Blended social (public) and commercial (private) space : an exploratory study into power relations, perceptions and experiences of contemporary urban spaces

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Blended Social (public) and

Commercial (private) Space:

An exploratory study into power

relations, perceptions and

experiences of contemporary urban

spaces

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Master Thesis

Alannah O’Brien-McDonald Student Number: 11120118

Date of Submission: 15th_{of August, 2016}

Master of Science in Human Geography (Urban Geography)

Graduate School of Social Sciences University of Amsterdam

Thesis Supervisor: Professor Jan Nijman Second Reader: Professor Lia Karsten

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Abstract

The current consumer driven society has played a significant role in shaping urban public space, which is increasingly concerned with economic functions. The literature responding to this change has largely been concerned with political expression and citizenship rights under the idea that public space is crucial to democracy, with little attention given to the notion that public space is expanding and taking on new forms. This study argues that the traditional public-private spatial distinctions have become blended, necessitating a reinterpretation of public space. Despite civic and economic roles of public space the experience remains intrinsically social and thus the idea of social (public) space should form substantial typology.

Using the case of de 9 Straatjes this thesis highlights the necessity to view public space under this new typology. The exploration of perceptions and experiences of visitors to social (public) space then reaffirms this, highlighting that despite

commercial (private) activity the core of public space remains social. This empirical component also highlights a necessity for an effective form of urban governance. This comes as the mediation of public space has become increasingly ambiguous in the blended zone between public and private (commercial). Thus, the topic of power relations is a key point of analysis under this typology. This thesis ultimately highlights the necessity to view public space as multifunctional, yet to be studied under broad typologies.

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List of Figures

Figure 1: Attributes, Intangibles and Measurements of a Great Place...23

Figure 2: Conceptual Model...32

Figure 3: de 9 Straatjes Location in Central Amsterdam...38

Figure 4: Hartenstraat, de 9 Straatjes, Amsterdam...39

Figure 5: Consumption and leisure businesses in de 9 Straatjes and Immediate Surroundings (overview)...40

Figure 6: Consumption and leisure businesses in de 9 Straatjes and Immediate Surroundings (detail)...42

Figure 7: Most Mentioned Descriptive Words...52

Figure 8: Most Mentioned Comparative Words...64

Figure 9: Perception of Space – social, public, commercial...65

Figure 10: Garbage on Wolvenstraat...68

Figure 11: Merchandise on Display in de 9 Straatjes...73

Figure 12: Tables and Chairs on the Footpath in de 9 Straatjes...74

Figure 13: Unpermitted Bench on de 9 Straatjes...74

List of Tables

Table 1: Research Design Summary...44

Table 2: Variables and Indicators of Power Relations...51

Table 3: Variables and Indicators of Pedestrian Visitor Perception and Experience...52

Table 4: Summary of Data Collection...54

Table 5: Interview Respondents...57

Table 6: Survey Respondents...57

Table 7: Coded Descriptive Words...61

Table 8: Perceived Desirable and Undesirable Features...63

Table 9: Reasons for Difficulty Walking...66

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“A space exists when one takes into consideration vectors of direction, velocities, and time variables. Thus space is composed of intersections of mobile elements. It is in a sense actuated by the ensemble of movements deployed within it. Space occurs as the effect produced by the operations that orient it, situate it, temporalize it and make it function in a polyvalent unity of conflictual programs or contractual proximities”

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1. Introduction

Contemporary cities have many roles and functions; they are circuits of capital accumulation directing investment flows (Harvey, 1978); they are spectacles, mediating images and cultural displays that attract capital (Debord, 1994); they are meeting places for social encounters (Lefebvre, 1991; Gehl, 2013); and increasingly, they are sites of conspicuous and expressive consumption – fulfilling ‘wants and desires’ (Mullins et al., 1999, p.47). Importantly, cities and their spaces are sites of continuous change, affected both directly and indirectly by economic, political and social factors. A strong example of this is seen in Western cities, which have experienced drastic changes in their economic role and function throughout the second half of the twentieth century — all altering the way space is practiced, perceived and experienced (Dicken, 2011; Madanipour, 2006; Scott, 2000).

Yet above all, people drive the creation, transformation and experiences of cities and their spaces. Urban spaces are actively produced; they are relational and intrinsically social (de Certeau, 1984; Lefebvre, 1991). As de Certeau contends, ‘space occurs as the effect produced by the operations that orient it, situate it, temporalize it and make it function in a polyvalent unity of conflictual programs or contractual proximities’ (de Certeau 1984, p.117). In other words, urban spaces are products of everyday functions, the needs, wants and the desires of citizens.

These studies of the production of space, the social life of urban spaces and the creation of places for people have long been points for discussion among urban thinkers (Lefebvre, 1991; Whyte, 1980; Gehl 2011). In particular, public space has been a focus for urban scholars as the civic role of public space is argued to be a vital

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component of democracy and citizenship. This is a notion supported by a lineage of urban thinkers — beginning with classical Greek philosophers of the Agora,

extending to theorists of urban modernity such as Jacobs, Simmel, Lefebvre and Benjamin and contemporary scholars such as Sennet and Zukin (Amin, 2008 p.6). Increasingly however, contemporary scholars have focused largely on the contested, ambiguous and contingent role of public space within society (Sorkin, 1992; Staeheli and Mitchell, 2008; Kohn, 2004). This comes as a result of privatisation and

commercialisation of space, exacerbated by neoliberal policies, globalisation and the emergence of the creative economy over the last several decades. Ultimately, this is changing the way we should be thinking about and conceptualising urban public space.

1.1. Commercialisation of Cities, Space and Society

To begin, the contexts of cities are changing, as they find new significance amidst a globalising world (Madanipour, 2006, p.175). As a result, the contemporary Western city, the space it is comprised of and urban society are significantly characterised by inwardly focussed planning, commercialisation, commodification and consumerism (Carmona, 2010, p.134). The restructuring of the political economy towards

neoliberalism during the second half of the twentieth century facilitated a surge in the privatisation of urban space. Subsequently urban space has been subject to large-scale reinvestment and redevelopment, inwardly focussed in nature, as it moves away from civic ownership and function (Orum and Neal, 2010, p.203; Mieg and Topfer, 2013, p.130). Globalisation and the restructuring of the global division of labour have triggered deindustrialisation in a majority of Western cities. As the traditional urban industries that characterised cities during the first half of the twentieth century have

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declined, cities have shifted from being sites of production to sites of consumption (Zukin, 1998; Dicken, 2011). Additionally, the improvement of global accessibility and connectivity has largely contributed to the commodification of culture, in form of both tangible products and experiences (Lorentzen, 2008; Scott, 2000). This has led to the interaction of people as consumers, within space and time, rising to the forefront of research across eclectic fields of enquiry (Goodman, 2010; Mansvelt, 2012).

