I F T H E W E S T G E T S I T W R O N G ,
D O E S A F R IC A G E T I T R I G H T ?
comparing the discourse on child soldiering
in Anglo-American and African newspapers
Maria Tsnompilantze (S3183823) Master Thesis Journalism Studies
University of Groningen 15/03/2018
Supervisor: Dr. A. Heinrich Second Reader: R. Prey
ABSTRACT
This research set out to explore and compare two Anglo-American and two African outlets on their coverage of child soldiering within the African continent. Using content analysis (CA) and critical discourse analysis (CDA) and built around theories on discourse, ideology, and power, the articles were analysed to reveal whether their coverage on child soldiers reproduces specific ideologies and existing power relations that position Africa as inferior in the world status quo. The analysis of the New York Times (NYT) and the Guardian revealed that there are some substantial differences between the newspapers; not all the articles are impregnated by stereotypes about Africa. However, the coverage provided by both outlets is affected by the prevailing ideologies around child soldiering. The coverage of the Daily Nation (DN) and the
Mail & Guardian (M&G) demonstrates that despite them being in the epicentre of the
phenomenon, the African coverage is dominated by agency material of Western origin, and does not produce a strong counter-narrative to oppose the prevailing Western ideologies. Nevertheless, the African coverage displays less generalizations and stereotyping. Overall, despite the supposed quality status of the analysed newspapers, the coverage of child soldiers is far from being factual. Rather, this research reveals that ideologies and existing power relations are embedded in both Anglo-American and African coverage. Finally, by adding African outlets to the analysis, this thesis incorporates media coverage so far largely overlooked in the research context on covering child soldiers. Hence, the analysis also enables a critical reflection on the construction of the image of child soldiers and Africa from within the continent.
Keywords: Child Soldiers, Africa, Content Analysis, Critical Discourse Analysis, New York Times, The Guardian (UK), Daily Nation, Mail & Guardian, Ideology, Power Relations, Stereotyping
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my classmates, these intelligent and witty people who raised the bar with their outstanding performance and passion, guiding me towards the same direction. Special gratitude goes to my research partner and a good friend Matthew Richards, with whom I had the healthiest competition and who always used to remind me of my capabilities. I would also like to thank Bala Chambers, the most hard-working person I’ve ever met; he spent so many hours in the library during the day, that I would sometimes force myself to wake up early and head there myself.
My warmest gratitude goes to my supervisor dr. Ansgard Heinrich. During her classes Ansgard inspired me and made me enjoy theory, which I never thought would happen. Her guidance was extremely valuable; while suggesting improvements, she would always give me space as a researcher and would always encourage me. I would also like to thank Ansgard for guiding me towards the end despite the circumstances. I deeply appreciate it.
I would also like to thank each of the researchers whose work I’ve used in this thesis. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Teun Van Dijk, who is not only an amazing researcher, but also an amazing person. His words of encouragement (and the bibliography list) were very helpful. My interaction with him reminded me that we live in a borderless word, and it’s so easy and rewarding to contact someone and just say “thank you for your work”.
My warmest gratitude goes to the sweetest person in my life, Yannis, who stands by me for seven years now. He sometimes annoys me, because he thinks I can conquer the world, when I actually feel like complaining. But, the truth is, that his belief in me has been my strength and inspiration throughout this period. He taught me to be more patient and to sometimes give myself a break. He had also cooked for me countless times, while I was working on my thesis, and wiped many tears, which makes him a true hero.
I would also like to thank my friends; Giouli, who still loves me despite me struggling to find time to meet up for coffee because of the research duties, and my friend Pavlos for always making me laugh no matter what.
Last but not least, I would like to thank my mother, my mum. I know that you had to work more to support my stay abroad. Thank you for investing so much time and effort in me and my education. One day, you’ll be my Queen.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION ... 7
Structure of the Thesis ... 9
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ... 11
Chapter 1: Child Soldiers ... 11
1.1 Child Soldiers: Introduction to the Concept ... 11
1.2 Literature Review on the Topic of Studying Child Soldiers ... 12
Chapter 2: Theoretical Pillars of the Research: Ideology, Discourse, and Power ... 13
2.1.1 Ideology ... 14
2.1.2 Discourse ... 15
2.1.3 Power ... 15
2.2 Interrelations Between Ideology, Discourse, and Power ... 16
Chapter 3: Discourse, Ideology, and Power in the News Media ... 18
3.1 The Media as Reflection of Reality: Discourse and Ideology in the News Media ... 18
3.2 The Powerful Effects of the Media on the Public ... 19
3.3 Representing the Other in the News Media: The West and the Rest ... 21
Chapter 4: The Media Coverage of Africa and Child Soldiering ... 23
4.1 The North vs South Dichotomy and the Ideological Construction of Africa ... 23
4.3 Framing the Discourse on Child Soldiers: Different Portrayals and Their Meanings ... 25
4.4 Contesting the Universality of Western Ideologies ... 27
4.4.1. Child Soldiering, the Perceived Innocence of the West and the Stigmatization of the Global South. ... 27
4.4.2 Western Ideologies Around Innocence, Gender, and Forced Abduction ... 29
Chapter 5: African Media and Newsrooms ... 30
5.1 Calls for a More Realistic Coverage Within Western Media ... 30
5.2 The Diversity of the African Media Landscape ... 31
5.3 The reliance of African Media on Western Norms ... 31
METHODOLOGY ... 34
Chapter 1: The Countries and the Newspapers ... 34
1.1 The Anglo-American Dominance ... 34
1.2 Kenya and South Africa: the Regional Leaders ... 35
1.3 The Newspapers ... 36
Chapter 2: Content Analysis, Critical Discourse Analysis and Limitations ... 37
2.1 The Time Frame and the Sample ... 38
2.2 Content Analysis (CA) ... 39
2.3 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) ... 41
2.4. Operationalization of the Critical Discourse Analysis ... 43
2.5. Limitations ... 44
FINDINGS ... 46
Level 0: Persitent Tendencies in Child Soldiers Coverage ... 46
Level 1: Discursive Event ... 47
1.1 Headlines and Leads ... 47
1.1.1 Headlines ... 47
1.1.2 Leads ... 50
1.2 Sources ... 51
1.3 Rhetorical Devices ... 56
1.4 Lexical Choices ... 58
1.5 Modality and Passivation ... 60
Level 2: Discursive Practice ... 61
2.1 The Writers ... 61
2.2 Article Length, Genre, and Time Span ... 63
Level 3: Social Practice ... 65
3.1 Myths related to child soldiering ... 65
3.2 Representation of Africa ... 71
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ... 82
REFERENCES ... 84
APPENDIX 1: CONTENT ANALYSIS CODING ... 96
APPENDIX 2: DISCURSIVE EVENT ... 98
APPENDIX 3: DISCURSIVE PRACTICE ... 111
APPENDIX 4: SOCIO-CULTURAL PRACTICE ... 112
INTRODUCTION
"We went from children who were afraid of gunshots to now children who were gunshots".
