Identity motives and music venue choice : a case study of two reputable music venues in Amsterdam

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Master Thesis – ABS

MSc. Business Administration – Entrepreneurship and Management in the Creative Industries

Identity motives and music venue choice – a case

study of two reputable music venues in Amsterdam

Lara Stok 11418710

18th_{of August 2017 – final version}

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Statement of originality

This document is written by Student Lara Stok who declares to take full responsibility for the contents of this document. I declare that the text and the work presented in this document is original and that no sources other than those mentioned in the text and its references have been used in creating it. The Faculty of Economics and Business is responsible solely for the supervision of completion of the work, not for the contents.

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Abstract

As people buy products not just for what they do, but also for what they mean (Levy 1959), expressing one’s personality by the means of goods and services consumed is an important motivation and driving force behind people’s purchase (Sirgy 1985). With this symbolic consumption, personal attributes, motivations and social patterns are expressed. Products and services in the entertainment, arts and leisure industry are especially rich in symbolic meaning. As people are generally motivated to construct and maintain their identities, consumption of these products can contribute to creating these identities. With this, consumption is linked to various identity motives. This thesis examines what identity motives can be identified among visitors of two reputable music venues in Amsterdam. Empirical data is obtained qualitatively through interviews with 16 visitors, of which 8 for each venue. This data is compared to secondary data in the form of Facebook reviews. Among the respondents dominant identity motives, key themes and patterns are identified, leading to classification of the two groups as two distinct social groups.

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1. Introduction

This section will address the subject of the thesis. To start with, the motivation for this research is explained, followed by a discussion on the relevant literature regarding this subject. After that, the research question and research objectives are introduced. Third, the research method is briefly described. Lastly, an outline of the structure is provided.

1.1 Motivation and discussion

Studies in the consumer behavior literature have shown that people consume products for both functional and symbolic meanings (Hosany and Martin 2012; Lee and Hyman 2008). This functional meaning reflects the utilitarian features and benefits of a product while the symbolic meaning reflects consumption based on stereotyped personality traits of a product (Sirgy, Grewal, and Mangleburg 2000; Sirgy and Su 2000; Ahn, Ekinci, and Li 2013). There is an increasing emphasis in consumer behavior literature on the importance of intangible aspects of products and the symbolic associations between consumers and brands (Ouellet, Savard, and Colbert 2008; Belk 2016; Ekinci, Sirakaya-Turk, and Preciado 2013; Govers and Schoormans 2005; Hirschman and Holbrook 1982). As people buy products not just for what they do, but also for what they mean (Levy 1959), expressing one’s personality by the means of goods and services consumed is an important motivation and driving force behind the purchase of goods and services (Sirgy 1985). In the existing literature the consumption of products in order to symbolize personal attributes, motivations and social patterns has been defined as “symbolic consumption” (Hosany and Martin 2012). Symbolic consumption reflects the consumer’s personality and lifestyle and as such, the consumer can express his or her identity (Sirgy 1982). Sirgy (1982) explains that consumers choose products that are perceptually consistent with their own self-concept. Henceforth, the purchase and consumption of products allows consumers to define, maintain and enhance their self-concept (Hosany and Martin 2012). Therefore, with consumption, consumers can develop strong relationships with a brand for its identity (Fournier 1998).

Symbolic consumption to maintain or enhance a self-concept can be done in various ways. Research shows, for example, that people consume to enhance their self-esteem, to belong to a social

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group or to differentiate themselves from others (Easterbrook and Vignoles 2012). Literature agrees that consumers aim to construct and maintain their identities by participating in symbolic consumption (Shrum 2012), however, the exact implication of this can differ per product, consumer or context. Although it is clear what happens and how it happens, we lack a clear understanding of when and what motives are present is different contextual settings.

