015: 11). The practice of ethical journalism promotes the news organisation’s credibility which correlates with the acceptance the public holds towards the profession of journalism (Foreman 2015: 5).
Editors, as well as journalists, have to make many daily decisions, for instance, the decision about which stories are being published, which sources are used, who is given as voice or how extensive is a story. This decision making-process can be challenging or conflicting and involves different ethical considerations. Ethics can provide a means to eliminate those
professional values and principles that foster responsible reporting practices. Journalists often need to make ethical decisions immediately which makes it difficult for practitioners to reflect upon contrary aspects of an ethical dilemma or to balance core principles (e.g. Hirst and Patching 2005). In their daily practice, journalists have to balance ethical principles such as to seek the truth and to inform the public with the principle to minimise harm. However, ethical dilemmas are not always black and white. The case of Christchurch illustrates this dilemma of what information should be presented in the text in order to fully inform the public and what information or content is rather harmful or serving right-wing extremist purposes and stands in contrast with ethical journalism values. Furthermore, should information that is publicly available via social media be included in the report or should the journalist refrain from using information that is provided by the shooter himself? These new implications facilitated by the introduction of digital tools will be further discussed in chapter 2.4.
For this thesis, ethical codes can be understood as “statements of the norms and beliefs of an organisation” (McDonald and Zepp 1989: 61). Ethical codes are written or verbal statements, negotiating norms and believes that advocate certain ways of thinking and attitude patterns, which foster good conduct and ultimately lead to a ‘wanted behaviour’ (Wood and Rimmer 2003: 183). While the code of ethics ‘enunciates the philosophical values of an organisation’ provides the code of conduct practical guidelines (Wood and Rimmer 2003: 184).
After establishing that the profession of journalism rests on core principles which have been identified by journalism scholars with the goal to foster ethical reporting and responsible conduct, discusses the following part the different values and principles’ of journalism that scholars talk about. More or less commonly agreed on principles are truth and accuracy, independence, fairness and impartiality, humanity, and accountability (e.g. Ethical Journalism Network n.d., Hirst and Patching 2005, Kovach and Rosenstiel 2014, McBride and Rosenstiel 2014, Smith 2008). These journalistic core principles hold truth in western societies but might not be adopted by all professionals around the world since journalistic norms can vary from country to country and from newsroom to newsroom. Since this thesis studies journalistic texts and the traces of ethical principles that guide the composition of these pieces, it is important to first establish which principles are commonly discussed by scholars and journalists. The following part, thus, outlines and describes ethical principles which promote responsible journalistic practices in the western hemisphere to which New Zealand is counted. This set of core principles was established by drawing on principles that were defined as relevant by various scholars (e.g.Hirst and Patching 2005, Kovach and Rosenstiel 2014,
McBride and Rosenstiel 2014, and Smith 2008) and organisations such as the Ethical Journalism Network (EJN). Although these are more or less commonly agreed principles and values that scholars like Hirst and Patching (2005), Kovach and Rosenstiel (2014), McBride and Rosenstiel (2014), Rupar (2006), Sanders (2003) or Smith (2008) discuss, it is interesting to note that scholars place a different emphasis on these and that a universal definition of or agreement on codes of ethics is missing (e.g Sanders 2003; Wood and Rimmer 2003). This construction of signifcant key principles was done to build a foundation for the analysis which examines how ethics play out in journalistic texts and framing practices.
2.2.1 OBLIGATION TO TRUTH
One of the core principles which guides the profession of journalism is the obligation to the truth. The principle to seek truth and report it demands journalists to be honest, fair and courageous in gathering, reporting and interpreting information (Society of Professional Journalists 2014, McBride and Rosenstiel 2014: 2). It encourages journalists to take responsibility for the accuracy of their work and highlights the importance of verifying the information before releasing it. Journalistic truth is a process which starts with the ‘professional discipline of assembling and verifying facts’ (American Press Institute 2019). Accuracy can not be taken for granted, especially in a digital age which is characterised by a faster flow of information as well as complex and diverse sources which propose challenges such as verification. Nonetheless, can journalists actively strive to get the facts right. What is more, accuracy is not restricted to the question of getting the facts right but to weigh all relevant information to get to the truth of what is reported (Sanders 2003: 43). Providing context is an important step of this principle and means that journalists take caution not to misinterpret or oversimplify in promoting or summarising a story (Society of Professional Journalists 2014). Information that can not be corroborated should be declared as such (Ethical Journalism Network n.d.). To seek truth also means to give a voice to the voiceless and to hold the powerful accountable (Society of Professional Journalists 2014, McBride and Rosenstiel 2014: 3). This principle can be identified in journalistic texts by looking if a fair and reliable account is provided. Are the facts supported by reliable sources or are rumours or unverified information presented?