These are words of Ismael Beah, a former child soldier who fought alongside government soldiers in Sierra Leone. In the Western world, the idea of a child holding a gun is alien, and people view children as vulnerable human beings in need of protection. However, what Ismael describes, is the reality of hundreds of thousands of children around the world. These are children who not only lack protection, but are themselves participating in conflicts. They end up in armed ranks for divergent reasons; some of them are abducted and brainwashed, some join willingly, and others are brought in by their very own families. In any case, child soldiering is a scourge, a longitudinal global crisis, a phenomenon that results into the suffering of children.
Despite the scope of the phenomenon, the coverage of child soldiers has not received much scholarly attention. Denov (2012) ― one of the most prominent researchers who has analysed the coverage of the phenomenon in Western outlets ― maintains that the coverage is oversimplified, and child soldiers are either portrayed as solely victims or dangerous perpetrators of violence, which leads to misconceptions related to the phenomenon. According to Denov, Western outlets are more concerned with the generation of negative stereotypes about Africa ― the continent which hosts the majority of child soldiers and is the focus of this thesis ― resulting in a failure to accurately cover the phenomenon. This thesis uses Denov’s criticism1 as a starting point to test whether her claims are still relevant today.
The criticism towards Western outlets is mostly directed towards the ideological connotations and the hidden power relations embedded in the Western coverage on child soldiers. In general, researchers maintain that when covering Third World countries, Western
1 The idea for the current thesis was conceived during the Research Seminar “Foreign Corresponding and Crisis”
taught by Dr. Ansgard Heinrich. The media coverage of child soldiering was a focus of my research paper, which was submitted on 17/5/2017 and carried the title “Child Soldiers in Western Imagination: The portrayal of child
soldiers in the New York Times after the adoption of Paris Principles (2007)”. The coverage of the New York Times was analysed with a content analysis to examine the portrayal of child soldiers and to test the conclusions
drawn by Denov (2012). The findings of my research paper reaffirmed that the coverage is oversimplified; however they also indicate that the newspaper is gradually moving towards a more complex representation. Nevertheless, the newspaper coverage still fails to address the needs of certain groups of children who are excluded from the coverage, e.g. girls, or neglects other important aspects of the phenomenon, e.g. voluntary recruitment. Therefore, the coverage of the NYT made it clear that there is still work to be done in the coverage of child soldiering. Throughout the research, it became apparent that discussions around ideology and power affect the coverage of child soldiering inspiring the idea of the current thesis.
outlets tend to promote the ideological myth of Western superiority and the role of the West as a rescuer (Brookes, 1995; Ebo, 1992; Jézéquel, 2006; Michira, 2002). Moreover, in relation to child soldiering, Rosen (2005) argues that only ideologies of Western origin ― such as that of
the innocent childhood ― are projected through the coverage, while African viewpoints,
norms and values are absent. Hall (1992) adds that the Western discourse on child soldiers revitalises old discussions around the inferior position of the region in the world order. Hence, given the centrality of these concepts in the discourse on child soldiers, the researcher decided to approach the analysis through the lens of theories around discourse, ideology, and power.
Given the criticism directed towards Western media and the requests of Africans for a more accurate media coverage, a question was born in the mind of the researcher: How do the African media cover the phenomenon and how do they manage to avoid negative show-casting of the continent when they cover child soldiering? Thus, the main goal of this thesis is to investigate whether the African media produce a counter-discourse which questions prevailing Western assumptions, and whether Africa resists the existing status quo or accepts it silently.
Moreover, since Denov conducted her study, several events have happened bringing child soldiers into the spotlight; films and documentaries have been produced, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has prosecuted and convicted warlords for recruiting child soldiers, the
Kony 2012 campaign was released receiving widespread attention, and lots of regulations to
protect children from atrocities were signed. All of these occurrences contributed to increased levels of attention to child soldiering within the news media. Hence, one of the goals of this thesis is to examine whether a bigger exposure of the phenomenon in the Western world resulted in a more accurate media coverage. Against this background the following research questions were formed:
RQ1: Do ideologies appear to influence the coverage of child soldiers in Anglo-American and African media?
RQ2: What relations of power can be detected in the coverage of child soldiers?
RQ3: Is the discourse on child soldiers in African media providing a more diverse picture of the phenomenon, thus avoiding the negative show-casting of the continent?
The research focuses on the coverage of four quality newspapers: two from the Anglo-American side, namely the New York Times (NYT) and the Guardian (UK), and two from the African axis, namely the Daily Nation (DN), a Kenyan quality newspaper and the South African Mail & Guardian (M&G). These are all established newspapers with a major influence both on the audiences and on other media outlets. Therefore, this study, which covers a time frame from 2003 until 2017, enables a comparative and cross-cultural research on the coverage of child soldiers, which has to my knowledge so far not been conducted within the realm of journalism studies.
Many treaties have been signed to protect children associated with armed forces. However, I find myself in line with Francis (2007), who calls it “paper protection;” paperwork which does not translate into tangible solutions. Bearing in mind the agenda-setting power of the media, which involves transferring the importance of the issue from the media to the public, it is important to reassure accurate media coverage of child soldiering (McCombs, 2005). Media learning to accurately cover such phenomena is a crucial step towards preventing something we all want to stop: children ending up in war.
STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS
Regarding the organisation of the study, in the first part, theories around discourse, ideology, and power and their functions within the media landscape are presented. Moreover, the interrelations between these concepts and their effects on the audience are discussed. Next, the prevailing discourses and Western ideologies attached to the issue of child soldiering are outlined. Furthermore, the interconnection between the coverage of the phenomenon and the stereotypical representation of Africa as a place of violence is drawn.
In the methodological part, the choice of the analysed countries and outlets is thoroughly justified and the methodological approach presented in detail; first, an initial round of selection criteria was set to define the sample for a CA. Secondly, the articles were content analysed and the most representative from each newspaper were selected to be processed through CDA. CDA is considered as the most suitable method for this study, owing to its functionality to trace underlying ideologies and hidden power relations in texts (Carvalho, 2008).
The findings of the research are presented following Faiclough’s three dimensional model. First, textual analysis – with attention to headlines, leads, lexical choices and rhetorical devices – is conducted. Next, the production of the text – writers’ identity, article’s length, time span, and other background characteristics – is examined. At the final stage, the wider social contexts
in which texts are written and produced are presented. All the countries are socially and culturally distinct and have their own presuppositions and ideologies, which has a certain effect on the coverage. Therefore, it is important to consider these aspects when analysing the coverage of child soldiering.
