The (Re-)Definition of Beauty in Modern Advertising Campaigns

Real or Ideal?

The (Re-)Definition of Beauty in Modern Advertising Campaigns

By Lisa Polman Tuin S2044218

American Studies Master Thesis LAX999M20

20 ECTS Dr. Amanda Gilroy

16, 054 Words

Table of Contents

Abstract ... 2

1. Introduction... 3 - 9

2. Theoretical Paradigms... 10 - 26

3. Case Studies... 27 - 55

4. Conclusion... 56 - 60

5. Works Cited... 61 - 64

Abstract

This study argues that modern “real beauty” campaigns still uphold restrictive feminine ideals

and thereby influence women in an undesirable way by creating a standard that places their

gender within certain limited and idealized boundaries. Case studies of both Dove’s “Real

Beauty Campaign” and Aerie’s “AerieReal Campaign” demonstrate that modern female-

empowerment campaigns represent women in a manner which has a negative influence on how

society regards women and on how women regard themselves. These campaigns serve as an

example of the fact that beauty should not be defined by agents of consumerism and are

compared with the small, non-profit organization Beauty Redefined in order to create a better

picture of what a real beauty campaign should and should not convey. Overall, this research

argues that there is still a demand for a definition of realistic beauty in society, as the real

beauty campaigns do not straightforwardly answer the question of what “real beauty” actually

means. Modern campaigns have incorporated and used the concept in such a way that the

discourse of real beauty is exploited.

1. Introduction

The development of a consumer society was set in motion during the social changes that took place in the United Stated during the economic developments between 1880 and 1920. The industrial revolution made the mechanization of many manual processes possible and led to mass production and an increase in consumer goods. The mass media developed in the same era. The mass media comprise diverse media technologies that distribute information to a large market by means of mass communication. The mass media helped to facilitate mass consumption, by informing the consumer of the offer in products and services in a new and innovative way.

Advertisements played a large role and were deployed to redefine the desires and needs of the new consumer. “Advertising emerged as an essential component of the marketing and

distribution of goods [and] it has become a force rivaling education and religion in shaping public values and aspirations” (Goodwin 7). By influencing the desires and needs of society, the mass media became a source of social control over the new consumer society.

With the rise of the mass media and the growing leisure and consumer lifestyle, the traditional sources of identity lost their meaning for people (Grossberg 220). In a traditional society, people established their identity based on religion, work, family or origin. In the twentieth century, however, people started to see themselves as consumers and one’s identity was shaped by consumer activities. The media and in particular advertisements played a huge role in this redefinition of identity. In the process of developing an identity, one is constantly exposed to the media messages that standardize and idealize the concepts of “beautiful,”

“successful” and “happy.” The recurrent confrontation with these standardized definitions makes it difficult not to be affected. Via television, radio, billboards, posters, magazines and the

Internet, the ideal images became part of the social conventions. Advertisements tried to

convince the audience that the purchase of products could transform them into the image of their dreams and desires by presenting consumer products as the solution for the “perfect body”, the

“good life”, or the “ideal-self” (Dittmar 2; Higgings 320). The media gained the ability to produce social identities for people by linking materialism to identity and well-being (Grossberg

220).

In 1963, the American social activist, writer and journalist Betty Friedan touched upon this subject in her book The Feminine Mystique, wherein she described how the capitalist industry manipulated the female image to ensure that consumer goods found an outlet. The media convinced people of the ideology that the household and other obligations, such as caring for the children and their husband, were the ultimate goal in the lives of modern women. In this way, a homogeneous target audience of women could be addressed to consume household goods.

Friedan accused the media of propagating a myth of the woman as housewife, as women do not naturally want to be housebound, and she sparked a women’s movement against the stereotyping of women in advertising. Her book is considered as one of the “second-wave feminism’s first major texts” (Evans 34). Whereas the first wave of feminism fought for equal rights, the second wave of feminism now fought for social equality.

However, when reflecting upon this same subject more than fifty years later, it seems as if second-wave feminism has never happened. Of course, access to the labor market and

education has radically improved for women, but the notion of femininity has remained almost

the same in the media since Betty Friedan wrote The Feminine Mystique. The media has merely

shifted its restrictive definition of femininity to another focal point. Since the housewife myth

lost its meaning as more women chose a career over the household, the media replaced it with a

just as limiting female beauty myth. Appearance was now advertised as the most vital aspect in

the daily lives of women.

Advertisers have created a feminine beauty ideal by repeatedly showing models with exceptional features, such as a slim waist, a long neck and face, a flawless skin, big eyes, a light complexion, white teeth, and shiny hair. This ideal of beauty is not based on ordinary people;

rather, it is a construction that is only depicted in magazines, advertisements, and on television.

This constructed ideal consists of manipulated and unnatural images that serve for many people as the visualizations of femininity. The media does not only force this beauty ideal upon society by claiming that it is constitutive of women’s happiness, success, love, or health; it also provides us with all sorts of remedies to achieve the standards of the ideal. Society is bombarded with advertisements promoting diets, creams, cosmetics, plastic surgery, and styles of dress that will help people to become as attractive as possible. Realistically, even with the help of beauty products, only a very small percentage of women are able to achieve the promoted beauty ideal.

That advertising “[pressures] women to achieve an ideal that may not be feasible for

them” has not gone unnoticed (Fernandez 1). Critics argue that the beauty ideal has negative

effects on the body satisfaction of women, to the extent that their confidence is undermined, and

that they are tacitly encouraged to develop eating disorders or to resort to cosmetic surgery

(Higgings 319; Bessenoff 239). This is not say that people are passive dupes of advertising

images. The viewer understands that the ideal images do not represent reality as they are aware

of what the actual real world looks like. However, advertising does present and influence the

norm of what is generally perceived as beautiful. This is based on the fact that society is

consistently exposed to advertising that repeatedly emphasizes the significance of the beauty

ideal and, in time, these messages will be internalized (Gerbner 181). As a consequence, women

will start to measure their identity against the unnatural beauty standards put forward in the

media, which “can result in a decrease in body satisfaction that can lead them to pursue unhealthy behaviors to obtain the media ideal” (Pritchard 210).

A lack of realistic beauty in the media thus poses a problem because it can affect a negative self-image, self-esteem and self-criticism, and it may additionally result in malpractice to one’s own body. Moreover, men also fall prey, as they can develop a distorted idea of the feminine appearance. Over the years, fashion and beauty labels have responded to the concerns about unrealistic role models by introducing “real beauty” campaigns. These campaigns are initiatives that focus on a realistic perception of women’s appearances. Therefore, the campaigns do not diminish the focus on beauty but merely move it to a more realistic, achievable model.

The aim, albeit less rigorous, still exists and the importance of beauty appears undiminished.