2.2.2 FAIRNESS AND BALANCE
Fairness and impartiality construct another relevant principle that journalism scholars talk about. Some scholars combine it with the principle to seek the truth (e.g. Society of
Professional Journalists 2014, McBride and Rosenstiel 2014) since getting both sides of a story is necessary to give a fair and reliable account which is ultimately needed to tell the truth. The concept of fairness in reporting is also linked to the concept of balance since many stories have different angles and positions that can be taken on. It is not journalists obligation to draw on every side in every story but to create a balanced report that gives context (Hirst and Patching 2005: 38). Objectivity can not always be obtained but fairness and impartiality can be strived for (Ethical Journalism Network n.d.). Fairness can be identified in journalistic texts if multiple records of witnesses are presented, comprehensive information about sources is disclosed, and if various sides are asked for comment (Ethical Journalism Network n.d.). In terms of achieving fairness and balance Jan Schaffer, director of the Institute for Interactive Journalism at the University of Maryland suggests:
What might be more useful values for journalists are aspirations for telling fuller, wholer stories—multiple truths, not just one truth; for departing from conflict frames and striving for more explanatory reporting; and for giving readers and viewers the 5,000-foot view, not just the 50-foot view’ (Friend and Singer 2007: 23).
This suggestion of achieving better fairness and balance calls journalists to go the extra mile and explore multiple sources and angles to create comprehensive stories. Fairness and balance can be detected through the context in which sources, visuals, language, and adjectives are used to convey frames.
2.2.3 INDEPENDENCE
Independence is a cornerstone of reliability. The principle of independence calls practitioners to maintain independence from those they cover (Kovach and Rosenstiel 2014: 9). In other words, journalists should not work on behalf of special interests whether political, corporate, or cultural (Ethical Journalism Network n.d.) and avoid conflicts of interest (Society of Professional Journalists 2014). Journalistic independence means to refrain from being seduced by sources, intimidated by power, or compromised by self-interest. The American Press Council takes this understanding of independence a little further by suggesting that journalists can strive for a personal sense of independence that is constituted by open-mindedness and intellectual curiosity which enables journalists to look beyond their own class or economic status, race, ethnicity, religion, gender or ego (American Press Council 2019). In practice, this means that journalists refuse gifts and critically look at sources who offer favours or money in exchange for information. Another way of acting independently is the labelling of sponsored
content such as an advertisement (Society of Professional Journalists 2014). Independence can be identified in journalistic texts by looking at the type of sources that are used, checking if certain groups are overrepresented or even presented in a more favourable way.
2.2.4 TO MINIMISE HARM
The concept of humanity or minimise harm encourages journalists to be aware of the impact their stories can have on the public (e.g. Ward 2005). Gathering and reporting information may cause harm or discomfort, but should be balanced against alternatives which maximise the journalistic goal of truth-telling (McBride and Rosenstiel 2014: 4). The public’s need for information should be weighed against potential harm or discomfort (Society of Professional Journalists 2014). This means that journalists treat sources, subjects and colleagues with respect rather than ‘means of their ends’ (McBride and Rosenstiel 2014: 4). This does not mean that journalists should avoid stories that could cause harm but rather that the harm is justifiable. For Ward (2005: 11) emphasises that ‘whether a journalist causes justifiable harm depends to a great extent on how he or she constructs the story’. By this Ward implies that by deciding what goes into the text and what doesn’t the journalist can influence the degree of the harm he or she causes. Scholars like McBride and Rosenstiel (2014) advance this principle by advising journalists to make an ongoing effort to understand the needs of the community that they serve and to promote a dialogue between community and journalists (McBride and Rosenstiel 2014: 3). How journalists handle and treat sources can’t be directly observed through the text. However, what can be traced is how the sources’ comments are presented in a journalistic text. The principle of minimising harm can be identified in journalistic texts by looking at the type of information that is presented to construct the story. Images can be harmful, for example, if graphic content such as dead bodies is shown. Information can be likewise harmful if it glorifies the shooter or promotes right-wing extremism which couldencourage further attacks.