The discussion section serves to outline how the current research corresponds with the previous knowledge on the coverage of child soldiers – as drawn from the existing literature – and elaborate on the new findings of this thesis. Finally, the conclusion section introduces the limitations and offers suggestions for future research that will further advance the understanding of child soldiering and the coverage of such phenomena inside and outside African borders.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Ideology, Power, and Discourse and their relevance when discussing newspaper coverage
CHAPTER 1: CHILD SOLDIERS
This chapter introduces the term child soldier and briefly explains how the notion of childhood varies across communities. The focus on the concept itself is considered crucial in justifying the choice of the theoretical angles of ideology, discourse, and power. The second part of the chapter focuses on the existing literature on the media coverage of child soldiers, which explains the incentive of adding an African angle to the research.
1.1 CHILD SOLDIERS: INTRODUCTION TO THE CONCEPT
Rosen (2005) argues that child soldier is a “contradictory term” bringing together two “incompatible” concepts (p.3). Child is traditionally associated with irrationality and innocence, while soldier refers to a physically and psychologically prepared adult who is ready to face the violence of war (Denov, 2010; Rosen, 2005). This thesis relies on the definition of child soldier as provided by the Paris Principles (2007), which serve as guidelines to prevent the phenomenon and facilitate rehabilitation and reintegration process. The given definition considers as child soldiers not only those who directly participate in hostilities, but ensures the inclusiveness of girls, children used for auxiliary activities, and those forced into sexual servitude.
Any person below 18 years of age who is or who has been recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity, including but not limited to children, boys and girls, used as fighters, cooks, porters, messengers, spies or for sexual purposes. It does not only refer to a child who is taking or has taken a direct part in hostilities (UNICEF, 2007, p.7).
The first part of the definition which refers to the age of recruitment is widely discussed within the research community. Nowadays, the definition of child refers to a “human being below eighteen years” (UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989, Article 1). However, it has received various critiques for being monolithic and biased towards Western ideals. Researchers, such as Norozi and Moen (2016), argue that the notion of childhood is
socially constructed and varies depending on the norms and values each society carries. Jézéquel(2006) adds that in Africa people have their own “models of childhood”, and consequently they struggle to apply the restrictions on the use of child soldiers (p.6). Ferme (2001, p.281) agrees, noting that in Africa “the trajectory between childhood and adulthood cannot be seen as an unambiguous process,” and highlighting that the transition from childhood to adulthood depends on specific contexts. Boyden and Levinson (2000, p.28) sum up the argument that age is not an appropriate criterion to define who is considered as a child:
Many different kinds of criteria – although seldom age – are used to demarcate childhood. These criteria include the commencement of work, end of schooling, onset of menarche, betrothal, and marriage amongst others…Further, children in different social classes within the same society may reach adulthood at different stages, depending on their social and economic roles.
Despite the criticisms, the Paris Principles adopt the universal definition of the term child, as the person below the age of 18. While I find myself against the usage of age to define childhood and accept the premise that the notion of childhood is socially constructed, I still choose to rely on the current definition. Firstly, owing to the centrality of the Paris
Principles for the phenomenon of child soldiering, and mainly due to the inclusiveness it
provides to all the affected categories of children.
1.2 LITERATURE REVIEW ON THE TOPIC OF STUDYING CHILD SOLDIERS
Child soldiering has been mostly researched through disciplines such as international law, human rights, and psychology. The coverage of child soldiers, however, has not received much scholarly attention and only a few researchers have examined the media coverage of the phenomenon.
Brooten (2008) explored the media coverage of child soldiers in Burma by analysing five US newspapers to investigate how the coverage functions ideologically. The results revealed “heavy Orientalist framing”, with distinctions being drawn between the Western and the non-Western, serving to maintain the image of US superiority and present the global South in a negative light (p.219-220).
Macmillan (2009) analysed the issue of child soldiering in Anglophone media under the spectrum of North-South relations. She argues that the discourse on child soldiers is a reflection of Western imaginaries, which serve to maintain the hegemonic position of the
North. The focus of Macmillan’s work (2009, p.47) is the idea of Western supremacy that the North created, which depicts other races as “primitive, irrational and prone to war”.
Denov’s (2012) research which is based on interviews with child soldiers from Sierra Leone concluded that “news media tells us little about the children behind the guns and the complexity of their wartime” (p.280). She argues that the media do not take into consideration the complex realities of these children and their societies. Moreover, Denov maintains that the image painted by the West serves certain ideological motives and sustains the us vs. them dichotomy to contrast the West to the East.
Karlin and Matthew (2012) explored the sphere of social media and analysed the impact of the Kony 2012 film released by the organization Invisible Children, aiming to expose Joseph Kony for recruiting child soldiers. Today, the video has over 100 million views on YouTube. The researchers assert that the campaign increased awareness and promoted audience engagement, as the issues was widely discussed on social media.
The work of the aforementioned researchers significantly contributes to understanding the media coverage of the phenomenon. However, previous research only focused on Western media’s coverage. This thesis attempts to fill the gap by analysing media content from both Western and African outlets. It also becomes apparent (from the previous work) that issues around ideology and power are related to discourse on child soldiers. Therefore, this thesis explores the coverage of the phenomenon through the lens of theories around discourse, ideology, and power.
CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL PILLARS OF THE RESEARCH:
IDEOLOGY, DISCOURSE, AND POWER
This chapter introduces the concepts ideology, discourse, and power, and explains how these are interrelated. The exploration of ideology advances our understanding on how shared values and beliefs result into a certain type of discourse ― which is defined as a particular way of understanding an issue. The concept of power is presented as both the power of the elite in shaping discourses, and the power of the media in transmitting them. Overall, this chapter serves as a basis to understand how the three concepts relate to media coverage in general, and media coverage of child soldiering in particular.
2.1.1 IDEOLOGY
It is challenging to define ideology, as theorists from various disciplines suggest different definitions. The father of ideology Destutt de Tracy (1801) defined ideology as the “science of ideas” and aimed to create a branch of study that would empirically examine the construction of ideas.Later on ideology received a negative connotation. Marx and Engels (1972) viewed it as a weapon in the hands of the powerful elite in class conflicts. Gramsci (1992) went further and introduced the notion of the hegemonic culture: the aim of the ruling class to achieve domination using ideology instead of violence as a weapon.
Eagleton (1991) focuses on the power of ideologies to promote certain beliefs. He (1991, p.5) defines ideology as a “dominant power that may legitimate itself by promoting beliefs and values that are congenial to it, naturalizing and universalizing such beliefs so that they become self-evident and apparently inevitable”. Hence, he views ideology as a form of power which naturalises ideas so that they are perceived as common-sense by the public and promotes certain beliefs in accordance with the ultimate goal.