All products may carry symbolic meaning (Levy 1959), but in entertainment, arts and leisure activities, this role is especially rich. Moreover, performing arts events differ from others by the absence of any functional dimension linked to its consumption (Bourgeon-Renault 2000). For this reason, they are fertile ground for research (Holbrook and Hirschman 1982). In contrast to other fields, such as vacation destinations or store relationships (Ahn, Ekinci, and Li 2013; D’Astous and Levesque 2003; Ekinci, Sirakaya-Turk, and Preciado 2013; Hosany, Ekinci, and Uysal 2006), surprisingly, leisure activities and the cultural domain have been largely neglected in consumer behavior literature (Ouellet, Savard, and Colbert 2008).

The focus of this study will be on the identity motives that are present for visitors of two reputable music venues in Amsterdam. In order to answer the research question, the motivated identity construction theory (MICT, Vignoles 2011) will be primarily drawn upon. This theory addresses the centrality of identity motives with regard to self-definition and enactment. A distinction between two social groups is made: the social category, which is founded upon shared characteristics based on perceiving people as similar or connected, and the interpersonal network group, which is mainly based upon the social interactions between group members rather than their shared self-definition (Vignoles 2011).

1.2 Research question and objectives

By means of in-depth interviews, the aim is to discover what identity motives drive visitors to visit two different, reputable music venues in Amsterdam. With that, this qualitative research will look at how consumers perceive the venues and themselves. With the identification of the identity motives, the aim is to allocate the two groups of visitors to the two different social groups discussed.

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The research question is as follows: what identity motives can be identified among visitors of two

reputable music venues in Amsterdam?

A consumer choice may be influenced if a venue is frequented by people of similar social standing. Besides that, people are generally motivated to construct and maintain either individual identities or subjective concepts of themselves (Swann and Bosson, 2010). The consumption of object, products, experiences and services can help them to create these identities (Vignoles, Regalia, Manzi, Golledge and Scabini 2006). Hence, it is of significant importance for managers to know how their target audience perceives itself and the venues, and what their motives are for visiting. Even though venue image measure typically include aspects linked to functional characteristics of a venue such as quality, atmosphere and physical facilities (D’Astous and Lévesque 2003), this study will mainly focus on the symbolic aspect of consumption. By uncovering consumer insights, the consumer-brand relationship can be influenced which can result in an increased consumer loyalty (Fournier 1998).

Amsterdam is globally known for its cultural offerings and its vibrant nightlife making it the most popular tourist destination in the Netherlands. Also among the Dutch it plays a particular significant role; from all the leisure activities, going out has a participation rate of 90% and is therefore the most popular leisure activity (CBS 2016). Two venues in Amsterdam are selected for this research, for the reason that they both have a strong culture, targeting a specific audience. This becomes clear through, for instance, their door policy. Because of this strong culture, it is more likely that more significant outcomes will be obtained. Music venues that are generally perceived as having a clearer culture, and with that, personality, are more likely to be targeted by customers visiting for enhancing or maintaining identity motives. Hence, the aim of this empirical study is examine the identity motives for cultural consumption with respect to the music industry, as a part of the broader cultural industries.

1.3 Research methodology

In order to answer the research question, a case study of two Dutch music venues is conducted. This research will make use of inductive reasoning, as specific observations from the interviews will lead

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to broader generalizations and theories. This exploratory case study focuses on the aspects of consumer motivation in the context of cultural consumption. More specifically, it aims to expose the conscious and unconscious motivations of individuals to visit a music venue. The study will make use of primary and secondary data. The primary data is being collected through face-to-face interviews with 16 young people that frequently visit the selected music venues. A snowball sampling method will be used, as participants will recruit other participants among their acquaintances. The reason for choosing this method is that the selected venues both have a more closed culture than average, it therefore being more difficult to recruit these subjects. The secondary data consists of reviews retrieved from the official Facebook pages of both venues. Finally, the results of the interviews and Facebook reviews of each venue will be compared among participants and reviewers and by comparing the outcomes between the two different venues, key themes and patterns will be analyzed. Quotes of participants can be found later in the paper to support the arguments.