2.2.5 ACCOUNTABILITY AND TRANSPARENCY
The principle of accountability translates into being accountable to the news consuming public (Hirst and Patching 2005: 34). This principle revolves around the ability of journalists to hold themselves accountable (Ethical Journalism Network n.d.). This means, for instance, that errors are corrected and sincere concern of regret is voiced. Transparency is linked to the concept of accountability since being transparent - which is explaining ethical choices, evidence and processes to audiences - means taking responsibility for one’s work and being
accountable. Transparency constitutes a necessary dimension of the relationship that journalists and news organisations maintain with their audiences (e.g. McBride and Rosenstiel (2014). McBride and Rosenstiel (2014: 90) describe transparency as the key to the journalistic method since it requires ‘those who produce the news to anticipate how they will explain their actions before they act’ (McBride and Rosenstiel 2014: 90). Or in other words, transparency demands journalists to produce the news in ways that can be explained and defended. The authors further emphasise that journalists should articulate their approach, for example political, philosophical, or independent, and explain how their point of view impacts the information they report on (McBride and Rosenstiel 2014: 3). Accountability is a controversial concept within journalism ethics because of conflicting loyalties (e.g. Hirst and Patching 2005). For example, should a journalist’s loyalty to their employer overrule accountability to the public trust? Or should the public interest override self-interest? Journalists often face the dilemma of discerning which duty should take priority (e.g. Hirst and Patching 2005). Transparency can be studied in text by analysing if the sources are made transparent or if reference is given to how the information was obtained. Specfic approaches or angles to an issue or topic (e.g. political) which convey the framing practic can be made likewise transparent by explicitly explaining them.
2.2.6 OBJECTIVITY
The principle of objectivity is one of the more controversial ideas in the ideology of journalism. The overall question that is sparked in this discussion of objectivity and ethical reporting is: can a story truly be reported objectively by the individual journalist? Some scholars dismiss the ideal of objectivity with the argument that it is somewhat impossible for journalists to observe and record events from an outside perspective and to stand above social conflicts. Against the standpoint that no story can be truly objective Hirst and Patching (2005: 40) argue, that journalists can at least try to be as objective as possible in every story they produce. For example by explaining the choice of sources or information and visuals that were used to produce the story. Kovach and Rosenstiel (2014: 10) raise the point that journalists are not without bias but at least their methods can be objective whereas personal objectivity is harder to obtain (Kovach and Rosenstiel 2014: 10). Likewise, argues the American Press Institute that journalistic methods can be objective but journalists themselves cannot be objective because they are the ones who make the decisions about information, sources, language, and visuals (American Press Institute 2019). The concept or ideal that news should be objective is particularly embraced by Journalism practitioners in North
America, whereas news outlets in Europe allow their stories to contain a distinct political angle (e.g. Smith 2008: 48). Readers of The Guardian can expect from the newspaper to give a liberal interpretation to the news, while more conservative views are provided by The Telegraph or The Sun (Smith 2008: 48). Rupar (2006: 138) points out that journalists working in New Zealand share the principles of Anglo-American news culture and are considerd part of the western world. New Zealand journalists value their profession ‘for its ability to provide objective reportage, ability to influence public debate and discussion, ability to communicate between the various sectors of society’ (Rupar 2006: 138). Given the fact that Rupar’s study is no longer timely, this characterisation of New Zealand journalists and their value of objectivity is to be considered with reservation. More accurate data about journalistic conduct in New Zealand and journalists’ self-perception is required Objectivity can be studied in journalistic text by looking if the author provides judgements as well as his or her own interpretation of events, causes or effects instead of relying on professional sources and a descriptive approach to presenting the events. Emotional and affectionate language can also manifest restrains of objectivity since it opens the door for bias to enter.