Even the real beauty ideal encourages women that beauty is a lifelong pursuit that requires constant attention. This new ideal can, therefore, like the status quo, be characterized as a means of pressure: beauty as necessity and ultimate goal in women’s lives absorbs other development perspectives for women (Millard 158).

It is, therefore, striking that “realistic beauty” is proposed both as a solution and as a

consequence of the concerns with the dominant ideal. The real beauty ideal operates in society in

a schizophrenic way: as a noble pursuit and as a consumption strategy. In itself the real beauty

campaigns are no bad thing. Namely, they aim to create a more realistic image of women, are

consistent with ethical ideals, and are often perceived as empowering. However, criticism is

given on the current status of the real beauty ideal: it is opportunistically used by fashion and

beauty brands and it is not truly empowering for women because it does not always rely on the

ethical beliefs it claims to support. Moreover, the real beauty discourse can even have a negative

impact on women’s self-esteem, as “real” beauty standards would be so close to women that it is

more compelling and may do more harm than good. A beauty ideal that is further removed (i.e.

harder to achieve) would then be easier to turn away.

While it can be acknowledged that the “real beauty” campaigns are a step in the right direction, it should not be overlooked how such campaigns influence women and create a conversation about what constitutes beauty. Especially since the attention on a woman’s

appearance –no matter how realistic– is still evident in these campaigns. This research will argue that there is still a demand for a definition of realistic beauty in society, as the real beauty

campaigns do not provide an objective interpretation of what “real beauty” actually means.

Modern campaigns have incorporated and used the concept however, in such a way that the discourse of real beauty is exploited to encourage consumerism. This thesis seeks to contribute to previously published research on the representation of the feminine beauty ideal in advertising.

Results in this area are particularly important because of the socializing function of media. When the media constantly repeats a message about femininity, people will internalize its content and behave according to this definition. What the media defines as beautiful is, therefore, very influential and important to research. In a broader context, this new analysis to determine the current state of affairs exposes the concepts of femininity that prevail in contemporary American society, as the media not only creates but also reflects society’s dominant norms and values.

In order to demonstrate how the media –and specifically advertising– constructs and upholds (ideal) concepts of femininity and what techniques advertising uses to influence women, four influential theoretical approaches that are relevant to this investigation will be briefly

discussed. This literature study made use of the “Cultivation Theory” by George Gerbner, the

“Self-Discrepancy Theory” by E. Tory Higgings, Leon Festinger’s “Social Comparison Theory”,

and lastly the “Social Learning Theory” by Albert Bandura. These different theories provide

insight with respect to the role of the media in the distribution of ideal images and the influence of the media on the individual. The theories make clear how people process media texts and how these representations can affect body image and self-regard.

In addition, a critical study of the realistic beauty discourse should have a link to feminism. Thus two feminist academics will be briefly touched upon who wrote (and write) about what the beauty culture, and instantiations thereof, imply for women and indirectly for men. Naomi Wolf and her famous book The Beauty Myth (1991) will be discussed first, as she outlines the main theories of the beauty discourse. Then an overview is given of Susan Bordo’s theories that analyze several cultural phenomena from a feminist perspective. Robert Goldman’s theory on “Commodity Feminism” is also relevant to this study. All three theories are

summarized in order to compare the cultural phenomenon of “realistic beauty” with it.

“Feminism” itself will not be debated; merely a few examples were selected.

For this research three case studies were selected that claim to empower women by creating a definition of “real beauty” as an alternative to the dominant beauty ideal. The first case study is Dove’s “Real Beauty” campaign, which is an international campaign that breaks with the long-established beauty ideal in the media and sets up the conventions for a real beauty ideal.

Dove hereby provides the first visual role models of how “real women” are supposed to look.

The second case study is inspired by the success of Dove’s groundbreaking campaign and enters the real beauty debate with the “AerieReal” campaign. With the slogan “The Real You is Sexy”

and its public rejection of digitally retouched models, the brand Aerie highlights Dove’s visual

model of real beauty. The third case study is Beauty Redefined that tackles the problem of

defining feminine beauty in some alternative way, as no actual physical example of realistic

beauty can be shaped from this campaign. These three campaigns will be analyzed on the basis

of Roland Barthes’ semiotic approach in order to find out if they actually challenge the beauty myth and restrictive feminine ideologies or merely add to it. This method is chosen since signs play an important role in the construction of meaning. Signs may connote certain stereotypes and ideological messages, and marketing campaigns actively take advantage of this to transmit their message. By using a semiotic approach to analyze the “real beauty” campaigns, a deeper

understanding of what is actually implied and communicated by the visual and verbal rhetoric

will become clear.

2. Theoretical Framework

2.1 Real Beauty Ideal and Influence

What society understands to constitute femininity and masculinity is bound by time and place: their images are changeable, subject to changing fashions and cultural standards. Visual media such as advertising play a prominent role in defining gender. First, they reflect the prevailing ideas of femininity and masculinity in our culture and, secondly, media images are themselves an important site for the articulation of gender. This means that such images largely determine how one, literally, looks at femininity and masculinity. Therefore, the role of

advertising in the production of female and male images cannot be underestimated, if only because of the ubiquity of such images. Via Internet, television, newspapers, magazines,

advertisements and billboards, people are daily surrounded by advertising images in such a high degree that they are usually not even aware of it. Advertising does not only incite people to a specific viewing and purchasing behavior, but it also constantly exposes people to all kinds of ideal images of femininity and masculinity. This is how the media transfers scenarios –so to speak– that allow people to internalize representations of gender. How this happens will be explained by four theories.

George Gerbner, a professor in communication, developed “Cultivation theory” to

“describe the independent contributions [the media] makes to viewer conceptions of social

reality” (Gerbner 180). According to this theory, continuous exposure to the mass media affects

the attitude and behavior of viewers. Gerbner states that “[t]he repetitive ‘lessons’ we learn from

[the mass media], beginning from infancy, are likely to become the basis for a broader world

view, making [the media] a significant source of general values, ideologies, and perspectives as

well as specific assumptions, beliefs, and images” (185). “[Repetitive], long-range, and

consistent exposure to” stereotypical images of women in the media, therefore, creates a symbolic environment consisting of standardized roles and behavior that female viewers experience as realistic (Gerbner 181). A viewer’s perception of reality is thus subtly influenced by the media after a period of time. In keeping with this theory, when women are frequently exposed to the standardized ideas about “realistic” beauty in advertising, the outcome may be that women will internalize these ideas as a social standard they are supposed to conform to.

However, these realistic beauty standards are not given by nature but are culturally constructed and will, therefore, create an unnatural “real beauty ideal” that is not without consequences.