Ideology does not always have negative connotations and is not always associated with the domination of those in power. Van Dijk (1998) refrains from attributing ideologies solely to the ruling class. For the purposes of this research, I use the definition of ideology proposed by Van Dijk (1998, p.3).
The basis of the social representations shared by members of a group which allow people to organize their values and beliefs accordingly, deciding what is good or bad, right or wrong for them as a social group and to act in accordance with these shared beliefs.
This definition of ideology can be linked to the idea of the imagined communities as introduced by Anderson (2006), which is built on the premise that “members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion” (p.6). The formation and maintenance of imagined communities is only possible due to the existence of certain ideologies that bring them together. Some of the most well-known examples of ideologies, such as socialist or feminist, are based on shared beliefs that unify people inside and across national borders. These shared beliefs and values shape the prevailing discourses within these communities.
2.1.2 DISCOURSE
Van Dijk (2001, p.98) defines discourse as a “communicative event, including conversational interaction, written text, as well as associated gestures, facework, typographical layout, images and any other ‘semiotic’ or multi-media dimension of signification”. In other words, discourse refers to both written and oral texts, but also to non-verbal forms of communication.
Researchers argue that discourse is not simply about texts. For instance, Hall (2001, p.72) views it as “the production of knowledge through language”. The words we use carry a specific meaning and contribute to the creation of a certain discourse. Therefore, the meaning we put into our words plays an important role in the process of knowledge production. Van Dijk (2000, p.36) summarises that discourse is “the main source of people’s knowledge, attitudes and ideologies”. The argument builds on the premise that it is through discourse that people communicate with each other, or the writer communicates with the reader, and it is through discourse that the individual comes to acquire knowledge.
This is in line with Jørgensen and Phillips (2002), who define discourse as “a particular way of talking about and understanding the world” (p.1). Fairclough’s (1993) well known standpoint explains why the aforementioned researchers refer to a “particular way” of understanding the world; discourse is not only “socially shaped”, but also “socially shaping or constitutive” (p.134). Hence, discourse does not necessarily reflect reality, but is a projection of it. As Bourdieau (1991) points out, reality is about representation, which is based on our existing knowledge and the discourses that surround us. Discourse is a vehicle that allows us to see a certain aspect of the reality which depends on our social environment.
Subsequently, discourse is viewed in this thesis as a social practice, and social settings both affect and are affected by the produced discourse; discourses generate certain beliefs within societies, but are also shaped by the existing knowledge and norms. These knowledge and norms in turn, are often formed by those who posses power.
2.1.3 POWER
Using his well-known example, Dahl (1957) explains how power functions: “A has power over B to the extent that he can get B to do something that B would not otherwise do” (p.202-203). Muth (1984) uses this as a starting point to define power as “the ability of an actor to affect the behaviour of another actor” (p.27). Hence, power is about difference ― be it social, political or economic ― where one part is superior as compared to the other. Same
emphasis on difference is given in the definition of power provided by Wodak and Weis (2007, p.15) who argue that “power is about relations of difference, and particularly about the effects of differences in social structures”. Thus, power is not just there, indicating who is superior and who subordinate; this relationship has particular effects on the social life of the involved actors. All these definitions link power to the idea of domination and superiority. Foucault, however, as quoted by Philo (2007, p.344) has a different viewpoint:
Do not regard power as a phenomenon of mass and homogeneous domination […] power is not something that is divided between those who have it and hold it exclusively, and those who do not have it and are subject to it. Power must, I think, be analysed as something that circulates, or rather as something that functions only when it is part of a chain.
Hence, Foucault views power as something fluid, and insists it cannot be attributed to a certain entity, be it an individual or a group. His main premise is that power circulates, and therefore does not necessarily create division between those who have it and those who don’t. The changes that happen in the status quo ― such as the end of the bipolar era with the collapse of the Soviet Union ― serve as an example which illustrates the fluid nature of power; divisions that exist today, might belong to the past tomorrow.
This thesis accepts the assumption that relations of power create a dichotomy between those who dominate and those dominated. It also builds on the Foucauldian view that the power of the dominant ― be it a social class, a country or a continent ― can be contested. Most importantly, however, this thesis builds upon the connection between the three aforementioned elements of ideology, discourse and power.
2.2 INTERRELATIONS BETWEEN IDEOLOGY, DISCOURSE, AND POWER
The notion that ideologies are embedded in discourse is a central claim of discourse studies. According to Carvalho (2008, p.170), “ideology is embedded in the selection and representation of objects and actors, and in the language and discursive strategies employed in a text”. Hence, the selection of particular words to describe a phenomenon or a subject might reveal certain ideological connotations. Fairclough (1989) adds that not only is discourse ideological, but it also “contributes to sustaining unequal power relations” (p.107). This can be achieved, for example, by emphasizing positive attributes of a particular party, while selecting
to present only negative information about the antagonistic counterpart. Accordingly, ideology and power also intersect.
Indeed, theorists (Eagleton, 1991; Gramsci, 1992; Marx & Engels, 1972) view ideology as the vehicle of the powerful through which they shape certain beliefs and values to achieve dominance. However, Fowler (1991, p.42) underlines that “ideology is already imprinted in the available discourse”. Therefore the representation from a particular ideological perspective is not always intentional or aimed towards the maintenance of unequal power relations.
Gramsci (1971) explains when the ideological effects of discourse are the strongest, arguing that the more naturalised a discourse becomes the less visible are the ideological effects. When discourse transforms into common-sense by means of repetition, in the minds of people the connection with ideologies is lost. In this way, Brookes (1995) warns, discourse transforms into incontestable knowledge, which becomes difficult to challenge. Fairclough (1989, p.107) sums up arguing that “when ideology becomes common-sense, this is itself an ideological effect, for ideology is truly effective only when it is disguised”.
Discourse is also linked to discussions around power. Researchers, such as Foucault (1980), speak of discourse as the location where “knowledge and power intersect” and argue that power is transmitted through language. Fairclough (1989, p. 68) links the notion of power behind discourse to the Foucauldian thoughts on the fluid nature of power.
Power, ‘in’ discourse or ‘behind’ discourse, is not a permanent and undisputed attribute of anyone person or social grouping. On the contrary, those who hold power at a particular moment have to constantly reassert their power, and those who do not hold power are always liable to make a bid for power.
Hence, those who control discourse today might not be in the same position tomorrow, as power is contested on a regular basis. Fairclough (2000) also warns that the power behind discourse is often hidden and therefore “connections between the use of language and the exercise of power are not often clear to people, yet appear on a closer examination to be vitally important to the workings of power” (p.54). These hidden ideologies and power relations behind discourse are particularly important when analyzing media coverage.