This global shift is marked by a new economy — the cognitive economy of creative, cultural and service industries, which Madanipour states will turn the city into ‘a locus of exchange; for ideas, goods and services to be traded via the abstract medium of money, in face-to-face or mediated marketplaces’ (2006, p.176). It is in this new economy that has led cities to strategise to become globally competitive and relevant as attractive places, to work, to live and to visit (Landry, 2008). In particular, this is directed towards local and international investment, the attraction and retention of talent, tourism and the experience economy (Hartley, 2005; Dicken, 2011; Scott, 2000, p.2; Lorentzen, 2009). In this way, the city itself has become a commodity for trade. Subsequently, cities are now experiencing an urban renaissance with significant reinvestment and urban redevelopment after sustained periods of disinvestment during deindustrialisation (Atkinson, 2004; Gehl, 2010). In particular third spaces have become a focus for redevelopments. These are spaces outside of the home or work where people can live and experience (Oldenburg, 1989). Inherently social and usually characterised by leisure activities and consumption, third spaces epitomise a blending of social (public) and commercial (private) space.

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1.2. Research Objective

This research proposes that the current consumer oriented society, through the social production of space, has blended traditionally distinct conceptions of public and commercial space. In particular, commercial and consumption activity in public space are interesting, as many scholars have claimed this undermines the nature of public space, which should solely concern civic and political roles (Amin, 2008; Banerjee, 2001). As third spaces are now a crucial component in the new urban economy, public sector strategies increasingly target them. This newfound responsibility in public urban intervention comes after sustained periods of largely relying on private development in regards to culture, leisure and conspicuous consumption under the free-market.

The tangible context of this study is the street as although it is in principle a public space, it is increasingly recognised as a culturally and socially significant habitus. In this way ‘public and private entities’ are defined for this research. Two key questions the guide this study are — what is the nature of power relations between public and private sectors in social public space? And, how is the street, as a social public space, experienced and perceived by pedestrian visitors?

The case study for this research is de 9 Straatjes in Amsterdam, an area with a long history of redevelopment, which is now one of Amsterdam’s most desirable third spaces. A mixed method approach is applied to this study, including interviews, surveys and observations, to respond to the above questions and determine the key themes, features and concerns in contemporary urban spaces. As this is exploratory research, with an unclearly defined problem, the study aims to generate more

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questions than it answers. There are three primary objectives of this study; first, the development of a clear literature review and conceptual framework from which to study contemporary urban space as a social (public) space; second the empirical inquiry into power relations and the public perception and experience of such space and finally; the proposition of future research recommendations.

1.3. Relevance of the Topic

In the contemporary city, the public and private realms are intertwined, through a shared nature marked as being intrinsically social, yet increasingly concerned with economic functions. As public markets and consumption spaces continue to prosper, café customers spill out onto public sidewalks and the consumer society in the contemporary commodified city evolves, the study of such spaces, the experience of them and the relationship between the public and private realms must evolve with them. Thus, underpinning the importance of this topic is the role of urban space in economy, culture and society. By researching the nature of contemporary urban space, its role and function, the way it is governed and the attributes that impact experience, there are better opportunities to shape policy and direct the planning and design of such spaces, by both tangible and intangible measures. However, it must be noted that this research does aim to directly shape policy and planning but rather generate new ideas into the contemporary urban public space discourse.

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2. Literature Review

A typology of public space as ‘social (public) space’ is explored in thesis with a particular focus on perceptions and experiences of visitors and the power relations within such spaces. As introduced above, the empirical component explores the case of de 9 Straatjes in Amsterdam and presents findings these important topics. First however, the following literature review frames the subsequent study by exploring and discussing the key ideas and the relevant theories and debates, across many fields of enquiry. The general focus of this literature review is the linking of classical urban thought with key ideas in urban planning scholarship. In other words, this is the connecting of scholarship on topics of the social life of urban spaces with more practical urban planning concepts such as urban interventions for the improvement of walkability. By exploring literature within disciplines of urbanplanning and urban, economic, cultural and social geographies, the literature review will frame the study in an interdisciplinary manner, enabling it to be both comprehensive and flexible in its scope. Further, as the research conducted is to be exploratory, the flexibility of an interdisciplinary approach is crucial (Tukey, 1977; Stebbins, 2001).

Within this analysis space and place will be defined. This is followed by an enquiry into public space, its contested and ambiguous role and function in society and the way it is taking on new forms in the contemporary city. Next, an analysis of literature on third spaces will be conducted; those for leisure and consumption are the focus. Following this, key ideas surrounding attributes and measurements of successful urban spaces are presented. Then, the literature on streets as social public spaces is discussed. Finally, urban interventions with a particular focus on walkability will conclude the literature component of this research. First however, how these topics

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relate will be briefly outlined in the next component on the concept of social (public) space (2.1).

2.1. Core Concept: social (public) space

As aforementioned, the term ‘social (public) space’ is the typology used within this study. This term refers to the proposed blended zone between public and private entities within urban public space. This is the space; much like a third space is where commercial and consumption (private) activity overlaps or operates in close

proximity to public space yet is intrinsically social. The street is a prime example of this and as such is the focus for this study. For instance, the display of merchandise and the presence of tables, chairs and benches on (public) footpaths demonstrate a physical blending, while monetary exchange and consumer presence demonstrate an intangible blending. Expanding on this further and framing this concept, the

following literature on public spaces, third spaces, consumption culture, consumption space, measurements of successful spaces and the social life of streets will be

explored. Though this literature is diverse, it is interrelated through its shared nature of being intrinsically social. For example, consumption culture and space operates within social (public) space. Still more importantly, urban street walkability is explored as an independent variable within this study. This was chosen due to the necessity of urban walkability to the social success of urban public space, as will be discussed in this literature review.

2.2. Space and Place?

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abstract geometries — simply distance, direction, size, shape and volume (Gieryn, 2000; Tuan, 1977; Stedman, 2003). Place rather, is said to be the meaning in space — value, flows, people and practices operating within space (Gieryn, 2000; de Certeau 1984; Harvey, 1996). Equally valid, however, is an interchangeable use of terms space and place or the sole use of the term space. On this, Tuan contends that ‘in experience, the meaning of space often merges with that of place’ (1977, p. 6). Lefebvre, in The Production of Space, solely uses the term ‘space’, arguing that there are three categories of space concerning humans: conceived, lived and perceived (1991, p.33), all of which are meaningful spaces (Merrifield, 1993, p.525; Stedman, 2003). This thesis takes this view and uses the terms interchangeably to express conceived, lived and perceived space.