1.4 Structure

To start with, the following chapter will provide a theoretical framework where symbolic consumption and identity motives will be further explained. At the end of Chapter 2 the two social groups and their relationship with the identity motives is discussed. In Chapter 3, the research methodology of this qualitative study will be explained further, describing the research design and strategy, the sample and data collection, the quality of the research and finally the method of analysis. After that, the results are presented in Chapter 4. Here, the results will be supported by quotes from the respondents and reviewers. In Chapter 5, the discussion and conclusions are presented. This will include a summary of the findings, implications for managers and limitations of the research, followed by recommendations for further research. At the end of this paper the appendix with relevant attachments is presented.

2. Theoretical framework

This theoretical framework will first address cultural and symbolic consumption in general. Second, the six identity motives are explained in more detail. Third, both social groups, social categories and

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interpersonal network groups, will be discussed in isolation by describing their meaning, characteristics, and the relationship with the identity motives.

2.1 Symbolic and cultural consumption

Cultural consumption is specifically characterized by a strong experiential connotation, it even being questionable whether it is exclusively (Ouellet, Savard, and Colbert 2008). The definition given by Bourgeon-Renault (2000) argues that cultural consumption can be largely described by its symbolic and hedonic dimensions; “The consumption of cultural products, particularly in the arts (performing arts, museums, cinema), implies more subjectivity than the consumption of other products” (p.4). A performing arts event differs from others by the absence of any functional dimension linked to its consumption (Bourgeon-Renault 2000). In the paper of Bourgeon-Renault et al. (2000), the factors that influence consumption in the performing arts are studied as well as the behavior of consumers. According to him, the economist perspective seems to neglect linking cultural consumption to aesthetic perception. He argues that the economist fails to address the motivation of consumers to participate in artistic and cultural activities (Bourgeon-Renault 2000). The sociologist perceives the consumer as being influenced by a social norm that motivates them to attend a performing arts event, appropriate for their social standing (Ouellet, Savard, and Colbert 2008). The latter perception will be explained in more depth in the following paragraphs.

People engage in consumption activities for both symbolic and functional benefits (Levy 1959). Although most literature on consumer behavior zooms in on the utilitarian aspect of products, the symbolic side of consumption has gained increasing attention in the last two decades (Ekinci 2013). Symbolic consumption describes the ‘fundamental part in the creation, enhancement, maintenance, transformation, disposition, expression, association, and differentiation of the self’ (Ekinci, 2013. P. 711). Possessions play an important role in the creation of self by expressing a person’s history, achievements, interpersonal ties, but also cultural values and social status (Belk 1988). Moreover, someone’s notion of self can be linked to their belongings, the services they use and the places they visit. The symbolic consumption can take place in either a ‘private’ or ‘socio-cultural’ context (Ekinci, 2013). In the study of Elliott (2004) the concept of ‘communities of practice’ is

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conceptualized as ‘identity of the socially situated self-integral to symbolic consumption as a continual process whereby a unique identity is gained through mutual social engagement and shared repertoires’ (Larson et al., 2010, p. 673). These identities are characterized by ‘continuous motion as we are constantly negotiating our identity through social practices’ (Elliott, 2004, p.133). Henceforth, there is to some extent continuity in identity, however, it is mainly socially situated which should be reflected in symbolic consumption practices (Larson et al., 2010).

2.2 Identity motives

People are generally motivated to construct and maintain either individual identities or subjective concepts of themselves. Consumption of objects, products, experiences and services help to create these identities, and people are attracted to, and therefore more likely to buy, products that are consistent with their identity to affirm important self-concepts (Chugani 2015). This consumption can lead consumers to the development strong relationships with a brand for its identity (Fournier 1998). With this, consumption is linked to various identity motives (Shrum 2012). The concept of identity motives can be defined as ‘pressures toward certain identity states and away from other, which guide the processes of identity construction’ (Vignoles et al., 2006, p.309).