Various studies have shown that the inconsistency between one’s actual body image and the media’s ideal image affect women in a negative way. Higgings’ “Self-discrepancy” theory explains this line of thought. In order to understand how images can affect women, one must first understand that there are “three basic domains of the self”: “the actual self,” “the ideal self,” and

“the ought self” (Higgings 320). According to Higgings, the actual self is about someone’s own

characteristics, the ideal self is about characteristics someone aspires to ideally possess, and the

ought self is about what characteristics someone (or others) thinks he or she is expected to have

(Higgings 320-321). According to Higging’s theory, if these self-states do not match, one

experiences a discrepancy. As will be demonstrated later, this theory also applies to the real

beauty campaigns. For example, even though full-figured women are incorporated in the real

beauty ideal, certain aspects are still considered as flaws. This means that the actual self-states of

full-figured women still do not comply with the ideal self-states and fail to meet the social

standard of the ought self-state, which causes women to experience a discrepancy. According to

Higgings, these “[d]iscrepancies between the [actual self-state] and ideal self-states […] signify

the absence of positive outcomes, which is associated with dejection-related emotions (e.g.,

disappointment, dissatisfaction, sadness)” (319). Therefore, drawing from this theory, when women are unable to live up to the standards of the new real beauty ideal, this could “motivate the individual to engage in behaviors that will reduce the discrepancy” (Vartanian 711).

People have always consciously compared themselves with others, so that they have an example of how to act and behave in society. Why people feel the need to compare themselves with others is explained by Leon Festinger in his book Theory of Social Comparison Processes.

According to Festinger, the main motive for social comparison is self-evaluation; people want to know who they are and where they stand in comparison to the rest. They ask themselves if they are less, equal or better than the standard population (Poehlmann 225-235). According to sociologist Charles Horton Cooley, social comparison also falls under the term “looking-glass self” where others function as a reflection of the self (183-184). Individuals want to optimize their self-concept and therefore compare themselves with similar people (i.e. in age, gender, and ethnicity), so that they are able to acquire valuable details that result from the comparison (Festinger 120).

Having this need to self-evaluate naturally has an impact on people’s social and personal identity. As Higgings also mentioned, “[when] a discrepancy exists with respect to opinions or abilities there will be tendencies to change one’s own position so as to move closer to others”

(Festinger 126). People will thus adjust their outlooks and behavior in certain ways so as to resemble the comparison standard more closely. This is due to the fact that people will

experience “feelings of inadequacy” when their opinions or abilities do not measure up to those

of others, which occurs when the individual compares himself or herself with others that they

consider socially above their standing (Festinger 137). Therefore, comparison with others in

order to improve one’s own self-concept is also labeled upward social comparison (Bessenoff

240). However, people also use social comparison to engage in self-enhancement because they feel a need to uphold and confirm a positive self-worth (Hakmiller 37). Self-enhancement is, therefore, labeled as downward social comparison, which means that people experience a positive feeling when they consciously compare themselves to others who have it worse than themselves. Therefore, when people engage in downward social comparison, it means that they also know what is objectionable and what kind of behavior they do not want to resemble.

Based on the social comparison theory, it can be stated that real beauty campaigns cause women to engage in both upward and downward social comparison. People are always assessing ways to improve themselves and these campaigns stimulate this self-evaluation process. Real beauty campaigns show people what is needed to make the most out of themselves by bringing forward idealized “real” role models with the solution for feeling beautiful, empowered, sexy, and happy. In this way, potential consumers will, often unconsciously, engage in upward social comparison which leads to an increase in purchasing. In addition, these campaigns also point out examples of issues that are unwanted, by emphasizing the “flaws” that they have left on the “real women.” As a consequence, this causes people to engage in downward social comparison, as one tends to look down upon people who have these undesired features.

Albert Bandura elaborates on Festinger’s theory by introducing “Social Learning Theory.” This theory claims that the human mind has the ability to learn from daily interaction and observing others. Social learning occurs “through observation of other people’s behavior and its consequences for them” (Bandura 2). This way of learning is a complex process: these

observations will be stored in people’s memory as they gather more knowledge, and they often

use this information to guide their own behavior. This process in which the behavior of others is

imitated is called “modeling” (Bandura 17). However, “a person cannot learn much by

observation if he [or she] does not attend to, or recognize, the essential features of the model’s behavior” (Bandura 6). A woman will thus not imitate behavior that she is unfamiliar with, which is why certain ideas are repeated in the media so that women will ultimately internalize them. This can also be observed in the real beauty campaigns that reiterate the feminine myth that a woman’s appearance is the most vital aspect in her life. For example, the AerieReal slogan consistently tells women that they are naturally sexy (“the real you is sexy”) and, in time, having a sexy appearance will be internalized by women as an essential aspect of femininity. Since women are familiar with the concept, the necessity to look sexy seems much more natural than it actually is.

Understanding how consumers learn is very important for marketers. Many strategic decisions are based on the assumption that consumers constantly store information about products and that people can be “taught” to choose some options over others. As the social learning theory suggests, consumers are able to learn by observing others, and this makes the work of marketers a lot easier. Marketers do not have to literally reward or punish people’s purchasing behavior- it is enough to show what happens when the products are or are not purchased or used (Bandura 3). By associating positive and negative connotations with certain products, advertisers are able to influence people’s decision-making. This is why the modern real beauty campaigns “do not just sell products but also the lifestyle that inherently comes with using the product,” as the advertised products connote that they will make women happier, confident, and more successful (Kaur 69).

Overall, the four different theories provide insight with respect to the role of the media in

the distribution of ideal images and the influence of the media on the individual. The theories

make clear how people process media texts and how these representations can affect one’s body

image and self-regard. These findings imply that the influence of the beauty ideal interacts with the psychological disposition that an individual has created over time. Therefore, the combined findings of Gerbner, Higgings, Festinger, and Bandura offer an important context for the influence of the media on society, and show how a profound knowledge of the psychological process is vital to strategies relating to marketing. As the media is able to affect norms and ideals in society, advertisers should be cautious in their representation of female images. In particular when one knows that each individual has a particular social comparison urge, it is important to make this comparison work without negative consequences that lead to disappointment or insecurity. By paying attention to the attitudes or beliefs of a consumer, such consequences can be avoided.

A more realistic beauty ideal should, therefore, consider the psychological processes. It is important that this realistic ideal takes women’s affective relationship with beauty into account, which might have more influence (on internalization) than the image version of realistic beauty.

Visual examples of beauty invite women to compare themselves because of the emotion that is triggered: the visual image represents an ideal that they want to resemble (Featherstone 197).