2.3. Contested, Ambiguous and Contingent Public Space

The role, function and importance of public space, how to define it and what constitutes public, have been key points of scholarly interest for centuries (Ercan, 2007). Such debates are relevant to this study as they highlight the ways in which urban space is taking on new forms within the contemporary consumer-driven society. Therefore a reinterpretation of the role of public space is necessitated.

Overall, the aim of the following analysis is to form a basis from which contemporary urban space can be defined and conceptualised for the subsequent empirical study.

Public spaces are settings where various forms of human oriented exchanges can occur and have long been vital to the political, legal, civic, social, cultural and economic life of cities (Landry, 2008, p.119; Ercan, 2007, p.115). In this way, many of the public spaces we see in cities today are reflections of ancient public spaces.

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Public spaces for democratic political discussion have their roots in the ancient Greek

Agora of the Polis and were extended to the ancient Roman Forum (Mitchell, 1995,

p.116; Ercan, 2007). In a contemporary sense, this idea of public space often forms the definitional basis — as space for democratic expression. Simultaneously however, these ancient public spaces were functional market places, thoroughfares and meeting places and as such were social spaces. In this space, ‘politics, commerce and spectacle were juxtaposed and intermingled’ paralleling their contemporary role and function (Mitchell, 1995, p.116). However despite public spaces being multifunctional, many scholars have placed exclusive emphasis on civic roles when defining contemporary public spaces. They see political, legal and social activities as the sole function of public spaces, actively excluding any commercial or economic roles. Among many examples, public spaces are defined by UN-Habitat III as ‘…places publicly owned or of public use, accessible and enjoyable by all for free and without profit motive’ (2015).

Undoubtedly, commercial activity in public space has increased (Orum and Neal, 2010). As aforementioned, the privatisation, commercialisation and commodification of public space has been exacerbated by the shift of the urban political economy towards neoliberalism and the evolving demand of citizens in the new creative economy (Banerjee, 2001, p.9; Orum and Neal, 2010, p. 203). Since the period of privatisation, scholars have argued that it has caused a decline in urban public life. The anti-commodification rhetoric claims the ‘disappearance’, ‘the end’ and the ‘death’ of public space (Mitchell, 1995; Carr et al., 1992, p.1; Banerjee, 2001, p.9). This is even in the case of small local vendors who are said to contribute to this spatial apocalypse by ‘gradually taking over more and more public space’ (Kohn,

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2004, p.5; Mitchell, 1995). These academics argue that the traditional civic culture of public space is being replaced with privatised, inwardly focussed urban space. This is usually in form of corporate plazas and shopping malls, but also extends to

traditionally public streets, squares and open spaces (Banerjee, 2001, p.12).

The quasi-public nature of these privatised social spaces is heavily criticised as it is often subject to high levels of exclusion, strict boundaries and relies on consumerism for entry. Banerjee insists such spaces are in fact pseudo-public – as ‘access to and use of the space is only a privilege, not a right’ (2001, p.12). In many cases, privatisation, commodification and commercialisation has resulted in an economic role of public space insofar that governance of such space is primarily in economic interest (Mitchell, 1995, Ercan, 2007, p.126). More specifically, private management determines access of space based on a goal of capital accumulation (Atkinson, 2003 p.1834).

Thus while economic and commercial (private) activity has always had a role in public space, it is increasingly surpassing civic roles. In other words, these spaces, which are perceived as either public-private or private-public, only create the illusion of being public, yet in reality they are dominating by the private sector — both in ownership and governance. Yet many of those who declare the death of public space are guilty of romanticising the historical role of public space as being inclusive, open and accessible. This view disregards the historical exclusion of many groups based on their age, gender, ethnicity and religion from both public space and public life (Carmona, 2010, p.161; Fyfe, 1998).

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Others, however, have argued that there has been an alteration to the traditional understanding of public space, as it is now taking on new forms amidst an urban renaissance (Mitchell, 1995, 115; Carr et al., 1992, p.1; Hou, 2010, p.2). It is said that public space can no longer simply be thought of as the typical parks, squares and open spaces — it now encompasses a much broader definition (Amin, 2008, p.7-8; Hou, 2010, p.2). Increasingly, non-traditional public spaces are being recognised for their alternative utility. For instance, redundant spaces such as brownfields sites are being redeveloped, reimagined and reinvented to better suit the needs of such contemporary urban society. Most relevant to this research is the reinvention of public streets as social spaces — which will be discussed in a later component of this literature review.

First however, the exclusion of economic activity from the definition of public space must be elaborated upon further. Profit-motive, economic flows and commercial activity by any other name, are all operating around us in the contemporary city. Consider those small-scale vendor carts, market stalls, café and restaurant chairs, commercial goods on display outside stores, street performers or buskers — all operating on public streets, sidewalks and squares, on any given day, in any given city. In this way, the relationship between the public and private realms can be characterised as fluid, rendering measurements of contemporary public space by archetypal definitions inapt. Public space is not decreasing or disappearing, rather, it is expanding, by taking on new roles and functions within contemporary society, such as third spaces.

Further, despite commodification, consumerism and privatisation, at its core, public space remains intrinsically social. Amin argues this point stating:

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“Even the most frenzied and commoditized forms of urban consumption have not displaced the inquisitiveness, enchantment and studied regard for others nostalgically reserved for the city of great public exhibitions, flânerie and public deliberation. Through and beyond the consumption and leisure

practices, the experience of public space remains one of sociability and social recognition and general acceptance of the codes of civic conduct and the benefits of access to collective public resources. It continues to be an

experience that supports awareness of the commons, perhaps falling short of fostering active involvement in the life of a city, but still underpinning

sociability and civic sensibility.”

(2008, p.7-8).

Thus, despite the increasing economic role of public space, the social nature of consumption and leisure stays true to the significance of public space in society. Still more, while consumption and leisure spaces may not be inclusive of all people, they do not aim to undermine the civic role of public space. Therefore certainly it is necessary to view public space in a much less structured manner than many scholars have allowed for in the past, by accommodating the new duality of public and commercial (private) functions in contemporary urban space. It is the social core of public space that is how it can best be defined and conceptualised. Further, as leisure and consumption activities have become increasingly characteristic of public space, they are often synonymous with third spaces.

Perhaps then, in recognising the multi-functional nature of public space, it is necessary to sub-categorise it, defined by its use. For instance, Carmona’s work towards a new typology of public space proposes among many: a social or third public space, for leisure and entertainment purposes, a civic public space such as a

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square or street for various functions, a movement space, usually for transportation needs and a ‘internalized’ public space such as a shopping mall or corporate plaza (Carmona, 2010, p.169-70). This idea, however, is not without its limitations and has inevitable cross over between functions. For the purposes of this study, the term ‘social (public) space’ refers to the blended zone between public and private space. This is the space, much like a third space is where commercial and consumption activity operates yet is in overlap or close proximity to public space (for example the street or footpath), yet is intrinsically social. This is presented in a conceptual model in the subsequent chapter of this study (section 3.4). Having explored the key debates on public space, the rise of third spaces for leisure and consumption and the nature of these spaces will now be discussed.