Different social identity theorist have suggested a variety of motivations that possibly be involved with identification with a group. Tajfel and Turner’s (1979) social identity theory introduces the distinctiveness motive and argues that groups strive for positive distinctiveness, while later the motives for self-esteem and distinctiveness and the relation among them were investigated (Abrams and Hogg, 1988, Spears, 2011). The optimal distinctiveness theory by Brewer (1991) explains how groups seek to satisfy basic motivations for inclusion and distinctiveness. Hogg’s (2000) uncertainty theory suggest that groups strive for subjective meaning. Other literature argues that continuity is a key driver for identification with groups as people are motivated to construct identities that connect their past, present and future (Chandler, Lalonde, Sokol, and Hallett 2003; Sani et al. 2007). The motivated identity construction theory (MICT) of Vignoles (2011) suggests incorporating this range of motives into a unified theory. Vignoles et al. (2006) find in their research on the self, six distinct identity motives. Research showed that people in contemporary Western societies are motivated to see

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themselves positively (the self-esteem motive), as distinguished from others (the distinctiveness motive), persisting through time (the continuity motive), accepted by others (the belonging motive), competent and capable (the efficacy motive) and having meaning and purpose (the meaning motive) (Vignoles et al. 2006; Easterbrook and Vignoles 2012). Although this list of motives is not exhaustive, it does provide an effective starting point in order to link motives to symbolic consumption (Shrum 2012). With constructing and maintaining their identities, consumers seek to fulfill these distinct motives. Individuals are not aware of these motives per se, but they are not necessarily unavailable to consciousness either. However, their operation can be interfered from their predictable effects on people’s identities. An aspect of one’s current identity that meets an identity motive may be associated with positive emotions. It is likely to be perceived as particularly central or self-defining or emphasized in self presentation. To the contrary, those aspects that frustrate identity motives may be associated with negative emotions or possibly be marginalized, either cognitively or behaviorally. Furthermore, identity motives may reflect someone’s desires and fears for their future identities. Accordingly, people may strive to realize possible future selves that satisfy their motives, while, on the other hand, they fear the realization of selves that would frustrate them. Hence, people aim to satisfaction maximization and frustration minimization of these motives while constructing their identities (Vignoles et al. 2006). The following paragraphs will explain the six identity motives in more detail.

2.3.1 Self-esteem

Social psychologist agree about the claim that people are motivated to protect and enhance their self-esteem (Vignoles et al. 2006) and that it is a core motive for social identification (Myers 2010). The self-esteem motive refers to ‘the motivations to maintain and enhance a positive conception of oneself’ (Gecas, 1982, p. 20, as cited by Vignoles et al. 2006). People strive for a positive evaluation of themselves, and when self-esteem is threatened, a variety of strategies can be adopted to restore or enhance self-esteem (Myers et al. 2010). Generally, people want to belong to groups with higher prestige and status (Tajfel ant Turner 1986). To access the group status, members of a group will compare the in-group with relevant out-groups. With regard to intergroup relations, threats to

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esteem can result in an increase in intergroup discrimination, but the exact role in social identity processes remains controversial (Tajfel and Turner 1999).

As this motive describes one of the least contested claims in social psychology, it is involved in a wide range of theories. In their study on the self-concept enhancing tactician, Sedkides and Strube (1997) state that an individual’s self-esteem level may be increased directly through self-enhancement or indirectly through improvement. Besides that, esteem can be maintained through self-verification (Vignoles et al. 2006). In the review by Tesser (2000) on the self-evaluation maintenance model, participants show that esteem maintenance mechanisms interchangeably appear: after self-enhancing on one task they show a diminished self-enhancement on following tasks. According to various studies, people in all cultures seek for positive self-conception (Heine, Kitayama, Lehman, Takata, Ide, Leung and Matsumoto 2001; Muramoto 2003). However, they do differ in strategy on how to achieve this and they seem to self-enhance on different dimensions depending on their cultural beliefs and values (Vignoles et al. 2006).