The idea of these core principles is that journalists disseminate information independently, are loyal to the citizens they serve, are dedicated to seek the truth and practice the discipline of verification. Journalists are thought to having to adhere to these principles. These outlined ethical principles and ideals are quite complex and can appear to be in contradiction with each other. It is also important to keep in mind that journalistic values are revised on a daily basis (e.g. Hirst and Patching 2005) and are questioned by the public and other institutions in relation to the coverage of specific events, for example, the shooting in Christchurch or more recently the attempted attack on a Synagogue in Halle. After approaching journalistic principles from a more general angle, hence, journalism culture in the western hemisphere to which New Zealand is counted, zooms the next chapter in on principles promoted by the New Zealand Media Council to give specifics for the NZ context.
2.2.7 NEW ZEALAND MEDIA COUNCIL
In 1972, New Zealand established the New Zealand Media Council, with the goal to provide the public with a forum to address and resolve complaints with newspapers, magazines, and digital news media. Furthermore, it aims to promote media freedom and a press which adheres to the highest professional standards. The Media Council is a self-regulatory body
funded by the industry (New Zealand Media Council n.d.). The Otago Daily Times, among other New Zealand organisations and publications, agreed to abide to the nominated principles. The principles are, thus, standards that the New Zealand Media Council applies and demands from its members and which are more or less commonly agreed upon by the respective news outlets under study. The twelve principles that are constructed by the New Zealand Media Council are the following:
1. Accuracy, Fairness and Balance
Accuracy, fairness, and balance should be strived for at all times so that reports are not misleading or misinforming the public (New Zealand Media Council n.d.). When reporting on controversial topics or disagreement a fair voice must be given to every side (New Zealand Media Council n.d.).
2. Privacy
Publications should respect the privacy of person, space and personal information. “Nevertheless the right of privacy should not interfere with publication of significant matters of public record or public interest” (New Zealand Media Council n.d.).
3. Children and Young People
The council demands editors to be careful with cases involving children and young people. The interests of children and young people should only be overruled in an ”exceptional degree of public interest” (New Zealand Media Council n.d.).
4. Comment and Fact
Factual information, as well as comments or opinions, should be clearly attributed as such (New Zealand Media Council n.d.). Material facts on which an opinion is based should be accurate (New Zealand Media Council n.d.).
5. Columns, Blogs, Opinion and Letters
News outlets should clearly identify columns, blogs, opinion and letters. Cartoons are declared by the council as opinion (New Zealand Media Council n.d.). The council stresses that a foundation of fact and balance is not essential in opinion pieces (New Zealand Media Council n.d.). Letters for publication are the prerogative of editors who are to be guided by fairness, balance, and public interest (New Zealand Media Council n.d.).
6. Headlines and Captions
Headlines, subheadings, and captions should be accurate and reflect a key element of the report (New Zealand Media Council n.d.).
7. Discrimination and Diversity
With this principle, the council emphasises that “issues of gender, religion, minority groups, sexual orientation, age, race, colour or physical or mental disability are legitimate subjects for discussion where they are relevant and in the public interest”(New Zealand Media Council n.d.). Publications may report and express opinions in these areas. Publications should not place gratuitous emphasis on any such category in their reporting (New Zealand Media Council n.d.)
8. Confidentiality
News outlets have the obligation to protect confidential sources against the disclosure of the identity (New Zealand Media Council n.d.). They need to ensure that those sources are well informed and that they provide reliable information.
9. Subterfuge
This principle refers to the mistreatment of information. It states that “information or news obtained by subterfuge, misrepresentation or dishonest means is not permitted unless there is an overriding public interest and the news or information cannot be obtained by any other means” (New Zealand Media Council).
10. Conflicts of Interest
The New Zealand Media Council emphasises that to fulfil their proper watchdog role publications should be independent and free of obligations to their news sources. Situations that jeopardise such independence should be avoided. Stories that are sponsored or connected to any gifts or financial support should be declared as such.
11. Photographs and Graphics
Images and photographs should be carefully selected by journalists and editors. Photographs that reveal distressing or shocking situations should be handled with special consideration for those affected.
The council stresses that the correction of errors is significant and should be done promptly. For “a publication’s willingness to correct errors enhances its credibility and, often, defuses complaint” (New Zealand Media Council).