2.4. Third Spaces as Public Spaces

The contemporary Western city has largely been redeveloped around third spaces — places outside of home or work, where people can live (Oldenburg, 1989). Banerjee contends that beyond the almost inseparable links drawn between the public life and civic affairs, there is another aspect of public life worthy of attention — that which is ‘derived from our desire for relaxation, social contact, entertainment, leisure and simply having a good time’ (2001, p.14). In this way, third spaces are inherently social and are desirable based on their ambiance, aesthetic value, experience, potential for encounter and serendipity (Oldenburg, 1989; Landry, 2008). They are spaces for flânerie, to saunter, stroll and to linger but also spaces for activity and interaction, all in means of leisure and enjoyment, dependent on the preferences of the individual. Banerjee further specifies third spaces as the following:

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“These are places such as bars or taverns, beauty salons, pool halls, sidewalk cafés and the like. There are culture-specific third places — the pubs of England, sidewalk cafés of Paris and beer gardens of Germany, for example — that have been historically associated with the culture and urbanism of different cities.”

(2001, p.14).

As discussed above, it is often argued these venues are quasi-public spaces, as their entry relies on consumerism. Yet, contemporary third spaces, shaped by

consumerism, have become synonymous with social (public) spaces, particularly when these commercial (private) entities extend beyond the confines of a private building and into the public space. For example, the above mentioned small-scale vendor carts, market stalls, café and restaurant chairs, merchandise displays and street performers or buskers — all operating on public streets, sidewalks and squares. Thus, this thesis takes the premise that third spaces have become a new norm for social (public) spaces and refers to them as such.

2.4.1. Consumption Culture

Our everyday actions and interactions forge a consumer identity. From food that we eat to the clothes we wear and places we use for leisure, each of these acts create an environment where we all act as a form of consumers (Goodman, 2010). Over the last thirty years or so, the literature on consumption cultures has rapidly developed across eclectic disciplines in response to the increasing significance of consumerism in society (Mansvelt, 2012, p.47). As such, it now holds a firm place in scholarship, particularly within the social sciences. However, many studies have focussed on

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economic and psychological perspectives of shopping and consumption, seldom exploring its socio-cultural importance.

Those who have attempted to tackle consumption in this way, have defined it in dynamic and broad terms – as movement within space, based on possibility but not subject to monetary exchange (Bäckström, 2011; Lehtonen and Mäenpää, 1997, p. 143).Mansvelt in citing Goodman (2010), states that the practice of consumption is the bringing together of ‘the spectacular and the mundane, space and place, material and the discursive, local and global and culture and economy’ (2012, p.60). It can be conceptualised as the making of space and place through, but not exclusive to, the practices of looking, browsing, strolling, social engagements and monetary exchanges (Goodman et al., 2009, p.5).

2.4.2. Consumption Spaces

Consumption spaces for both necessity and luxury have long contributed to the social and cultural identity of cities globally. Beginning with ancient marketplaces – in the Agora, Forum and bazaars further east, commerce was intertwined with politics, religion and social encounters. The nineteenth century Parisian arcades and

department stores as consumption sites were (and continue to be) inherently inscribed in the image of the city. In a contemporary sense, society is increasingly characterised by expressive consumerism – satisfying wants and desires for means of leisure and enjoyment (Mullins et al., 1999). As such, the development of postmodern

consumption sites has been considered in spatial synthesis with activities of both leisure and consumption, which had previously been ‘separated by different locations, performed at different times or by different people’ (Shields, 2003, p.5-6). The

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commodities in their own right, contributing to the city brand and spectacle (Debord, 1994; Riza et al., 2012).For these reasons, social (public) spaces can be viewed as a public policy topic, particularly in the contemporary creative city.

As Banerjee states that the Parisian arcades as both consumption and public spaces, are the ‘precursor of modern department stores, shopping malls’ and most importantly for this research ‘the invented streets—streets created as stage sets—of the Western world’ (2001, p.14). This thesis takes the view that consumption, as a socio-cultural activity plays an important role in shaping contemporary urban spaces, through active engagement in physical and more intangible ways. Architecture, display, interaction, encounter, engagement and exchange, all contribute to providing an unmatched sense of social satisfaction.

2.5. Authenticity of Social Spaces

Importantly, ownership and large-scale privatisation contribute to the identity of the shopping street or consumption site. Large transnational ownership of consumption sites (including streets, malls etc.) and the businesses within these spaces depicts a site of cultural homogeneity. A strong local, unique and authentic cultural identity, however, is upheld through small-scale social interactions in consumption sites. This, Zukin argues, lies in the ‘rootedness of individually owned shops in local economies; and by the on-going cultural negotiation, on the part of store owners, customers and habitués, of two cardinal principles of urban life: familiarity and strangeness’ (2012, p.282). This notion initiates enquiry into the authenticity of contemporary urban spaces. Much has been written on the topic of urban authenticity (see Zukin 2008; Zukin, 2012; Carmona, 2003), however, this concept has yet to be full explored in the

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debate of reimagining contemporary urban public spaces as social (public) space.

2.6. Attributes and Measurements of a Successful Urban Spaces

We know from the above literature that people drive the production of space, through movement, motion, encounter, social activities and simply being in the city. Yet, until recent years, planning had focused more on physical attributes of public space, rather than public life. However, both hard and soft infrastructure must be considered. Hard infrastructure is the physical buildings, roads and monuments that make up the urban landscape and in many places create images contributing to the cities spectacle (Carmona, 2003, p. 244). The soft infrastructure rather, is concerned with human interaction with space. It is the meetings, exchanges, flows, ideas and networks that operated within the city (Landry, 2008). This soft infrastructure is how place making -can be best practiced — by designing urban environments in a way that fosters social interactions between people (Landry, 2008; Lefebvre, 1991; Carmona, 2003, p. 244).

The human dimension is a concept that has recently emerged in literature and is increasingly employed in best-practice place making strategy and policy globally. Under New Urbanist thought, the human dimension is about reinventing urban spaces at human scale, fostering human movement and connectivity and essentially, spaces (or places) for people (Gehl, 2013). This comes after several decades (since the mid-twentieth century) of Modernist redevelopment around automobile use to

accommodate rapidly increasing use of private cars (Southworth, 2005; Tolley, 2003, p.52). This era completely transformed the urban landscape, accommodating sprawl, facilitating spatial fragmentation and ultimately obstructions to pedestrian movement

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were typically perceived as hard infrastructure — thoroughfares for automobiles and spaces for the transportation of goods (Jabobs, 1993, p.1). In attempts to reverse this, increasing attention being paid to how people experience space and the benefits of fostering social-consumer experiences. In this way, planning should focus on public life (Banerjee, 2001, p.19).