2.2 Real Beauty Ideal and Feminism

Naomi Wolf, known as a figurehead in the field of the third wave feminists, discusses her

concerns with a beauty ideal in society in her book The Beauty Myth. The basic premise of

Beauty Myth is that the physical beauty standards for women became more compelling as women

acquired more power in social spheres. According to Wolf, women are suppressed by burying

them with “tasks.” After the Second World War, the focus of these tasks was on the household and the associated consumption of household goods. However, after the resistance to the

housewife myth, the focus of women’s lives revolved around beauty and cosmetic products and services (Wolf 65). The beauty standards took over the objective of suppression of other myths, such as motherhood, domesticity, chastity, and passivity (Wolf 66). The second wave of

feminism had nullified The Feminine Mystique; “the housewife” was no longer the main focus of women’s lives. According to Wolf, “a new ideology was necessary that would compel the same insecure consumerism” and this was found in a mass beauty drift: “all that was left was the body” (Wolf 66-67).

Wolf believes that there are only a few role models for women in the world, which is why women search for them on screens and in glamor magazines in which an ideal image of women is romanticized. As a consequence, women would consider themselves as beings that are gazed at, which causes that they judge their worth purely on their appearance. This gaze is a result of representations in the media and gives the experience that one’s own body is viewed in a certain way, leading to body maintenance or a negative evaluation of one’s own body (Rysst 261). The pursuit of the media’s beauty ideal thus “[affects] and [disciplines] people and may make it challenging for them to accept their bodies” (Rysst 259).Wolf, however, emphasizes that there is nothing inherently wrong with a pursuit of beauty, as it “is not in itself destructive. We need it, but redefined” (Wolf 274). Wolf argues that beauty should be disconnected from reaching a certain standard, instead it should be recognized as something completely individual (Wolf 285).

Like Wolf, others also observed the harmful effects of the dominant beauty ideal.

“Decades of criticism of unrealistic standards and their harmful influence have called on

advertisers and the beauty and fashion industries to make a change” (Millard 161). Over the

years, we can actually observe that companies took note of the harmful effects of the beauty ideal, as they have started with a more positive marketing strategy that no longer capitalizes on women’s insecurities to sell products. The most prominent are the “real beauty” campaigns that want to inspire a social change by challenging the restrictive feminine beauty standards. These campaigns claim that they promote realistic beauty standards by showing unedited female beauty. By repeatedly exposing society to these new beauty standards, these campaigns motivate society to internalize these standards as the new “real beauty ideal.” This would ensure that women’s social comparison is based on realistic models and will thus lower self-discrepancies and body dissatisfactions in society. Real beauty campaigns claim to empower women by teaching them to embrace their bodies and flaws, and place their product promotion as secondary, thereby making their ethical cause seem more important.

However, it is disputed if these advertising campaigns are really as ethical as they claim, especially since their main focus is still a woman’s appearance. Goldman et al refer to this phenomenon as “commodity feminism” and claim that this type of advertising still capitalizes on women’s insecurities, but does this under the guise of female empowerment. When commodity feminism is used in advertising, it means that the advertisement will exploit feminist discourse as an aid to increase women’s interest in their products. Commodity feminism functions within the boundaries of capitalism where female objectification and stereotyping masquerade as

empowerment and emancipation. By connecting feminism to femininity, advertising thus

generates the impression that the choice of being sexualized or objectified is a sign of feminist

advancement instead of one of suppression. Female-empowering advertising campaigns,

therefore, “incorporate the cultural power and energy of feminism while simultaneously

neutralizing the force of its social/political critique” (Gill 39).

The source of commodity feminism can be found in the development of post-feminism.

Post-feminists believe society has reached equality between women and men and, therefore, pursue a new ideal for women. They look for educational and professional opportunities for empowered women and a freedom of choice when it comes to work, housework, parenting, one’s body, and especially one’s sexuality (Tasker 2). Unlike second wave feminists, post-feminists do not see commerce as a means to restrict women. According to them, consumption is used as a strategy to create an identity; consuming is a choice which women can make for themselves (Tasker 2). Post-feminists also view this freedom of consuming as applicable to the beauty and fashion industry, since women are now allowed to use their beauty for their own pleasure. Post feminism thus brings the option to observe women no longer as defenseless victims but as powerful individuals who choose to enjoy their beauty and sexuality (Gill 39). However, what post-feminists take too lightly is that by viewing a woman’s body as a site of female

empowerment, women become susceptible to a naive self-regulation that presumes that they act entirely in their own free will, thus underestimating capitalist control and the normalizing influence of advertising images.

The beauty and fashion industry take advantage of postfeminist discourse to make their products more appealing to women, while their products may have nothing to do with or even work against female empowerment. Erin Hatton and Mary Nell Trautner refer to this

phenomenon as “choice feminism,” which means that everything slightly related to women can

nowadays be “cast as feminist” (Hatton 66). This is evident in the representation of women’s

bodies in the “real beauty” campaigns, where it has been “reframed as the locus of freedom as

well as sexual pleasure” (Goldman 338). Women’s bodies are thus assigned new meaning from a

consumptive ideology, which allows for commodity feminism in advertising.

Susan Bordo has also touched upon this subject, as she argues that “[t]here is a consumer system operating here that depends on our perceiving ourselves as defective and that will

continually find new ways to do this. That system […] is marked by the rhetoric of personal empowerment” (Bordo 42). According to Bordo, there is a culture of agency that shimmers through these real beauty campaigns or literally accompanies them: “I'm doing it for me” (Bordo 32). Bordo argues that there is nothing fundamentally wrong with that, but unfortunately “for me” indicates “in order to feel better about myself in this culture that has made me feel

inadequate as I am” (32). Agency is an empty concept as it ignores “the fact that the norms that encouraged these individuals to see themselves as defective are enmeshed in the practice and institution of [advertising] itself” (Bordo 43). The idealized “real beauty” images dominate the reality concept and create standards for everyone, which stands in stark contrast to the belief in (pure) agency (Bordo 116). Improving one’s own appearance is not an act that testifies to agency, which is proven by the fact that most women strive to accomplish the same appearance.

On top of that, the existence of an ideal itself is already in contrast with agency.

When drawing on Wolf, Goldman, and Bordo, I argue that the real beauty advertisers

commodify a weakened feminist consciousness; weakened because it is disconnected from the

criticisms on gender roles and gender relationships (Gill 54). Real beauty campaigns now present

women as powerful rather than as passive victims and claim that every woman should feel good

about herself. However, ‘feeling good’ is a vague requirement that is still more related to a

woman’s actual appearance in relation to the beauty ideal. Appearance thus remains the main

standard of identity, since there is barely any attention to other matters that women could focus

upon; such as ethical or intellectual development. Beauty ideals, realistic or not, still have an

exploitive character.