The council’s principles promote an accurate, fair and balanced reporting but do not link explicitly to transparency or objectivity. Nevertheless, do the nominated principles demand NZ journalists to explain their choices, disclose conflicts of interests, and identify opinionated pieces. Guidelines on how to deal with right-wing extremist information or footage that serves such purposes were not provided at this point.
When comparing these principles endorsed by the New Zealand Media Council with codes of journalism ethics internationally agreement can be identified on basic principles such as to report the truth, to avoid bias, to distinguish news and opinion, and to serve the public. Precise principles are generally relevant for journalists, press councils, and the public since they function as an orientation and benchmark to justify journalistic conduct. This thesis aims to test these principles and how they can be traced in journalistic texts through framing devices. What does the textual coverage say about the role of ethics and responsibilities in journalism today?
2.3 HOW JOURNALISTIC RESP ONSIBILITIES PLAY OUT IN LIGHT OF NEWS FRAMING
The notion of framing has been studied from several analytical approaches. Research on framing does not solely reside within the field of media studies but is likewise explored within the realm of political or sociological studies (e.g. Entman 1993; de Vreese 2005). The social psychologist Goffman (1956) developed and introduced the original theory of framing which is described by scholars such as Falkheimer and Olsson (2015: 73) as one of the most famous ways for understanding media and communication during the past decade. Entman (1993: 51) describes the theory of framing as a ‘fractured paradigm’. The existing body of literature on the notion of framing shows that framing analysis is used to study different types of media content with diverse analytical purposes. It is important to note that framing is not only a concept that is relevant with regard to journalism. However, for the purpose of this study the notion of framing is discussed within the scope of media studies and journalism.
Journalists have to navigate job responsibilities, which includes the practice of news framing, and ethical obligations such as to report truthfully and accurately as well as to be fair and balanced (e.g. Amend et al. 2012). This is why this thesis looks at how journalistic
responsibilities, ethical principles, and framing practices can be traced or identified in journalistic texts. Therefore, the concept of framing is significant since journalists use certain frames to structure and compose a story. How a certain topic or story is framed links to journalistic responsibilities and ethical principles such as balance, truthfulness or transparency.
Frames play an important role in the communication process and are present on four different levels: the communicator, the text, the receiver, and the culture (Entman 1993: 52). Firstly, the communicators (journalists) decide consciously or subconsciously how events or issues are framed (Entman 1993: 52). Journalists are guided in this framing process by their own belief system but also by their organisation and organisational values. De Vrees (2005: 51) similarly emphasises that the process of framing involves a communication source, for example the journalist, which presents and defines an issue. Secondly, the text contains frames. Frames in texts can be identified through the presence or absence of specific keywords, phrases, sources of information, clichéd images, and also through sentences that reinforce certain facts or judgements (Entman 1993: 52). Thirdly, the audience (receiver) constructs another level. Entman (1993: 52) stresses that the audience’s interpretation and conclusion does not necessarily reflect the frames presented in the text or the intended interpretation of the communicator. Finally, the culture is the level from which common frames derive. The culture influences the set of common frames present in the discourse and thinking of people who belong to the same cultural group (Entman 1993: 53). The culture, thus, impacts the receivers as well as the communicators (journalists). In other words, texts are read and constructed with reference to culture and prominent cultural frames that exist in certain societies or cultures.
This research is located on the level of texts as it is studying the frames manifest in the content of the New Zealand Herald and the Otago Daily Times. News framing is linked to journalistic responsibility since journalists are guided by their own belief system but also by organisational values, such as ethical principles, which influences the selection of frames and construction of news texts. Frames are tools used by journalists to structure news texts (e.g. Brüggeman 2014). They are embedded in everyday practices of journalists and resonate with journalistic responsibility which correlates with issues of ethics. Journalists make decisions, consciously or subconsciously on the framing of issues or events (e.g. Entman 1993). By framing events and issues in particular ways journalists shape the understanding of these events and influence the public opinion (De Vreese 2005: 51). Hence, journalistic framing
links to journalistic responsibility and ethics since it is journalists’ role to inform the public and their responsibility to tell the truth and to report thoroughly.