2.3.2 Continuity

The continuity motive refers to the motivation to maintain a sense of ‘continuity across time and situation’ within a person’s identity (Breakwell, 1986 p. 24). Showing some sort of continuity is considered to be a defining factor of identity according to philosophers (Wiggins 2001; Vignoles, 2006). Moreover, information that is consistent with a person’s existing self-conception generally gets more attention, is more easily recalled and is perceived as more reliable. Research also shows that people often seek to find or create social contexts that provide self-verifying feedback (Swann 1983). Processes like these exist for both individual and group identities (Chen, Chen and Shaw 2004) (Vignoles, 2006). However, continuity does not necessarily impede change, it can also be preserved by the creation of life stories with progressions and turning points. Important for this study, however, is to note that deficits in individual or group continuity are linked with negative affect, reduction in group identification or development of group schisms (Chandler et al. 2003).

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2.3.3 Distinctiveness

The distinctiveness motive is oriented toward the establishment and maintenance of differentiation from others (Vignoles et al. 2006). Some research identifies this motive as an indigenous value in Western cultures (Snyder and Fromkin 1980), however, in order to have a meaningful sense of identity, some form of distinctiveness is logically necessary (Codol 1981) and a fundamental human need (Vignoles et al. 2000). Because, how could an individual know who he or she is without establishing the way in which he or she is different from others (Myers et al. 2010)?

Tajfel and Turner’s (1979) social identity theory introduces the distinctiveness motive and argues that groups strive for positive distinctiveness. The classic paper by Veblen (1994) on the ‘theory of conspicuous consumption’ studied the rich classes in the late 19th century in the US. They were focusing on emulating, acquiring and using consumption objects to differentiate themselves from both the lower classes and work itself. The study showed how consumption served as a sign of social class and distinction. From a branding perspective, a brand tends to be more attractive when the identity is more distinctive and prestigious (He, Li and Harris 2012) and a distinctive brand identity can contribute to customers fulfillment in their self-definitional needs for uniqueness. In their study in 2007, Berger and Heath explain that consumers are more likely to diverge from majorities or members of other social groups, in product domains that are perceived as symbolic of identity. They state that people tend to avoid options preferred by majorities and abandoned preferences shared with them. Choice is more influenced by the social group associated with the product in identity domain and when a product was depicted as relevant for identity. Individuals diverge partially to prevent from Both interpersonal and intergroup differentiation seem to address the same underlying motive: threats to individual distinctiveness can result in increased identification with distinctive groups and favoring more restrictive definitions of the boundaries of in-group membership (Vignoles, 2006).

2.3.4 Belonging

The belonging motive can be defined as ‘the need to maintain or enhance feelings of closeness to, or acceptance by, other people, whether in dyadic relationships or within in-groups’ (Vignoles 2006, p. 310). Baumeister and Leary (1995) describe this motivation as fundamentally human with influence

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exceeds identity processes. However, the belonging motive is included in a wide variety of identity motive theories (Leary and Baumeister, 2000; Snyder and Fromkin, 1980), with threats leading to various coping strategies. Examples are identification with more inclusive in-groups, self-stereotyping and overestimating consensus for someone’s beliefs. The sociometer theory described by Leary and Baumeister (2000) even argues that the need for belonging is included in the need for self-esteem, a statement that led to reinterpretation of many supposed effects of self-esteem, such as mental disorders, that were attributed to real or imagined rejection by others. In an experiment by Knowles and Gardner (2008) a group of participants was asked to think and write about a time where they felt very rejected in some way. Another group was asked to think and write about a time that they felt very accepted in some way. After that, participants had to rate cohesiveness and importance of their in-groups, resulting in the rejecting in-group seeing themselves as more cohesive. Clearly, people primed with social rejection were motivated to be part of a meaningful and solid group (Myers 2010). Another study showed how the fear of rejection impacts the size of groups that individuals look for. When a group of people was told that they belong to a rare group they appeared to seek out for identification with larger and more inclusive groups (Pickett, Silver and Brewer 2002).