2.3 Research Method

In her article “Performing Beauty: Dove's ‘Real Beauty’ Campaign,” Millard talks about beauty as a performance. Beauty is not something one has, but something one ‘does’. According to Millard, the choice (and supply of) beauty does not happen purely on the basis of

emancipatory interests (150). Realistic beauty is only one of the types of beauty to pursue. What beauty we choose, what we are willing to do for it, what our options are, is approached as the

“semiotics of beauty” (Millard 149). She labels skin, body, hair, teeth and clothes as semiotic resources. In that sense, real beauty campaigns would attempt to change the meaning of these resources: for example, an overweight physique would no longer mean “laziness” and the like.

Women may feel better as they now fit in the real beauty ideal, since their previously ‘flawed’

bodies are now assigned meanings of attractiveness, empowerment, confidence, and so on (Millard 151). However, this is not the case, as the real beauty campaigns “tell women they are beautiful as they are and then sell them products to enhance their appearance” (Millard 160).

While some semiotic resources have now gained positive meanings, others are still emphasized to need constant maintenance.

Since the observed discrepancy between one’s own body and that of the media is generating harmful effects, it is important that attention is given to all aspects in which

discrepancies can occur. A real beauty ideal can thus only eliminate oppression by providing all

semiotic resources (clothes, makeup, hair removal, and so on) of a realistic alternative. If only a

few of aspects of beauty are given a more realistic alternative (color, weight, shape), we cannot

speak of an ethical beauty ideal. After all, even innocent feminine beautifications such as skin

care, clothing, makeup, and hair removal have a conformist imperative. Bordo also believes that

the representations in the media portray more than just beauty (or realistic beauty); they also carry other meanings. Bordo recognizes the semantics around the female model so that “we’re not talking about the reduction of women to mere bodies but about what those bodies express”

(Bordo 125). It is, therefore, important to research what meanings are nowadays invested in women’s bodies.

Semiotics teaches how to find meaning in all the objects and other kinds of messages to which we are exposed. In the book Course in General Linguistics, Ferdinand de Saussure

explains the basic principles in semiotics and how signs acquire meaning by focusing exclusively on signs within language. According to the Saussure, a linguistic sign has a place within the whole system of language or “langue” (Saussure 15). In this system of language, each sign obtains its value by being different from all the other signs. This is true for any “semiological system, what distinguishes a sign is what it constitutes” (Saussure 119). However, these signs do not possess a meaning by themselves; people are the ones who have to interpret the sign and assign meaning to it. Saussure’s model can be understood as supporting the idea that language is not reality, but that language constructs reality. People can only come to comprehend this world via the signs and codes that structure it.

De Saussure explains that a sign consists of two components that allow it to be

interpreted and granted meaning. The first component is the “signifier” that represents the

material form the sign is in, and the second component is the “signified” that stands for the

meaning or contents of the sign (Saussure 67). Both concepts are dependent on each other in

order to create a sign. De Saussure, hereby, distinguishes a dual relationship between the

signifier and the signified. However, de Saussure typifies the signified as random or sometimes

arbitrary (Saussure 67). A signifier has no intrinsic or natural relationship with the signified. This

means that different meanings and values can be attached to the same signifier depending on the social situation in which they occur. For example, the old beauty ideal used to provide an image of a full figured woman with negative connotations of an overweight woman, while the new real beauty ideal provides this same body with connotations of a beautiful, real woman.

Charles Sander Peirce elaborated upon the process of signs in terms of relationships, but introduced a significant addition to Saussure’s theory. Besides the physical sign (signifier) and the mental concepts that derive from it (signified), Peirce also recognizes the “object” or the external meaning (“representamen”) to which a sign refers (Peirce 228). Take, for example, a photograph of a woman. “In a photograph, the signifier is the [color] and shape on the flat surface of the picture. The signified is the concept of [a real woman] which the signifier

immediately calls up. The referent is [the real woman that] was photographed” (Bignell 15). The referent is thus the material form (object) of the signified. An object can thus be anything, as long as it is referred to by a sign, tangible or intangible, real or imagined. A sign is always representative for something else.

Moreover, Peirce also argues that signs generate more signs; a signified can be

reinterpreted and become a signifier itself. Peirce calls “[the] sign which it creates […] the

interpretant of the first sign,” which is the meaning derived about the object (228). Therefore, in

line with Peirce’s theory, every message consists of three basic components: an object, a sign

(signifiers and signifieds), and interpretation(s). A marketing message can thus be read on

several levels. Take, for example, a print advertisement from Dove (see fig. 1).

Fig. 1. “Dove Skin Firming Range.” Wordpress. Advertisement. N.p., n.d. Web. 10 Jan. 2015.

https://chippersengl.wordpress.com/what-went-wrong-with-doves-attempt-at-beauty with-a-conscience/>.

At the lowest reading level, the objects are what the advertisement refers to: the tangible products and the actual full-figured woman that posed for this advertisement. The signs are the visual images that reflect the meaning of a full figured woman and Dove products. The

interpretation is the derived meaning, and people can interpret and reinterpret the signs in several ways. For example, one could interpret that the Dove products are designed for curvaceous women (also implied by the linguistic message). In addition, the interpretation “full figured woman using Dove products” is in itself a sign, especially since people have already seen many examples of this advertising image from the company. So at the second, cognitive level, this sign refers to the female models in the advertisement and the interpretation consists of all the

connotations associated with these people (for example, they are “real women” with curves).

The above shows how a marketing message is analyzed based on Peirce’s theory.

However, Peirce and De Saussure only worked out the basis for semiotic research, as the French

philosopher Roland Barthes takes semiotic analysis a step further. Barthes focuses on visual

signs and ideologies; two important elements of marketing campaigns. In his work, Barthes relies on Saussure’s signifier-signified division to arrive at a system for analyzing images.

Whereas Peirce divides semiotics into a three-fold relationship, Roland Barthes divides semiotics into two types: connotation and denotation. Connotation is about one’s own interpretation and association with the sign, whereas denotation is just about what one observes, it is recognizing what is depicted.

Barthes argues that the analysis of an (commercial) image can be divided into three messages: the linguistic message, a denotative message and a connotative message (Barthes

154-155). The linguistic message can be a text or slogan, the denotative message is a literal message (what one observes in the advertising image), and the connotative message is a cultural message (interpretation of what one observes). Advertisers are mainly focused on constructing the signifieds and connotative message in their image, as they want to direct the consumer to favored interpretations (Barthes

152). The linguistic message is also very important to direct the consumer to a preferred reading of the advertisement. According to Barthes, the ambivalence of visual signs is undesirable and, therefore, “[various] techniques are developed intended to fix the floating chain of signifieds […]; the linguistic message is one of these techniques” (Barthes

156). The text functions to guide the reader to the preferred interpretation of the image; this is called “anchorage” (Barthes

157). According to Barthes, the main purpose of anchorage is ideological and it is, therefore, “commonly found in press photographs and advertisements”

(Barthes

157). In addition, “text and image [can also] stand in a complementary relationship,”

which is called “relay” (Barthes

157). Barthes thus suggests that language is able to structure an

image on both connotative and denotative levels.