CHAPTER 3: DISCOURSE, IDEOLOGY, AND POWER IN THE NEWS
MEDIA
This chapter explores how ideology and power are embedded in media discourse by zooming into the strategy of other-representation, and discussing the powerful effects of media discourse on the public.
3.1 THE MEDIA AS REFLECTION OF REALITY: DISCOURSE AND IDEOLOGY IN THE NEWS MEDIA
The role of the media in transmitting ideologies is outlined by various scholars. Fowler (2013) rejects the prevailing idea of linguistics as a descriptive discipline stating that “all news is biased” (p.10). Furthermore, he argues that news is “a social and ideological product”, which contributes to the “construction of reality” (Fowler, 2013, p.3). Expanding on this argument, Hall (1978) highlights that the media define for the majority of the population what significant events are taking place by “selecting events and topics” (p.53). Schudson (2005) adds that the selection of news is based on “social, cultural, economic and political forces” (p.172-173).
The common ground between these researchers is that they all highlight that media discourse is about selection of information and the meaning of media discourse changes across different contexts. Such selection reveals certain ideological motives. Accordingly, news stories do not represent the reality, but reflect it by selecting events and presenting them from a particular angle. This premise is also expressed by Hall et al. (1978, p.53).
The media do not simply and transparently report events which are naturally newsworthy in themselves. News is the end product of a complex process which begins with a systematic sorting and selecting of events and topics according to a socially constructed set of categories.
Hence, the choices of journalists in the selection of angles, the way they represent the actors, or what they choose to include and what to omit are ideological. Accordingly, the idea of journalism as impartial and objective is rejected in this thesis.
Van Dijk (1988) brings another dimension to this discussion; working in a competitive field, journalists write their stories in a way that corresponds with the shared beliefs and the prevailing ideologies of the audience. Fowler (1991) agrees, stating that driven by commercial interests the press has political motives to approve familiar ideologies. The aim of the media, therefore, is to create an ideology of consensus amongst the population and to reassure that
their interests are in line with dominant ideologies. This assumption echoes the seminal study by Galtung and Ruge (1965), who have shown that in order for news from distant nations to be reported, they must fit the readers’ preconceptions, values, and beliefs.
The assumption that media express dominant ideologies has been widely discussed within research community. Croteau and Hoynes (2013, p.161) underline that there is a dichotomy “between those who argue that the media promote the worldview of the powerful”, and those who argue that media texts include more contradictory messages, both expressing the “dominant ideology and at least partially challenging worldviews”. Van Dijk (1998) agrees that historically, many ideologies were invented by a small number of leaders who gradually disseminated these ideologies into the masses. Given that those in elite position have an increased access to the media, it is a logical conclusion that the media transmit ideologies in line with the elite’s interests. Even though this thesis is not examining class struggles within state borders, the same idea of ideology as a means of domination, in this case cultural, could be applied here, with the West playing the role of the elite in possession of dominant ideologies.
Hence, in the case of the coverage of child soldiering in Africa, it is interesting to explore whether this domination is projected through the written texts of Anglophone media, and whether these power relations also affect African coverage. This becomes even more important if one takes into consideration the powerful effects of the media which transmit messages shaped by the dominant discourses, and have the potential to influence the masses.
3.2 THE POWERFUL EFFECTS OF THE MEDIA ON THE PUBLIC
Discussions around power are not limited to the power of the dominant groups to shape discourses. In this thesis, the notion of power is also discussed from the perspective of the media which transport these messages, thus influencing the masses.
Fowler (1991, p.106) argues that “newspapers are not exempts from the reproduction of asymmetrical power relationships”. Foucault (1979) explains that the media discourse “transmits and produces power” (p.101). This stance is supported by various researchers. Matheson (2005) underlines the interrelation between media discourse and power, arguing that discourse analysis of the media shows “which representations of the social world predominate and what kinds of interactions media texts set up between the powerful and the rest” (p.1). Fairclough (1996, p.54) emphasises that this is only possible due to the “invisibility of their ideological assumptions”, meaning that power relations are hidden in discourse.
Therefore, this thesis works under the premise that power is transmitted through media discourse.
Bourdieu (1991) argues that the media exert symbolic power. Van Dijk (1995, p.10) agrees that the media’s role in power is “symbolic and persuasive”; the media might not be in the position to directly affect the actions of the audience, but can “indirectly control their intentions, plans, knowledge, beliefs and opinions”. Matheson (2005) explains that the media exert power by communicating a message ― which is perceived as reliable ― to a huge audience. Accordingly, the media can make claims to know what is really happening in the world, which puts them in a position of authority. The news media can also strategically control the knowledge of the audience by selecting topics and constructing realities that fit already existing preconceptions (Tuchman, 1978; Van Dijk, 1987). As Cohen (1963, p.13) notes “the Press may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about.”
Other researchers assert that the media have the power to impose the preferred knowledge of the world to the public, given their reach and their role as an information provider for the masses. Van Dijk (2008) notes that this effect is further enhanced when the events reported on in the media are not known to people from personal experiences, and therefore their knowledge is limited. He also adds that the persuasiveness of a certain discourse depends on systematic tendencies in news reporting and when certain information is promoted more than any other interpretation, this knowledge gains an authoritative status (Van Dijk, 2013). The tendencies in reporting are in turn shaped by the elite who has the power to determine what is important according to their interests.
Galtung and Ruge (1965) state that the content presented within the media is sometimes guided by ideologies “which happen to be in accordance with the interests of elite nations and regions” (p.36). In this thesis, the role of the elite is played by the so called West, which has managed to acquire a central position in the world status quo. Elite regions control media discourse, and subsequently the minds of the audience; their knowledge, opinions and ideologies. Accordingly, the values and the beliefs that the audience forms, are seen as a projection of the elite discourse which might serve specific ideological motives. However, as Van Dijk (2008) notes, it is not the rule that journalists and the audience reproduce the discourse promoted by the elite; “they might as well resist it based on their personal opinions and ideologies which they share with other group members” (p.15).
the police needs power to protect us, and the media need power to inform us. However, he warns that there is a thin line between the information provision and the “illegitimate use of power that misinforms rather than informs” (Van Dijk, 2008, p.18). There is always a danger to slip into biased coverage, especially when it comes to representation of a distant continent which is considered as inferior by the Anglophone world.
3.3 REPRESENTING THE OTHER IN THE NEWS MEDIA: THE WEST AND THE REST
People rely on the media to get informed on topics which concern them directly or on geographically distant issues which they are unable to personally experience. When it comes to the representation of the other ― which in this thesis refers to the representation of other nations, cultures, and continents ― the media build on this reliance of the audience to achieve certain ideological goals.