News framing also relates to ethics since journalistic principles impact how an event or issue is framed. Key principles such as accuracy or fairness and balance encourage the journalist to refrain from an interpretative approach in which the journalist makes his or her own interpretation of causes and reasons. If the reporting goes further than presenting facts and instead focuses on explaining why an event occurred, the journalist turns into an analyst rather than an observer (e.g. Falkheimer and Olsson 2015). Thus, the journalist promotes certain values instead of presenting only facts by the frames he or she chooses. A dominant framing of the news texts prevents the reader from making a nuanced assessment of the issue or situation (Entman 1993: 57). Entman (1993) proclaims that journalists may follow journalistic principles, such as objectivity, and yet conduct a dominant framing of the news texts.
The journalistic production of texts contains certain news frames which involve professional criteria of newsworthiness as well as value judgements (Brüggemann 2014: 2) and many scholars dedicate their research to the study of news framing practices. Entman (1993: 52), for example, describes the act of news framing as “to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described”. Thus, frames typically “diagnose, evaluate, and prescribe, a point” (Entman 1993: 52). Entman (1993: 53) defines salience as the process of making a certain piece of information more significant, meaningful, or noticeable to the audience than other pieces of information. Information can be made more salient in a text through the placement of information, repetition, or another way is to associate information with culturally well-known symbols.
Meanwhile, Brüggemann (2014: 6) defines journalistic framing practices as “what journalists do when they produce media texts that include certain frames and neglect others”. Baden (2020: 232) characterises framing as “the purposely selective representation of an issue, object, or situation, which serves to guide interpreters to construct specific frames that coherently organize the foregrounded information and render it meaningful”. These different characterisations of framing commonly point out the deliberate structure of information with the purpose to guide interpreters toward a specific and intended interpretation. Hence, journalistic framing can be understood as a selective process since journalists select newsworthy information and interpret its possible meaning.
Brüggemann (2014), for instance, characterises journalists as framers by profession. Journalistic principles and routines guide journalists in the construction and selection of frames but also other influences partake in this framing process. In that vein, Baden (2020) differentiates between source frames which enter the newsroom and news frames that exit the newsroom. Moreover, Brüggemann (2014: 4) distinguishes between journalistic frames which are cognitive patterns of interpretation of individual journalists, and news frames which he describes as patterns of meaning articulated in news content.
“Issue-specific news frames are profoundly implanted into cultural beliefs and myths, prior news, and existing frames” (Baden 2020: 234). How people tend to think about certain issues, for instance, the mass shootings in Christchurch, depends on how the issue is framed (e.g. Iyengar 1990: 19). Scholars argue that news outlets have the power to frame or influence what and how we think about certain things (e.g. Entman 1993). What is more, as scholars such as Baden (2020) outline, frames can shift people’s attitudes. Thinking of concrete examples, here, this could mean that a news text that frames refugees as a threat or danger to the country might potentially influence people’s attitude towards refugees. Vergani (2018: 69) takes this idea a step further by assessing that “the media shapes our imaginary of terrorism”. Reporting events of conflict and producing such news is complex and requires a series of editorial decisions (Hoxha and Hanitzsch 2018: 61). These editorial decisions are tied to ethical considerations or, if ignored, might lead to ethical implications. Journalists’ ideal self-perception as “witnesses of the contemporary” is rarely met in reality, because conflicts are complicated, loaded with meaning, and can have a long history (Hoxha and Hanitzsch 2018: 61). It is journalists’ role to break down the conflict, to make it simple and reachable to their audiences (Hoxha and Hanitzsch 2018: 61). Thus, journalists are consequently “not reporting just the facts” but are narrating the stories about conflict (Hoxha and Hanitzsch 2018: 61). This narrating process includes or excludes the use of specific frames. As Hoxha and Hanitzsch (2018: 61) explain: “Depending on the narrative the journalists use, journalistic coverage can contribute to escalation and de-escalation of conflicts”.
Bearing in mind that news coverage of wars and violence functions as a central resource for the public to understand conflicts, it is important to understand how these news are created and what frames they might adopt (e.g. Hoxha and Hanitzsch 2018: 46). Journalists ultimately have to make sense of the events and topics they report first and afterwards make it accessible for a broad audience. For every story journalists select certain facts, quotes, sources, visuals, or language to narrate the story and to bring the information across. A story can be told from a
million different angles or stances but ultimately the journalists and the editors decide how they tell the story or present the topic. Thus, journalists have a central role in the framing of public issues since they describe the society to itself. For they draw on frames offered by different sources and convert them into frames which are suitable for the presentation of news (Baden 2020: 229). While it is the journalist’s role to tell a story adequately and from an advanced point of view, which ultimately enhances the audience’s knowledge, it is also important to acknowledge that journalists might be restricted due to their personal beliefs and cultural backgrounds (e.g. Baden 2020). The concept of framing also holds relevance in researching media coverage of terrorism and violence as Abubakar (2019: 13) stresses which is subject to the case study selected for this thesis.