Barthes further elaborates on the significance of the sign in his book Mythologies. In this book, a method is created to unmask signs as bearers of myths. Barthes explains that “myth is a system of communication[;] it is a message. This allows one to perceive that myth cannot possibly be an object, a concept, or an idea; it is a mode of signification, a form” (Barthes

107).

Myth is thus a form of speech, as signs within a message can be used to express myths by certain codes that are accepted by society. According to Barthes, a sign can be used on a connotative level to propagate and impose a certain worldview on the receiver of the sign. This is

problematic, since myths attempt to pass ideologies as natural when they are strongly culture- bound. It is, therefore, necessary to unmask the ideology that lies behind the way in which all the naturalness of the modern world is presented to us.

Barthes’ theory about myths is especially useful for analyzing the real beauty advertising images, since the intention of these modern marketing campaigns is to combine specific signs to sell a certain “real beauty” myth. The signs that these advertisements make use of can be given multiple meanings and can be traced back to social conventions and assumptions that result from dominant ideologies. For example, at the ideological level, the interpretation of visual images of

“real women” becomes a sign of a female stereotype (how a woman should look). The

audience’s interpretation of these visual images of real women is then all the ideas and features that they consider being typical and essentially feminine. When these signs and associated connotations are related to a beauty product, the products themselves become “[signs] with a certain social value,” which makes it seem only natural for women to take care of their appearance (Bignell 38).

In modern day consumer culture, the advertising industry exhausts the use of myths in

order to make people believe that it is only natural for them to consume their goods. The beauty

and fashion industries, in particular, continue to exploit myths in their “real beauty” advertising to convey certain feminine ideologies. Namely, they promote certain feminine beauty ideals in the media wherein representations do not refer to the object such as the woman or the idea of a woman, but refer to the myth of a “real” woman. These myths try to make female beauty standards look natural, even though they are determined by culture. For example, as will be discussed later, the visual image of a woman in lingerie in the AerieReal campaign with the linguistic message “The real you is sexy” shapes the myth that women ‘naturally’ have to look sexy (and thus buy their lingerie products in order to accentuate their sexy appearance). Myths thus try to make people believe that what they understand on a connotative level is already present at the denotative level. This is what the beauty and fashion industry try to establish;

making women believe that the “real” beauty standards are given by nature, instead of being culturally and socially constructed. These standards are the myths of the twenty-first century.

Semiotic analysis can expose the myths of femininity in contemporary real beauty campaigns that shape ideologies, prejudices, and subtle discriminations in society. The

significance of semiotic research is to find out how the media –and ultimately culture – dictate how females ought to perceive themselves. By examining the different components of modern

“real beauty” campaigns, it will become clear if these campaigns actually emphasize or critique

the mythic significance of female beauty.

3. Case Studies

The definition of “real beauty” in the three campaigns is assessed on the basis of its visual and linguistic properties. After this analysis, a better picture can be created of what a real beauty campaign should and should not convey. The analysis contains criticisms that may not necessarily apply to the full range of real beauty initiatives.

3.1 Dove

The brand Dove was launched in 1957 in the United States with a beauty cleansing bar, and has ever since marketed a whole line of beauty products. By 2001, Dove started to include many more beauty products, such as anti-ageing creams, firming creams, tanning creams, deodorants, shampoos, and so on. With this alteration to their product line, a need for an innovative

marketing campaign was created. Dove had to find a way to distinguish their brand from others in the beauty industry. In September of 2004, with the help of the advertising agency Ogilvy &

Mather, Dove changed its whole marketing strategy to generate a groundbreaking global image that would ensure audience engagement and brand loyalty. Being aware of the harmful effects of advertising on women, the brand aligned itself to an ethical cause and claimed to empower women by getting rid of the restrictive beauty ideals. Hence the manufacturer of personal care products began a new campaign that disputed the conventional and limited beauty standards.

With this new strategy, Dove clearly wants to position itself as a company that sensitizes women to the unrealistic models that are commonly used and, more importantly, get as many women to believe that Dove’s advertising is honorable and reliable, instead of a marketing technique to sell their products.

In early 2004, Dove started their aggressive global campaign that urged society to

encourage girls and women to value their appearance and to gain self-confidence. This campaign

is titled the “Campaign For Real Beauty”' and claims that it wants to expand the view on beauty by making people reassess the imposed beauty standards in society. In order to support and validate the company’s commitment to the campaign’s goal, various researches were part of their new marketing strategy. Their first study, called “The Real Truth about Beauty,” was conducted in 2004 and instigated a debate among women “about female beauty’s portrayal in society” as it proved that the established beauty ideal was unreachable and had negative consequences on women’s self-confidence (Etcoff

3). In addition to this report, Dove published print

advertisements with unconventional female models that deviated from the dominant beauty ideal.

A remarkable aspect about these advertisements was that they invited the audience to evaluate the campaign models on Dove’s online platform and stimulated the audience to actively engage with Dove’s discussion on real beauty.

Another report was issued in 2005, called “Beyond Stereotypes: Rebuilding the Foundation of Beauty Beliefs” that examined women’s self-esteem and body image. An

extraordinary result that came forward from this research was that “two thirds of women around the world […] avoid basic activities of life because they feel badly about the way they look”

(Etcoff

6). This report was followed by an advertising campaign titled “Tested on Real Curves”

that presented generously proportioned models with a body size that defied the dominant beauty standards. With the slogan “real women with curves,” masses of women felt they were

personally addressed by the campaign as they could relate more to this body type than to the

dominant thin ideal. In September 2006, the campaign started focusing on older women with the

report “Beauty Comes of Age” that disputed the beauty standard that becoming physically old is

undesirable. This study was also followed by an advertising campaign called “Pro-Age,” which

featured more mature women to redefine people’s view on age and beauty.

In 2006, Dove established the “Dove Self-Esteem Fund” that tries to make people aware of the possible dramatic consequences of narrowly defined beauty ideals –imposed by the traditional beauty industry– on the way in which people perceive their own body and beauty. To promote the Self-Esteem Fund, Dove released the short film “Little Girls” during the 2006 broadcast of the Super Bowl, “reaching an estimated 89 million viewers” as stated on Dove’s official website. The film capitalizes on emotions by showing adoring little girls who suffer from the beauty ideal and ends with the statement “Let’s make peace with beauty.” Dove later released the commercial “Amy,” which sends the same message as “Little Girls,” and another short film called “Evolution.” “Evolution” was circulated on YouTube, MySpace, and Google Video, along with being publicized on Dove’s campaign website. The video shows the trajectory of how the media images are manipulated, so that women are more aware of the unnaturalness of the beauty standards. The short video ends with a sentence: “No wonder our perception of beauty is

distorted.” Exactly these words sum up perfectly the main intention of the movie, stimulating viewers to question their outlooks on imposed beauty standards and, thereby, paving the way for Dove’s “real beauty ideal.”