Foucault (1980) explores other-representation by providing as an example the creation of
us vs. them dichotomy; he notes that ideology “always stands in virtual opposition to
something else which is supposed to count as truth” (p.118). Van Dijk (2011) explains that
ideology is often used when talking about others’ policies, ideas, and values, which creates the
perception that “others have the ideology, while we have the truth” (p.379-380). Hall (1997, p.235) agrees that highlighting difference is necessary, since meaning cannot be constructed without “a dialogue about the other”. Therefore, positive self-representation is not possible without the construction of the dichotomy between us and them, which reproduces unequal power relations.
Ideological connotations behind the representation of the other cannot be easily identified. Van Dijk (1998) introduces a common strategy of “positive self-representation and negative-other presentation” in the media, which relies on emphasizing our good things and de-emphasizing our bad things, while simultaneously doing exactly the opposite for them ― emphasizing their bad and de-emphasizing their good (p.373). Within this representation, Fowler (1991) notes, the interests of the audience are presented as being threatened by them, the antagonistic groups. The positive self-image versus the negative other-image is closely tied to nationalist ideologies that journalists often display either consciously or subconsciously. Wodak et al. (1998) explain that this is partly due to the fact that national identity is associated with positive characteristics of us such as history, language, culture, and national character. Especially when it comes to the coverage of foreign news, journalists often express nationalist ideologies in their pieces, especially in times of conflict. Van Dijk (2009, p.201) notes that “the
coverage of wars, for instance, is presented as a battle between us ― the good ― and them ― the evil ― as soon as our country is at war and our soldiers are involved”.
In this thesis, such us vs. them dichotomy refers to the divide between the North and the South, also often referred to as the (associated as rich and developed) “West” and the (associated as poor and underdeveloped) “Rest”. Roberts (1985, p.41) argues that “modern history can be defined as the approach march to the age dominated by the West". This opinion is shared by Huntington (1996b, p.28), who adds that the West is trying hard to become “the culture of the world”. However, the West is not just striving for domination; it also struggles to accept difference. This argument is explored by Hall (1992, p.204) who notes that the West “tries to fit the new world into existing conceptual frameworks, classifying it according to its own norms, and absorbing it into western traditions of representation”. Part of this strategy is the production of a Western discourse on the Rest.
In order to explain how the West produces discourse on the Rest, the researcher relies on Saussure (1959), who argues that words don’t mean anything on their own. He uses the words
night and day as an example and explains how they acquire meaning; it is the difference
between these words that makes them comprehensible. Hall (1992) builds on this argument to explain the dichotomy between the North and the South arguing that an identity, be it national, or regional is formed through the differentiation from other cultures. Thus, according to Hall (1992), the West produces the discourse of “the West and the Rest” to oppose itself to the other and project relations of power towards the Rest, and therefore this discourse is neither “innocent nor equal” (p.224-225).
In line with this argument, Bender (2011) explains the essence of othering as “the practice of comparing ourselves, as an individual or a group, to others while at the same time distancing ourselves from them, portraying them as inherently different and solidifying our own identity” (p.29). Hulme (1986, p.49-50) calls it “stereotypical dualism”, as stereotypes are splitting the two parties into two sides: the developed and civilised good and the underdeveloped and bad. Applied to the case of the West and the Rest, the discourse produced by the West highlights the difference between the two regions and imposes Western norms and values to the non-Western side. Therefore, Hall (1992) argues, this discourse “functions as an ideology; as a measurement for Western achievements” (p.186-187). Van Dijk (2008), for example, notes that Third World countries are represented as “deficient or backward” in need of “our (altruistic) help, understanding or support” (p.56).
Rampal (2002, p.111) explains that these nations are often presented in “an inadequate and stereotypical” manner. Van Dijk (2008) also warns that the power of Western media lies in their denial of racism: the “Western culture as a whole may deny racism or ethnocentrism, and emphasize tolerance” (p.131). Therefore, the whole process of the formation of stereotypes might not be visible in the first place. Africa is not exempt from the negative representation of the other as explored in the following chapter.
CHAPTER 4: THE MEDIA COVERAGE OF AFRICA AND CHILD
SOLDIERING
This chapter dives into Western media coverage of Africa and explains how the media discourse on child soldiers reinforces negative stereotypes about the continent, widening the gap between the North and the South. Moreover, the different portrayals of child soldiers are presented. Finally, existing ideologies of Western origin in relation to child soldiering are explored, and their universal applicability questioned. As noted above, the starting point for this thesis was the criticism levelled towards Western media portrayal of Africa and child soldiers. Therefore, a more analytical examination of Western ideologies tied to the phenomenon is valuable in advancing our understanding on how Western coverage operates. As this study is also comparative, and there is no research on the African coverage of the phenomenon to my knowledge, the information provided here will help draw conclusions as to whether Western ideologies are also prominent in the African coverage.
4.1 THE NORTH VS SOUTH DICHOTOMY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL CONSTRUCTION OF AFRICA
There is a general consensus among researchers that Western media tend to present a negative image of Africa. This argument is widely supported by a range of studies. For example, Biko, Gore, and Watson (2000), who analysed the coverage of Africa in two US quality newspapers:
New York Times and Washington Post, found that the vast majority of the articles (84%)
focused on negative events. Ebo (1992) suggests that the negative representation of Africa by Western media is sometimes a “deliberate systematic process” achieved through the selection of specific news stories (p.15). Michira (2002) explains that Africa is often presented as a homogeneous entity that consists of people lacking civilization who are culturally, intellectually, politically, and technically inferior. Pickering (2001) adds that this tendency in reporting results into persistence of certain stereotypes about Africa as a place of darkness,
violence and hopelessness, which serves ideologically to create a sense of superiority of the “civilized” West, which is often contrasted to “inferior African societies” ( p.51).
Expanding on these thoughts, Swain (2003) notes that by oversimplifying African issues and highlighting the inability of Africa to self-govern, the Western coverage creates an out-group. The oversimplification refers to the lack of focus on social, political, or economic contexts that would help to explain child soldiering in Africa. Hence, Western media paint an image of Africa as a failed region with political instability and abuse of human rights thereby reinforcing stereotypes about the continent. Accordingly, the Western in-group ideology is ethnocentric, contributing to the construction of the ideological myth of uniqueness and superiority towards other societies (Downing, 1985). Moreover, Brookes (1995) argues that the West sees itself as a rescuer whose role is to help the failed African region. This attitude contributes to the legitimisation of the Western role in Africa (Denov, 2010; Macmillan, 2009; Norris, 2014; Rosen 2005). Referring specifically to the media coverage of child soldiers, Macmillan (2009) notes that the discourse on child soldiers in Western media creates moral outrage and drive for more programs, thus encouraging Western interventionism. Therefore, negative representation serves ideologically to justify Western actions that would be normally considered illegitimate.