The success of planning in this way is evidenced in many cases where human oriented improvements to the urban form have invited people to stay in and experience urban space, having a direct impact on the pedestrian use of the city (Gehl, 2013). For example, the work of Gehl fostering walkability and social interactions has proven successful in cities globally, including New York, London, Melbourne and Istanbul (Gehl, 2016). In short, both flânerie and third spaces are increasingly defining the success of urban public life (Banerjee, 2001, p.14). As such urban space is being reinvented in this way — as aforementioned, this includes fostering aesthetic qualities, ambiance, experience, activity, interaction, the potential for encounter and serendipity and the ability to saunter, stroll and to linger — all in means of leisure and enjoyment (Oldenburg, 1989; Landry, 2008; Banerjee, 2001, p.14). While measuring these attributes is difficult due to their subjective nature, a number of

conceptualisations of this have recently emerged on how to do so.

Importantly however, the attributes of contemporary urban spaces should be holistic — considering space beyond the ‘glamorous’ entertainment hubs and

including the ‘everyday, mundane, the ordinary and the drabness which makes up life for urban dwellers’, (Chatterton, 2000, p.393). A holistic conceptualisation can be seen in the work of Project for Public Spaces, who focus on key attributes being the ‘sociability, uses and activities, access and linkages, comfort and image’, in

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successful places. Figure 1 demonstrates the key attributes, intangibles and how they can best be measured.

Figure 1: Attributes, Intangibles and Measurements of a Great Place

Source: Project for Public Spaces, 2016

Drawing from Figure 1, this study is primarily concerned with measurements of street life and pedestrian activity.While there is a wide range of human oriented

interventions in action, this research will focus on the notions of using streets as places and urban walkability, reflecting some of the key themes discussed thus far in this review. In summary, this is an important point for analysis due to the increasing attention given to the street’s potential to be far more than hard infrastructure,

thoroughfares for automobiles or spaces for the transportation of goods (Jacobs, 1993, p.1).

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2.7. Streets as Social (Public) Spaces

The following component of the literature review aims to draw together the key ideas presented thus far and place them into a tangible context – the street. According to Mehta, streets are ‘the most immediate and ubiquitous public spaces that support myriad cultural, economic, political and social activities’ (2013, p. 1). In streets the boundary between public and private realms in space is often fluid, blurred or conflicting, making power relations and the experience of them as social spaces important and interesting points to study.

The street has long been a site of both social spectacle and economic activity and as such, has featured extensively in urban literature, spanning from their longstanding role in the social life of cities to their importance in facilitating urban connectivity (see Banerjee, 2001; Mehta, 2013; Gehl, 2013). Drawn from Jacob’s

conceptualisation, Tonkiss states that the street can be perceived as the ‘basic unit of public life’ as a place of ‘informal encounter’ which is based on collective right to public space (2005, p.67-68).Though such sidewalk interactions may appear ‘random and unpurposeful’, Jacobs contends they are ‘the small change from which a city’s wealth of public life may grow’ (1965, p.48). Whyte contends, that ‘the street is the river of life of the city, the place where we come together…” (1988, p.7).

Historically, Roman streets were civically governed serving as thoroughfares, yet developed strong identities as pedestrian oriented spaces for ‘religious, commercial, political, leisure, communication and other social purposes’ (Mehta, 2013, p.30). Again, this is paralleled in contemporary society, where in recent years, there has been a return towards human oriented view of the street, as it is increasingly being

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recognised as a social space, often hosting leisure and consumption activities. Yet, Zukin argues that the shopping street as a public space is still too often overlooked in policy and planning, due the visually and socially chaotic nature and their dependence on capital accumulation (2012, p.282).

However, many cities have been quick to utilise streets — reinventing,

redeveloping, and marketing them as commodities in their own right. Reflecting on Debord’s notion of the spectacle, the shopping street is able build upon the social relationship between people that is mediated by images (Debord, 1994). In this way, ‘everyday shopping activities are foregrounded as if on a theatre stage, to be observed by passers-by who may vicariously participate in the bustle and lively activity of consumption without necessarily spending money’ (Shields, 2003, p.6). On this topic, Zukin contends that streets are ‘social spaces where cultural identities are formed, learned and reproduced’ (2012, p.282). Thus, the street can be thought of as a complex and dynamic habitus (Zukin et al., 2016).

2.8. Urban Walkability

Having assessed the attributes and measurements of successful places and explored the street as a social space and context for consumption and leisure, this literature review now looks to walkability. While there are many human-oriented place making, planning and design interventions in which operate with similar goals of fostering improved third spaces this research has chosen to focus on walkability as an intervention and independent variable due to its relevance to the practice of consumption and the street.

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To begin, what is meant by walkability must be defined as the term is used in both academic discourse and public discussion to refer to various phenomena (Forsyth, 2015). For example, the literature on walkability has spanned from fields of urban health, design and planning to economic, social and cultural geographies. As this research is concerned with conceptions with social, public and commercial space, it uses the term walkability to describe a proxy, which fosters social interactions, enhances conviviality and improves economic opportunity for businesses (Forsyth, 2015). Borrowed from Southworth is the following definition is followed in this study:

“Walkability is the extent to which the built environment supports and encourages walking by providing for pedestrian comfort and safety, connecting people with varied destinations within a reasonable amount of time and effort, and offering visual interest in journeys throughout the network.”

(2005, p. 247).

The notion of walking the city has long been held in positive view by urban thinkers. In 1972 Jane Jacobs wrote of the ‘importance of streets and sidewalks to the

unplanned interaction of strangers and the role these interactions play in maintaining safe urban areas’ (from Middleton, 2011). In 1984, de Certeau asserted that pedestrian movements are ‘real systems whose existence in fact makes up the city’ (p.235). More recently, Southworth states that ‘a focus on the walkable city will transform the way we live in fundamental ways, benefiting human health, social relations, and the natural environment’ (2005, p. 255). De Certeau’s work can be seen as a

romanticisation of urban walking, with little consideration into urban form and thus pedestrian networks being political products (Middleton, 2011). Despite this,

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pedestrian movement remains crucial to the success of space, ambiance and vibe, all relevant to social spaces. In this way, perceived walkability is an independent variable of social spaces.

One of the fundamental debates within urban walkability discussion surrounds the potential social and economic benefits of either permanent or intermittent

pedestrianisation (Middleton, 2011; Sastre et al., 2013). Oxford Street of London and The Champs-Élysées of Paris, being central streets in large global cities, have been among the most talked about, as pedestrians battle motor traffic for space along the already expansive streets (Greenfield, 2016). Many scholars and planners have argued the pedestrianisation of urban areas, as apart of regeneration strategies is beneficial to the city and key stakeholders, environmentally, economically and socially (Gehl, 2013; Drennen, 2003; Sastre et al., 2013). However, the beliefs that car accessibility to main streets and the proximity of the street to parking spaces are vital for trade, has led to much contestation to pedestrianisation proposals1 (Sastre et al., 2013).