2.3.1 JOURNALISTIC FRAMING DEVICES
Journalists use various framing devices to frame a news story. Frames are manifested in journalistic text through the journalists’ use of different framing devices that frequently appear in a narrative and thus bring constant meaning across (e.g. Entman 1991). A news story can be framed by using framing devices such as metaphors, exapl or stereotypes, depictions, visual images, use of contrast, word choice, quantifications, or expressions (e.g. Boesman et al. 2017). The framing device use of contrast, for example, can be used lexically (e.g. describing the person’s character both as a child and after they committed a crime) and visually (e.g. pictures before and after the suspect conducted an attack).
The use of frames introduces the potential of media bias which Entman (2007: 163) characterises as distortion bias, content bias, and decision making bias. Bias can be manifested through the specific use of framing devices such as adjectives, stereotypes, expressions, and visual images for example. Adjectives reveal a certain tone (e.g. positive or negative) or value judgement and, therefore, introduce bias which interferes with responsible reporting practices. Neutral adjectives, in comparison, do not point towards a certain interpretation. The absence of positive or negative adjectives is as important as their presence, since journalistic frames emphasise and reinforce some ideas while ignoring others. To explore the text for bias ultimately gives meaning to the journalistic responsibility and ethical principles which is manifested through the framing devices used in the text.
Other framing strategies used by journalists are, for instance, an interpretative or descriptive style of journalism (e.g. Falkheimer and Olsson 2015). An interpretative approach can be identified in the text, if it mainly focuses on explaining why an event happened but neglects to
answer the other four classical journalistic ‘w’-questions such as what, where, when, and who. Interpretative frames provide the reader with the interpretation of causes, reasons, or effects. A descriptive news framing is manifested through text if descriptions of what had happened are reported in a factual manner with a focus on what, where, when, and who (e.g. Falkheimer and Olsson 2015).
Other framing practices link to the question of how the article is framed in terms of context. Iyengar (1991) differentiates between thematic and episodic frames. Issues that are presented in a more general and broad societal context can be conceptualised as thematic frames while the episodic frame zooms in on individuals (Falkheimer and Olsson 2015: 73). Episodic means that the news text focuses on a single person or event and that the information presented in the text does not move beyond the single event or person, whereas thematic frames not only provide context but also aim to provide an understanding of general trends, tendencies, and/or consequences (Falkheimer and Olsson 2015: 76).
Sourcing practices construct another journalistic framing device. By looking at the journalistic text it can be analysed which sources dominate the media coverage. Hermida et al. (2014) highlight the importance of sourcing within journalism. In other words, this concerns the inclusion or exclusion of certain information or people in the news article. Moreover, as Tandoc and Oh (2017: 1000) explain, news sources have an important influence on the composition and production of news since they provide journalists with information and “raw data” which assembles the content and composition of news stories. Scholars such as Carlson (2009) emphasise that the sources selected by the journalist promote specific viewpoints or ideologies. The selection of news sources contains power in the sense that it influences the news content and what type of information is presented to the audience (Strömbäck et al. 2013). Through the selection of sources the journalist consequently has the power to frame the article in different ways which impacts the reader (e.g. Iyengar 1990: 19). Previous research has shown that through framing, news media can have a significant influence on people’s opinions and perceptions of reality (e.g. Baden 2020, Iyengar 1990; Schuck and de Vreese 2006). A journalist, for example, can refrain from directly stating his or her opinion in the text but can still make their viewpoints apparent through the use of certain sources. The choice of sources not only reflects journalistic conduct but the way sources are attributed also manifests journalistic responsibility. Through specific sourcing, readers are able to evaluate the accuracy of a story since sources can indicate to them how close sources are to the information. Accordingly, sources have a significant impact on the construction and