The conflicts happening in Africa during the last decades serve as a parameter that further reinforces Western criticism towards the continent. Africa gained a reputation of a continent where the proliferation of new wars takes place. Rosen (2005) explains that new wars are “the modern small scale ethnic conflicts,” which are often contrasted with the traditional wars that serve a political purpose (p.10). Richards (1998) notes that these small wars that emerged in Africa are often characterised as anarchistic and barbaric. Machel (1996) takes it for granted that the phenomenon of child soldiers is something that stems from these new wars of the post-Cold War era. Hence, these new wars are seen as a characteristic of the global South, and the conflicts in which child soldiers participate are demonised (Kaldor, 1999). In this way, researchers argue, the Westerners use the discourse on child soldiers as an instrument to further reinforce Africa’s inferior position.
Many researchers agree that the existing discourse on child soldiers plays an important role in the maintenance of the old hierarchies between the North and the South. Jézéquel (2006) highlights that the image of an African child holding a weapon is considered a symbol of African violence, which serves as a sign of “barbaric violence beyond the bounds of the acceptable and the rational” (p.3). Despite the fact that child soldiering cannot be exclusively
ascribed to African societies, the “child soldier has become the symbol” that rejuvenates the discussions of Africa as a “heart of darkness alien to Western modernity” (Jézéquel, 2006, p.4).
Macmillan (2009) also argues that the representation of child soldiers through the lens of race, irrationality, and barbarism “buttresses age old hierarchies between the global North and South” (p.37). Denov (2010) agrees that the Western discourse on child soldiers maintains “prevailing colonial and paternalistic relations” (p.9). Norris (2014), who compared the discourse on child soldiers in the West with the perspectives of the locals, found that Westerners use dramatic language to express their condemnation regarding the role of children in conflicts. She (2014) asserts that this language is monolithic, “supports preconceptions about violence in Africa, and ignores the complex causes and consequences of war”, while the African discourse on child soldiering is more diverse and reflects the complexity of the phenomenon using “factual, clinical language” (p.8-9).
One of the main objectives of this thesis is to investigate how the media discourse on child soldiers slips into the portrayal of Africa. Building on the example of the racist discourse in riot coverage, given by Van Dijk (2015), it is illegitimate if the journalist emphasises negative actions of solely black youths, or if riots are framed in racial terms. Similarly, researchers argue that in the Western coverage of child soldiers colonial and racist discourses and ideological preconceptions about Western superiority are displayed. This is partly achieved by framing the discourse on child soldiers.
4.3 FRAMING THE DISCOURSE ON CHILD SOLDIERS: DIFFERENT PORTRAYALS AND THEIR MEANINGS
There are two main stereotypical portrayals attached to the image of a child soldier in both humanitarian and media discourse; 1)the portrayal as dangerous and irrational monsters, and 2)the portrayal as innocent victims (Denov, 2005; Honwana, 2006; Macmillan, 2009; Rosen 2005).
These portrayals identified in the media coverage are closely linked to theories around framing. According to Carvalho (2008), “to frame is to organise discourse according to a certain point of view or perspective” and therefore according to certain ideologies (p.169). Entman (1993) asserts that frames are central in the process of the construction of reality: “To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and to enhance their salience in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment recommendation” (p.53). When covering an issue, journalists select some aspects of reality, and choose to omit other bits of information, thereby affecting the way the
issue is perceived by the audience. This selection reveals ideological connotations. For instance, those who advocate that the complex realities of child soldiers are not represented, claim that only one aspect (e.g. victimhood) is emphasised, while other aspects, such as capacity for rational decision making are intentionally overlooked.
Regarding the prevailing victim portrayal, academics argue that the discourse on child soldiers reflects Western ideas of innocent childhood and the incapacity of children for action (Denov, 2010; Honwana, 2006; Peters & Richards, 1998; Rosen, 2005). In her study Denov (2012) argues that certain characterizations of child soldiers are closely linked with discussions around power and Western dominance. She (2012) asserts that the discourse on child soldiers which depicts them as victims “draws from the romanticized contemporary Western conceptions of childhood and its association with innocence and vulnerability” (p.282). According to Jézéquel (2006, p.6) the victim portrayal comes to represent the adult wrongdoing and “legitimises the interventionist temptations of a moralistic West”. Burman (1994) also notes that images of child soldiers as victims can prove to be patronizing and highlight the otherness of Africa as compared to the West which “seeks to confirm its own agency and omnipotence to ward off its own insecurities” (p.238). Therefore, the victimization of child soldiers transforms African societies into a source of threat, while the West has a moral obligation to assist these countries, assuming that African societies themselves have a limited knowledge.
On the other hand, researchers such as Aning & McIntyre (2004) claim that the characterization of child soldiers as dangerous and disorderly serves to present warfare in the Third World countries as “brutal and disconnected from the civilised world” (p.77). Macmillan (2009) characterises these depictions as racial and links them to production of stereotypes which reassure the perceived moral superiority of the North. Kellner (1995) agrees that this portrayal is not impartial and serves the “ongoing construction and entrenchment of Western thought and identity and the dichotomies of us and them” (p.290). Overall, researchers conclude that child soldiers discourse in Anglophone media builds on Western imaginaries and presumptions about childhood instead of focusing on the deeper roots of the problem.
In general, the Western discourse on child soldiers centres around the idea that the knowledge of societies which recruit child soldiers is insufficient and thus it must be corrected (Laville, 2006; Macmillan, 2009; Pearn, 2003). Consequently, Western ideas about parental duties are projected towards Africa and the discourse on child soldiers revitalises colonial notions. Escobar (2011) argues that the global South is represented as a “child in need of adult
guidance by the enlightened and developed Western world” (p.30). It, therefore, becomes apparent that the different portrayals of child soldiers slip into prejudiced portrayals of Africa. This, is however not to indicate that Western media gets the portrayal of child soldiers wrong. As mentioned throughout the thesis, this study aims to test these assumptions and their relevance today and to compare the Anglo-American discourse with the discourse produced by African media. Research so far has not paid attention to African media and how they cover the issue and whether same tendencies are identified within African outlets. In order to make such comparisons, it is important to examine the ideologies which are often found in the Western coverage, and to understand why the research community is alarmed about their prevalent position in the child soldiers’ coverage.