Additionally, contestation has arisen in cases where pedestrianisation is believed to shift heavy traffic to smaller neighbouring streets (Sastre et al., 2013).

Yet, under New Urbanism redevelopments, walkability has increased and proved beneficial in many cases, both economically and socially (See Gehl, 2016 for

example). Despite this, Whitehead et al. argue that ‘the link between urban quality improvements and economic activity is underdeveloped’ future research should aim to ‘understand how urban quality change is perceived by the different categories of actors involved, and by individuals in their various and combined roles as residents,

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workers, shoppers, tourists’ (2006, p.10). Nevertheless, considering both contestations by local businesses and logistical hindrances, intermittent pedestrianisation appears a reliable method —particularly for areas surrounded by small, inaccessible streets. Yet, this is a point for further empirical analysis to be explored in Chapter 7. Next

however, the core concepts discussed thus far are brought together to explain their interconnectedness under the typology of social (public) space.

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3. Conceptual Framework

The following chapter summarises the literature gap, outlines the core concepts developed in the literature review and aligns relevant research questions. Next, the conceptual model that this study follows is presented. Lastly, the hypotheses and research goals are stated.

3.1. Literature Gap

As highlighted in the literature review, the existing debates on public space largely neglect its changing significance in society. Though politics, culture and commerce have long operated concurrently in public space the changing contexts of cities and demands of society has sparkedan onset of change, whereby commercial and private space is blending. On this, scholarship has tended to explore a decline of the public realm, seeing the city as a site of struggle and contradiction. Mitchell (1995 & 2003) and Harvey (1978 & 2008) demonstrate this in a clear focus on citizenship and democracy. Few scholars, however, have explored in-depth or empirically social (public) space. Rather, this idea is merely implied in works by Carmona (2010), Amin (2008) and Banerjee (2001). Thus, while scholars have extensively written on public spaces, third spaces, consumption culture and consumption spaces as separate, unrelated or even competing topics, there have been very few attempts to bring them together to describe the nature of contemporary urban space. As such, it is evident that there is a demand for research into the increasingly economic role of public space, with a particular view of the blending of the public and private realms – a study into social (public) space and commercial (private) activity.

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Still more, the case of Amsterdam in regard to many of these individual topics is currently understudied. The existing scholarship using the case of Amsterdam has largely focussed on studies of creative cities and tourism, with few writing on contemporary public spaces and very few exploring consumption spaces and third space.

3.2. Research Questions

This study takes de Certeau’s premise that — ‘space occurs as the effect produced by the operations that orient it, situate it, temporalize it and make it function in a

polyvalent unity of conflictual programs or contractual proximities’ (1984, p.117). Contemporary public spaces are products of everyday functions, the needs, wants and the desires of citizens, which as highlighted in the literature review, are largely characterised by economic functions and consumerism in contemporary society. Thus the archetypal distinction between public and private has become blurred,

necessitating a reinterpretation of urban public space. Consequently, many questions have arisen. Drawing from the above debates and motivated by the gap in the

literature and a need for an enquiry into how contemporary urban space functions this component of the study will now synthesise the core concepts from which the

empirical study is framed.

Firstly, as the distinction between the public and the private continues to blur the inevitable collaborative and intersectoral mediation of space is a point for discussion (Banerjee, 2001, p.18). It therefore becomes necessary to ask: what is the nature of power relations between public and private sectors in social public space? Second, the importance of public life to the success of third spaces was a key finding of the

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literature review. The small-scale interactions and local business ownership, which Zukin describes, inherently contribute to civic pride and public life and therefore local, authentic and unique character in such spaces is crucial to identity (Zukin, 2012; Banerjee, 2001, p.20). More specifically, the literature suggests that the utilisation of streets as convivial public spaces is what defines healthy and quality public life and space (Banerjee, 2001, p.20). Still more, this point largely concerns pedestrian activity, which is an important indicator of quality public life as well as commercial success. As such, the following questions must be asked — How is the street, as a social public space, experienced and perceived by pedestrian visitors? Finally, the importance of adaptability to the (continuously) changing demands of urban citizens must be stated. To this point, the following question is asked — what is the future of public space? Though this is not the focus of this study, it forms the basis for the future research recommendations.

The following two questions form the basis for the subsequent empirical analysis of this study:

 What is the nature of power relations between public and private sectors in social public space?

 How is the street, as a social public space, experienced and perceived by pedestrian visitors?

3.3. Conceptual Model

Figure 2 shows the conceptual model for this study, as developed from the literature review and the outlined key questions. Of particular importance in this figure are the

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power relations between public and private that are practiced within the ‘blended zone’ of social (public) space.

Figure 2: Conceptual Model

Source: O’Brien-McDonald, 2016

3.4. Hypotheses

The hypotheses for this research are as follows:

 The case of de 9 Straatjes, as a social (public) space demonstrates the blending of typically distinct public and private entities

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 Visitors to de 9 Straatjes perceive the area as being social above public and commercial but recognise the duality.

 Drawing from the ideas of Lefebvre and de Certeau on the production of

space (Lefebvre, 1991; de Certeau, 1984, p.117) pedestrian visitors to social (public) spaces are concerned with walkability, perhaps obliviously, as movement producing social space.

 Exploring experiences and perceptions of visitors to de 9 Straatjes can generate new ideas, topics and themes for subsequent research on social (public) spaces.

3.5. Research Goals

The goal of the above literature review was to highlight the gap in the literature and attempt to bring together the key ideas from public spaces third spaces theories, to form a new topic of debate. For the remainder of this study, there are two primary and interrelated goals. First is to highlight some of the key themes associated with this topic — social (public) spaces. For example, as set out in the research questions, the goal is to explore the public and private entities as stakeholders of such space and how the public realm acknowledge, perceive and experience such space. Second is to reaffirm the need for further studies on this topic. Collectively, these goals will begin filling the gap in the literature.

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4. Case Context: de 9 Straatjes, Amsterdam

This chapter, reflecting the core concepts discussed in the literature review, explores the case of Amsterdam, ultimately placing the discussed theories from the literature review into a tangible context. Serving as a prelude to the subsequent empirical results and analysis chapters, the focus is on public and social space in Amsterdam. However, while Amsterdam has been a case within scholarship across many fields (but particularly in tourism) topics of consumption, third spaces and social (public) spaces are largely absent from the literature. As such, the following component of this chapter aims to draw together key ideas from alternative yet interrelated disciplines (particularly tourism and cultural economy) and alternative resources, such as travel literature.