Dove continues to focus on younger girls in its campaign with the short film called

“Onslaught” and the report called “Real Girls, Real Pressure: A National Report on the State of

Self-Esteem,” which confirmed that the level of self-esteem among American girls is still very

low. Since the results of the report were so concerning, Dove started the “Dove Movement for

Self-Esteem” in 2010 that initiated many projects to rebuild positive self-esteem and encouraged

people to join in their movement. In 2011, Dove published the report called “The Real Truth

About Beauty: Revisited,” which indicated that young girls are still under a lot of pressure from

the narrow beauty standards in society and that this has negative effects on their self-esteem as

they age. This report thus proved that Dove’s work was far from done. As a result, Dove released many more short films in the following years, such as “Dove Real Beauty Sketches” in 2013, and three consecutive short films in 2014 –“Dove Beauty Patch,” “Dove Mirrors,” “Dove Selfie,” and “Dove Legacy”– all of which essentially bear the same message as “Dove Real Beauty Sketches,” namely: You are beautiful the way you are.

On the whole, rather than following the standard approach of advertising that exploits women’s insecurities and puts a lot of social pressure on them to conform to an ideal, Dove critiques this kind of approach and presents a contrasting marketing strategy in its place that appears genuine and ethical. Dove presents the consumer with a set of new beauty standards based on their definition of “real women” in place of the dominant beauty ideal. The brand, therefore, seems to make an effort to create ethical advertisements, and thereby makes the real objective (i.e. to get as many people to purchase one or another cosmetic product) seem less important. However, the suggestion that constantly hangs as a shadow over every advertising campaign is if there is such a thing as ethical marketing. What messages does the Real Beauty Campaign actually convey? To answer this question, the following aspects of the campaign will be analyzed: Dove’s first print advertisements that try to challenge the dominant beauty ideal, Dove’s “Tested on Real Curves” advertising that demonstrates how “real women” are supposed to look, and lastly Dove’s film “Sketches” that provides contrasting messages and signs. These three aspects of the campaign were selected because it shows how Dove sets up the conventions for their definition of “real beauty.”

The launch of Dove’s campaign in 2004 does not resemble the regular advertising

approaches of the beauty industry. Namely, it introduced different female models into the world

of advertising that deviated from the beauty ideal as opposed to embodying it. This strategy was

used in order to spark a public debate and invite active audience participation. Every

advertisement featured the same denotative elements: a picture of a smiling, confident woman posing in front of a sober, white background with two question boxes, a text, and the Dove logo.

These women are all different in age, body size, skin type, ethnicity, and so on, and the linguistic message of the question boxes connote that it addresses these issues in relation to the dominant beauty ideal. For example, in one advertisement an Asian woman is shown and her ethnicity is obviously addressed by asking the audience to judge her appearance by checking off one of the two boxes “Single eyelids?” or “Twice as nice?” (See fig. 2). This obviously refers to the insecurities that Asian women face, as their eyes deviate from the dominant Western beauty standard of big eyes. Another example is the advertisement that addresses age with the options:

“Grey?” or “Gorgeous?” and clearly refers to women’s anxieties about aging (See fig. 3). The

question boxes are also followed by a question: “When surgery adds an extra eyelid does it

remove your identity?” and “Why can’t women be glad to be grey?” With these messages, Dove

challenges the dominant beauty ideal in society by insinuating that changing one’s appearance to

conform more to the beauty ideal will make one less authentic and that aging should not be

considered as a negative aspect. By mentioning, “Join the beauty debate” and referring to Dove’s

online platform “campaignforrealbeauty.com,” Dove stimulates the audience to actively engage

in the campaign’s “real beauty” debate on the website’s discussion board.

Fig. 2 “Single Eyelids or Twice as Nice?" Coloribus. Advertisement.N.p. July 2005. Web. 10 Jan. 2015. <http://www.coloribus.com/adsarchive/outdoor/dove-campaign-for-real beauty-single-eyelids-7511505/>.

Fig. 3 “Grey or Gorgeous.” Coloribus. Advertisement.N.p. July 2005. Web. 10 Jan. 2015.

<http://www.coloribus.com/adsarchive/outdoor/dove-campaign-for-real-beauty-grey-or

gorgeous-7511605/>.

The campaign was very positively received by American women who considered Dove’s campaign to be empowering as it tried to dispose of the old restrictive beauty standards for women. Women with deviations from the dominant beauty ideal were finally represented in advertising and even acknowledged as “real women.” However, because of Dove’s efforts to inspire social change by creating a healthier, more inclusive definition of beauty, it is quickly overlooked that the campaign is also exclusive. Dove creates standards of what signifies a “real woman,” and thereby contributes to the myth of femininity. What is concerning about this campaign is that it constructs a very restrictive myth of real women, what they constitute and look like. All the women in Dove’s vote advertisements merely show one slight deviation (small eyes, grey hair) from the dominant beauty ideal, while still conforming to most of the other beauty standards (smooth skin, white teeth, thin, etc). By indicating that they symbolize “real women,” women with more deviations are automatically excluded, as they do not fit within Dove’s new definition of beauty.

The linguistic signifiers in these question box advertisements also work to objectify

women, as their images become objects to be judged. The signs do not allow for debate, since

one is only permitted to choose from two answers. Dove hereby reinforces the beauty ideal by

asking people to judge these women solely on their appearance. Moreover, it sends a message

that a woman’s worth is based on her appearance, and that one’s personality is thus of lesser

importance. By asking the audience to judge the beauty of these women, the campaign confirms

that beauty is determined by others and is limited to one’s appearance. The selection of these

female models because of their facial features essentially objectifies them, as their physical

characteristics are taken advantage of to generate ideological and economic consumption by

female viewers.

On top of that, the advertisements focus solely on those physical characteristics that deviate from the standards of beauty: wrinkles, smaller breasts or eyes, freckles, and so on. This is an example of anchorage, as one would not naturally assume that there is anything wrong with these women if the linguistic message did not point out to the audience to observe these “flaws.”