4.4 CONTESTING THE UNIVERSALITY OF WESTERN IDEOLOGIES
As the starting point of this thesis is the criticism levelled towards Western media outlets regarding their coverage of Africa and child soldiering, it was deemed necessary to present in more detail the Western ideologies which are contestable in the eyes of the research community. These ideologies related to child soldiering, according to researchers, present Africa in a negative light, and do not necessarily reflect the reality of African communities. Moreover, Western ideas around innocent childhood or that children are only forced to join armed ranks result into a misrepresentation of the reality. Hence, given the absence of research on African coverage of the phenomenon, diving into Western representation proves valuable in facilitating comparison between the two poles.
4.4.1. CHILD SOLDIERING, THE PERCEIVED INNOCENCE OF THE WEST AND THE STIGMATIZATION OF THE GLOBAL SOUTH.
According to Jézéquel(2006), the modern discourse “makes the child soldier a symptom of post-colonial African crises (p.4). However, researchers agree that child soldiering is a global phenomenon, which is not restricted to the African region (Cataldi & Briggs, 2007; Honwana, 2006; Rosen, 2005). Drumbl (2012) warns that despite the majority of child soldiers being recruited in Africa, there is a need to “resist tiresome tendencies that Africanize a global phenomenon and pathologize African conflicts” (p.15-16). Africa is indeed the epicentre of the problem; however the map below shows that children are also being recruited in South America, the Middle East, and Asia – all regions associated with the global South (Figure1).
Figure 1: The UN’s 2016 child recruitment list. Source: Child Soldiers International
Furthermore, historical evidence proves that the West is not as innocent as it appears, and dominant perceptions around military recruitment of children have not always been so critical. Macmillan (2009, p.36) reminds us that “children have been stock characters of warfare since time immemorial”, while child soldiers have been erroneously considered to be a new phenomenon. Rosen (2005) writes that boy soldiers were used in the West; during the Middle Ages by the British, in the US Civil war, during WW1 and WW2. Jézéquel (2006) argues that when the wars were fought by the West, the use of child soldiers was considered natural; they were valorised as heroic figures who sacrificed their lives for the nation. However, the contemporary discourse on child soldiers is fundamentally different in the West; recruiting children is considered a war crime by the very same countries that appear to have short memory. When it comes to the representation of child soldiers in Africa, “the hero portrayal vanishes” and children are portrayed as victims ripped off their childhood (Jézéquel, 2006, p.6).
According to Lee (2009, p.4), “while children’s military participation per se is historically nothing new, our perceptions regarding the legitimacy and morality of children’s military participation is a historical construct, shaped by particular social and political forces”. This shows that ideologies can change and adapt to serve particular interests.
4.4.2 WESTERN IDEOLOGIES AROUND INNOCENCE, GENDER, AND FORCED ABDUCTION
Central to Western ideology is the assumption that war is evil and children, innocent and vulnerable, need to be protected from the atrocities of armed conflicts (Rosen, 2005). However, Rosen (2005) explains that African ideologies can differ from the Western; he notes that some communities in Sierra Leone would have preferred children to have been held accountable for their crimes.
The West however, often victimises child soldiers, focusing on their innocence, vulnerability, and incapability for agency, which might clash with the local ideologies on children’s participation in war. What African children experience, Singer (2010, p.99) notes, is the “normalization of violence in their lives [which] can lead them to search for a sense of control over their chaotic and unpredictable situations”. Moreover, Peters and Richards (1998) reject their incapability for decision making and view them as “rational human actors with mature understanding of their predicament” (pp.17-18). Hence, the Western ideology of innocent childhood is not always applicable to the African context.
Westerners also tend to focus on boys when covering child soldiering. However, up to 40% of child soldiers are girls (UN, 2015). When covering girl soldiers, Western media outlets tend to dramatise the participation of girls in armed forces. Macmillan (2009) notes that the portrayal of girl soldiers reveals ideological connotations; “by presenting girl soldiers as the long-suffering ‘wives’ of soldiers or as prostitute-like figures who serve them, age-old Western ideologies of war are rejuvenated” (p.43). Elshtain (1998) explains that these age-old Western ideologies are grounded on the preconceptions that women and girls are rightfully excluded from armed conflict, which is a manly endeavour. Furthermore, Park (2006) believes that the coverage of girl soldiers produces a tale of “supra-victimization”, or extreme form of victimization, which undermines their equality with other children (p.315). Moreover, as Rosen (2005) highlights, girl soldiers do not always see themselves in the role of the victim.
In line with the tendency to dramatise the phenomenon, researchers such as Peters and Richards (1998) note that the discourse on child soldiers is centred on forced abduction and chooses to ignore voluntary participation of children in armed forces. Kalis (2002) notes that boys and girls join armed forces due to poverty, out of revenge, or guided by the belief that the participation in war constitutes a heroic act. Isenberg (1997) also highlights that the majority of child soldiers are not forced to participate in conflict. Therefore, simplifying the reason behind child soldiering to forced abduction might be misleading and does not reflect the realities that these children experience (Denov, 2012). The overemphasis on forced
abduction is believed to serve preconceptions about the barbarism of African societies. More specifically, blaming governments, rebels, and individuals for dragging children into armed forces, and blaming African governments and societies for their inability to tackle the phenomenon is in line with the Western idea of superiority that sustains the existing power relations between Africa and the West.
CHAPTER 5: AFRICAN MEDIA AND NEWSROOMS
This chapter provides a brief overview of the African media culture, the obstacles African newsrooms face, and the dependency of African media outlets on Western norms and material. To my knowledge, so far, the coverage of child soldiers in African media has not been studied. Hence, it is essential to introduce the African perspective and examine whether the continent itself reproduces Western ideologies and reinforces its inferior position in the world order.
5.1 CALLS FOR A MORE REALISTIC COVERAGE WITHIN WESTERN MEDIA
As outlined already, the research community has made calls for a more accurate media coverage of Africa in the West (Hanusch & Obijiofor, 2008). Saidykhan (2009), for example, summarises the request of the Africans towards Western media to “avoid negative type-casting” of the continent. Leslie et al. (2017, p.160) explain why Western coverage on Africa fails to capture the complex realities of the continent.
Events without a history, call on the reader to psychologically construct a context for the events from the existing beliefs and knowledge […]. These beliefs are often a composite of images […] that depend on the ideology of the audiences. […] In this way, stories reinforce the world-view of the reader, viewer or listener regardless their content.
Thus, when historical, social, political and economic context is not presented the reader subconsciously draws on the existing values, knowledge and ideologies, and therefore the Western audience relies on its own preconceptions when reading articles on child soldiering.
Finally, not only the coverage on Africa is considered to be non-realistic, but also negative. As Adekoya (2013, p.1) notes, this effect is further enhanced by the fact that Africa “has no microphone of its own on the global stage” and therefore the continent has to rely on the way others report on it. The African media might not have a global presence; however they do possess their own media sphere.