4.1. Context Overview

Amsterdam is the capital and largest city of the Netherlands with a population around 750.000 (and 2.2 million in the greater Metropolitan Area), a relatively small city by wider European measures (Bontje and Sleutjes, 2007, p. 11). It is currently classed as a ‘second tier world city’, behind larger cities such as London and New York, yet ahead of cities such as San Francisco and Zurich (Taylor, 2002, p.20; GaWC, 2014).

As with most Western cities, Amsterdam is a site of continuous change, evolving and adapting to political, economic and societal alterations over time (Musterd and Salet, 2003; Derudder, 2012). The processes of deindustrialisation and economic restructuring hit Amsterdam in much the same way as with other cities, however, to some extent a level of resilience in the Dutch economy allowed for a

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During the 20th century, Amsterdam, as with most European financial centres, developed an ‘open, strongly trade-oriented economy’, which focussed on service industries (Derudder, 2012, p.254; Musterd and Salet, 2003). Musterd and Salet observe this transition as ongoing, facilitating the decline of ‘traditional producer services’, yet growth in the ‘tourism and leisure industries, specialized shops and the population’ (2003, p.86).

4.2. A Site of Consumption and Experience

Amsterdam is an attraction for both locals and visitors alike — in the built, cultural and social environments. In particular, site-seers are attracted by the spectacle of the UNESCO heritage listed Canal District, a unique aesthetic that is quintessentially Amsterdam drawing symbolic and monumental capital (Zukin, 2012). Yet, beyond the built environment, Amsterdam has much to offer for those seeking experience. For those visiting from abroad, the city has garnered a reputation globally for being eclectic, catering to a wide range of interests. Some may think of sex, drugs and parties. Others, however, might recognise a reflection in contemporary society of a triumphant Golden Age history — of exploration, trade, art and politics (Zerva, et al., 2016). Whichever perspective, Amsterdam can be a city for anyone, boasting a wealth hospitality and retail venues and cultural and social attractions.

Yet, Amsterdam domestic visitors cannot be overlooked as important drivers of the urban economy of culture, leisure, experience and consumption (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016a). The number of domestic visitors to the capital has been growing steadily, attributed to the reopening of cultural attractions, such as museums

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(Gemeente Amsterdam, 2014). Importantly, tourism has contributed the development of more and higher quality social spaces in Amsterdam — benefiting both tourists and locals (Jørgensen, 2016). Here, it must be noted that many areas of the Canal District have been subject to theme-park style redevelopment as a result of global tourism, largely avoided by local visitors. This, Nijman argues, has ‘eroded some crucial parts of Amsterdam’s place authenticity’ (1999, p.156). Despite this, there are social (public) spaces that are able to operate in both ways — as spaces for ‘ordinary life’ and tourist attractions (Nijman, 1999, p.156). While the focus of this topic is not in tourism but rather the experience of space, these factors highlight the crucial importance of third spaces to maintaining a strong city brand, both at home and abroad. As such, this study aims to include both local and international groups of visitors.

4.3. Urban Form and Walkability

Onwards of the mid-twentieth century, during the modernist era of planning, social activists in Amsterdam worked tirelessly to prevent the demolition and destruction of the historical character of their city, in place of road networks (Musterd and Salet, 2003, p. 89-90).However, private cars and delivery trucks are permitted in the Canal District despite the small-scale of the streets, which were built for horse and cart transport during the seventeenth century. Additionally, the city lacks the ‘spacious squares and wide avenues’ common in other European cities, making this topic of pedestrian space an interesting one to study (Nijman, 1999, p. 151).

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4.4. Social (Public) Spaces

Amsterdam’s social (public) spaces are polycentric and are predominately in form of streets of squares. While there is a large concentration in the central Canal District as a result of tourism, the surrounding neighbourhoods are also filled with active spaces. For instance, cafés, restaurants, bars and shops line Ferdinand Bolstraat and

Ceintuurbaan in De Pijp, Javastraat in Indische Buurt or Kinkerstraat in Kinkerbuurt. To be noted in considering Amsterdam’s consumption culture are the open-air urban markets, such as Albert Cuyp Market and the Bloemmarkt, popular among tourists, or more low-key local markets such as the Dappermarkt in the eastern part of the city (Nevez and Zimmerman, 2016). Yet, as the focus of this research is streets, these will now be briefly explained.

4.4.1. Consumption and Leisure Streets

Shopping streets in Amsterdam, much like other European cities, are largely categorised by their offerings. For example large chain stores with commercial offerings (such as H&M and Zara) can be found on Kalverstraat and Leidsestraat, while high-end designer brands can be found on P.C. Hoofstraat and Cornelis

Schuytstraat. Other areas scattered around the central Canal District have a mixed and mid-range offering and boast more small local businesses. At the forefront of these areas is de 9 Straatjes, one of the most marketed and well known of Amsterdam’s shopping areas and social spaces. The research draws on Amsterdam and specifically the case of de 9 Straatjes for four primary reasons. First, its location makes it an interesting case — it is within the historical canal belt at the heart of Amsterdam tourism. Second, it has experienced a changing role and function over time, reflecting

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attracts a variety of different people. Finally, it is a popular place to visit and much talked about in travel guides and other media publications, from Lonely Planet to

Vanity Fair2.

4.5. De 9 Straatjes: history and context

As its name suggests, de 9 Straatjes, (The 9 Little Streets) is a series of narrowstreets in Amsterdam’s Canal District. The history of the area reveals a lineage ofurban redevelopment — beginning with its construction in the 17th century, filledwith tanneries and other small manufacturing industries and giving 6 of the streetstheir names - Reestraat, Hartenstraat, Berenstraat, Wolvenstraat, Runstraat and

Huidenstraat, referring to the trade in animal skins for the leather industry. Theother three streets are Gasthuismolensteeg, Oude Spiegelstraat and Wijde Heisteeg3.

Figure 3: de 9 Straatjes location in central Amsterdam. Source: Google Maps, 2016 2 See examples:

Fitzsimmons, A. (2013) Exploring Amsterdam’s ‘Nine Streets’, National Geographic, April 9, 2013;

Gerszberg, C (2008), Day out: Amsterdam - Historic Area, Great Shopping, The New York Times, February 17, 2008; Mathews, D & Rotunno, A. (2012), Seth Meyers Travel Guide to Amsterdam, Vanity Fair, April 3, 2012;

O’Neill, Z. (2010) Shop ‘til you drop on the ‘Nine Little Streets’, Lonely Planet Amsterdam, p.14.

3 Translation:

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While the immediate post-war period plagued the area with empty buildings in derelict conditions and inactivity. The area’s role as a third space developed slowly over the course of the last 50 years, as artists, creative traders and small-scale entrepreneurs realised an opportunity, moved in to occupy the spaces, starting shops and factories. These were primarily fashion, furniture and textiles stores, of which a few still exist today (Lony Scharenborg, 2016).