Moreover, by pointing out these “flaws”, people can engage in downward social comparison, as one tends to look down upon people who have these undesired features. Whereas all the women embody many features that are considered as beautiful semiotic resources –white teeth, beautiful hair, flawless skin, and so on– Dove chose to focus on the single features with negative

connotations that supposedly make these women less attractive. Dove thus sends a message that there will always be something on which to criticize your appearance: too many wrinkles, too small breasts, too fat, or too many blemishes on your face. If these women are already beautiful, why would this campaign emphasize their shortcomings? Whereas Dove’s motto claims that women’s “real beauty” is already present, the campaign signs confirm the opposite. Dove, therefore, still capitalizes on women’s insecurities by communicating that there is always one feature that can be improved.

The second phase of the campaign called “Tested on Real Curves” featured

advertisements for the product-line “Firming.” In 2005 the firming skin lotions were introduced

on the market and showed pictures of six women taken by photographer John Rankin Waddell

(See fig. 4). In this advertisement, the repetition of the visual arrangement, details and technique

make it recognizable as a Dove campaign; women in white underwear, a personal text, and the

Dove logo depicted in a very sober way with a white background and light colors. The slogan

creates a relationship between the product and real women (as defined by Dove), as the text

reveals that the advertised product is meant for women with curves. All Dove ads are white and

light, which radiates a certain openness and optimism. The women are also very natural in terms of hair and skin, they look confident, and smile directly at the camera. By showing happy, natural looking women, the advertisement tries to create positive vibes with the advertised product. On the connotative level, the advertisement generates the myth that buying a Dove cream will lead to an intensification of a “happy existence as a real woman.” When people consume an object, they consume its meaning that it derives from the myth that is attached to the consumer good. The myth created in this campaign manipulates the sign “Dove” until the

consumer no longer associates Dove with skin-care products but with an intense life.

Fig. 4 “Firming.” Inspiration Room. Advertisement. 6 July 2005. Web. 15 Dec. 2014.

http://theinspirationroom.com/daily/2005/dove-firming-tested-on-real-curves/

The advertisement wants to capture people’s interest by shocking them with

unconventional models to provide a new perspective on beauty. In doing so, the advertisement

evokes confrontation with the audience so that they start thinking about beauty and become

involved with Dove’s campaign goal. The symbolic message is thus much more important than purely what the image depicts, as the overall perception that emerges from this advertisement relates to female appearance and the beauty ideal rather than as product promotion. The viewer can only interpret this message when he or she has enough knowledge about Dove’s campaign goals to determine the symbolic meaning, and this is reinforced by the campaign’s linguistic messages.

The linguistic and visual messages of this advertisement are quite contradictory. On the one hand it is step in the good direction that Dove opposes the dominant thin ideal in the media by showing women with curves, on the other hand, it is an insult to tell women that their body needs to be improved or tightened. On the bottle there is a product description that says:

“Elasticity improvement after 24h & proven smoother skin,” which has only positive cultural connotations because it will help women achieve the beauty standards of having a younger, tighter, and flawless skin. This linguistic message is enhanced visually, as the Dove models all look firm and fit. Women whose appearances do not match with this image will engage in upward social comparison with these advertising models and thus experience a discrepancy. The campaign hereby reflects contradictions and conflicts between its ethical cause of making women more secure of themselves and its beauty products. The set of beliefs and values that is reflected in this advertisement falls under the term ideology. While Dove tries to redefine the definition of beauty in society, it nevertheless holds on to the thought that cellulite and a sagging skin do not belong in an advertisement. The advertising signs link a flawless skin with “real beauty,” and “real beauty” as achievable by consuming Dove products. It hereby underpins women’s identity as a consumer and upholds feminine beauty as the prevailing ideology.

Another criticism is that this campaign is exclusive, since the representation of “real

women” is not a reflection of the average woman in American society. The campaign features predominantly slender and young women who still embody most of the standards of the dominant beauty ideal, which again excludes women with more deviations (such as wrinkles, acne, scars, yellow teeth, etc.). Moreover, the campaign sets having curves as a standard that constitutes “realness,” as if all women are naturally born with curves. The campaign hereby excludes women who are not naturally curvaceous. Dove’s claim that real women have curves is problematic, since being less curvaceous does not mean that one is less of a woman. Through a series of meanings about what a real woman constitutes, the Dove advertisement thus contributes to a fundamental myth of “the woman.”

“You are more beautiful than you think” is the message of Dove’s new movie “Dove Real Beauty Sketches,” which has been viewed more than 65 million times online. The film starts off with a vague and dark close up of a man. The film then shows the man in a large and light room, and his name (Gil Zamora) and function (FBI Trained Forensic Artist) are shown in the left corner of the screen. By showing the sketch artist’s credentials, the film tries to give the viewer a sense of trustworthiness. After his introduction, a middle-aged, blond woman

“Florence” appears in the screen, saying, “I showed up to a place I have never been, and there was a guy with a drafting board” (“Dove Real” 0.07-0.08). Subsequently, more women appear who also speak about their experience: “I did not know what he was doing, but then I could tell after several questions that he was drawing me” (“Dove Real” 0.17-0.22). These specific dialogues function as an eyewitness account and give the film a documentary character, which makes it seem more authentic to the viewer.

In the next scenes the women describe themselves to the artist and, in so doing; they

constantly show signs that reinforce the dominant beauty standards. One woman describes

herself as having “a fat, rounder face” and is shown wiping her eyes as if it is something sad (“Dove Real” 0.38-0.40). Subsequently, we hear another woman say “the older I have gotten, the more freckled I have gotten” in such a tone that again implies some presence of negativity (“Dove Real” 0.41-.0.43). Another woman says, “I would say I have a pretty big forehead”

(“Dove Real” 0.44-0.46). While her tone seems neutral, we do not see her face when she actually uttered these words, but we are shown a different recording of her looking down and slightly sad, again implying that this deviation from the beauty ideal is something negative. These scenes thus all signify negative connotations with deviations from dominant beauty standards.

After the sketch artist is done with drawing the women based on their self-descriptions, Florence appears again. She explains that she “had to get friendly with this other woman, Chloe”

(“Dove Real” 0.57-1.01). Subsequently, Chloe is shown when describing Florence’s facial features to the sketch artist. When Chloe describes Florence’s chin as “a nice, thin chin,” the viewer is simultaneously shown a recording of Florence who is smiling (“Dove Real” 1.15-1.17).

This sense of happiness associated with having a thin chin links positive connotations to the word “thin.” Connecting positive connotations to dominant beauty standards and negative connotations to deviations of this standard is obvious during the entire film, and it increases as soon as both portraits of the women are revealed. One woman “Kela” says that: “She looks closed off and fatter. Sadder too. The second one looks more open. Friendly and happy” (“Dove Real” 2.00-2.10) (see fig. 5). By linking the first “fatter” portrait to sadness and the second

“skinnier” portrait to happiness, it is again repeated that beauty and a woman’s state of mind are

connected.