Figure 4: Hartenstraat, de 9 Straatjes, Amsterdam.

Source: O’Brien-McDonald, 2016.

Simultaneously, the same lineage of redevelopment had taken place in the adjacent Jordaan district, which had prospered as a shopping hub slightly earlier. Unhappy with the lack of attention in comparison, store owners in the area, with the

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themselves de 9 Straatjes. As such, while the area itself is over four hundred years old, the name has only existed for twenty years.

Today, the streets are mixed-use — retail, hospitality and residential, among others. Figures 5 and 6 show a detailed composition of third space functions of the area. Here it is clear that the retail sector dominates the area with a hospitality and entertainment secondary consideration.

Figure 5: Third Space Functions of de 9 Straatjes and Immediate Surroundings, 2016

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A strong local character has been preserved within the area, with predominately individually owned business. As argued above, de 9 Straatjes is an example of a social (public) space that is able to operate as both a space for ‘ordinary life’ and as a tourist attraction. For locals and tourists the area of de 9 Straatjes is a site of

spectacle. The seventeenth century architecture and brick covered streets can take one

to a past Amsterdam, yet this is starkly contrasted by the conspicuous commercial displays of merchandising and signage. Still more, the many tables and chairs on the streets invite visitors to stay, linger and inevitably spend money in the corresponding businesses, all the while watching street life go by. Here, one can observe everyday urban life in a contemporary urban space — commercial exchanges, social encounters and engagement with the built form which are all features of key importance to the story of de 9 Straatjes.

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Figure 6: Third Space Functions of de 9 Straatjes and Immediate Surroundings, 2016

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5. Research Design and Methodology

As has been discussed, literature on public spaces largely neglects it’s changing significance in society. This chapter begins by summarising the research design, the details of which are then described and critically evaluated. Following this the case selection is justified and the operationalisation is outlined. Finally, the data collection process and methods of analysis are explained.

5.1. Research Design Summary

The research design followed in this study is presented here. The aim of Table 1 is to provide an overview of the type of research, the scientific theory and the methodology applied in this study. Detailed descriptions and critical evaluation of these are

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Table 1: Research Design Summary

Source: adapted from Tukey 1977; Stebbins, 2001; Scotland 2012; Reiter, 2013; Bryman, 2015

Design Specification Explanation

5.1 Research Purpose

Exploratory To learn more and generate ideas about an unexplored topic. 5.2 Research

Type Mixed-method Interviews, questionnaire surveys, noted and photo-graphic observations Qualitative methods of analysis 5.3 Research Paradigm Draws on Critical Theory Research Approach Critical Research Paradigm Specifications

Ontology Reality is socially constructed, it is constantly changing, shaped by social, ethnic, economic, political and other forces over time

Epistemology

Societal power relations influence and socially construct knowledge Objective Ground the idea of

social (public) space in theory and make recommendations for future research Applied

Methodologies

Case study, exploring pilot data

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5.1. Research Purpose: exploratory research and data analysis

Exploratory research is typically conducted on understudied or unclear topics, which are still in a pilot research stage, generating data, concepts and hypotheses for future research (Tukey, 1962; Stebbins, 2001). Stebbins states that it is a ‘long cumulative, choice-laden and interest-governed process in which no single study can be definitive’ (Stebbins, 2001, p.vi). As highlighted previously, within the academic study of social (public) space there is a clear gap in the literature exploring the synthesis of public and private space. Therefore an exploratory research method has been used for this thesis to begin filling this gap. The following component of this chapter details the specific importance of exploratory research to this topic.

Exploratory studies are about thinking and using experience and skill to theorise and innovate, not just to measure (Reiter, 2013, p.9; Bhattacherjee, 2012). Exploratory research can be defined as an approach to data collection, methodology and analysis towards the grounding of a new phenomenon, problem or process (Bhattacherjee, 2012; Stebbins, 2001). More specifically, Bhattacherjee outlines three key goals for researchers employing exploratory methods in assessing a phenomenon, problem, or behaviour:

1. Assess the magnitude of the topic in terms of practical relevance 2. Develop foundational ideas and hypotheses

3. Evaluate the feasibility and requirements for extensive future research

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Underscoring these points, exploratory research and analysis pioneer John Tukey says ‘far better an approximate answer to the right question, which is often vague, than an exact answer to the wrong question, which can always be made precise’ (1962, p.14). For these reasons, exploratory research grounds this thesis. Thus far, this study has aimed to do this by placing this topic within the existing literature. The subsequent empirical chapters will expand on this through the analysis of the case specific collected data.

5.2. Research Type: mixed methods

Methodologically, this research is exploratory and mixed methods. This method was chosen because the goal is to present a holistic and adaptable set of results — of crucial importance to exploratory studies. While there are many ways to study public life, Gehl and Svarre (at the forefront of such research) contend that a mixed methods approach is the most effective (2013, p.24). Further, they list observational

measurements as highly practical for developing a better understanding of the case and photographs as being ‘important aids of communication to describe the nature of a space’ (2013, p.24). Thus this study, with its mixed-method approach, aims to utilise the positive attributes of both qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative research is defined herein as ‘for exploring and understanding the meaning

individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human problem’ (Creswell, 2013, p.4). Mixed methods approach means that there is complete methodological flexibility regarding the use of research tools as ideally required by the study (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009, p.7).

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5.3. Research Paradigm: drawing on critical theory

Due to the exploratory nature of this research, this study cannot be strictly fixed to a research paradigm. As such, it aims, rather, to draw inspiration from the research paradigm critical theory. This theory takes the ontological view that reality is a social construct, which dominates human experience and under constant influence, shaped by social, ethnic, economic, political and other forces over time (Scotland, 2012, p.13;

Orlikowsk and Baroudi, 1991). This ontological view is reflected in the above discussion of the changing role and function of public space, shaped by forces of the time and the demands of society (Madanipour, 2006). In understanding and collating knowledge, from an epistemological perspective, critical theory suggests that

‘knowledge is both socially constructed and influenced by power relations from within society’ (Scotland, 2012). The product of this knowledge in critical theory is to initiate change. Due to the relatively new ideas presented within this study, however, the change here is primarily in terms of the grounding of theory and suggestions for future research.

5.4. Case Selection

The following component of this chapter outlines the case selection by defining the case set, explaining the specific case, the type of case and the relationship between cases and variables.

5.4.1. Case Set

The case set for this study is social (public) spaces, as has been defined in the literature review. Such social (public) spaces can by now be found in most cities,

Blended social (public) and commercial (private) space : an exploratory study into power relations, perceptions and experiences of contemporary urban spaces