2.3.5 Efficacy

The efficacy motive focuses on maintaining and enhancing feelings of ‘competence and control’ (Breakwell, 1993, p. 205) (Vignoles, 2006). Seeking for competence is established as being as a fundamental human motivation (Deci and Ryan 2000). Next to the previously mentioned features, the experience of efficacy has been conceptualized as a key feature for identity. Efficacy is frequently presented as a component of self-esteem, however, these concepts are conceptually different (Vignoles et al. 2006). Research by Tafardoi and Swann (2001) demonstrated that liking and self-competence are empirically distinguishable dimensions. Moreover, the efficacy motive seems to be a good predictor of subjective well-being and illusions of efficacy often being a result of overestimation of their control(Vignoles et al. 2006).

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2.3.6 Meaning

The meaning motive describes the need to find significance or purpose in one’s own existence (Vignoles 2006). The search for meaning in one’s existence has been addressed by many authors and is generally perceived as an essential feature of human nature. A person’s existence is ought to be meaningful as a core feature of psychological well-being (Vignoles 2006). The pursuit of meaning is significant in dealing successfully with life events. The meaning motive is not always clearly portrayed in various studies, such as the self-affirmation theory by Steele (1988) and the uncertainty reduction theory by Hogg (2000). The first proposed that people are motivated to preserve self-integrity, including self-worth (self-esteem) and coherence (meaning), but these two components have not always been central in empirical research. In Tajfel’s (1969) early thinking about categorization, ‘search for coherence’ and preservation of ‘integrity of the self-image’ have been a focus. These perceptions were included in the latter theory by Hogg (2000) and proposed that many intergroup phenomena are driven by a need for meaning.

2.3.7 Different motives underlying identification with different groups

After having discussed the identity motives in detail, this section will explain the two different social groups that this study focuses on: the social category and the interpersonal network group. Typical for these groups are the centrality of the different identity motives discussed previously. Therefore, after having uncovered the dominant identity motives for the visitors of both venues, the aim is to classify them as either a social category or an interpersonal network group.

The MICT describes how the aspects of a person’s identity that best satisfy identity motives are perceived as more central to self-definition and are enacted more often. This is in contrast to those aspects of someone’s identity that frustrate the same motives (Vignoles, Regalia, Manzi, Golledge, & Scabini, 2006). Using self-esteem as an example, centrality of the motives works as follows,: if someone is motivated to maintain and enhance his or her self-esteem, then it is likely that that person comes to perceive elements of his or her identity that satisfy the need for self-esteem, such as being a successful psychologist or being happily married, as more central to his or her identity. To the contrary, for elements that frustrate the need for self-esteem, such as being a singer in a terrible band

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or being bad at sports, as less central. Easterbrook and Vignoles (2012), investigate the processes involved when people identify with social groups. They look into whether there is a distinction between identity motives involved in identifying with interpersonal network groups compared to social groups. An important result of their research is that those motives are differentially relevant to different identity processes, making a distinction between identity definition and identity enactment. The first refers to ‘the mainly cognitive processes of defining oneself as a symbolic object with particular characteristics and descriptive labels’, whereas the latter refers to ‘the processes of behaviourally acting out aspects of one’s identity’ (Easterbrook and Vignoles 2012, p. 5). The study of Vignoles et al. (2006) showed that identity definition is influenced by the meaning, distinctiveness, continuity and self-esteem motives with participants enacting more in their behaviour those aspects of their identity that best satisfy these particular motives. To the contrary, the study showed that identity enactment is influenced by the self-esteem, belonging and efficacy, with people placing more importance in their everyday life to the aspects of their identity that best satisfy these specific motives. As mentioned before, the psychology literature makes a distinction between interpersonal network groups, or common bond groups, and social categories, or common identity groups, arguing how different identity processes are involved in identification and attraction to these different groups (e.g. Deaux & Martin, 2003; Stets & Burke, 2000). In the following paragraphs, both social groups will be explained in isolation. I will discuss their meaning, characteristics and relationship with the earlier mentioned identity motives with the aim of applying this distinction to the outcomes of the data obtained.

Social categories are, for the most part, founded upon shared characteristics, that are based on perceiving people as similar or connected in important respects. Therefore belonging to the same category, as opposed from members of other, related categories. An example of such a group would be nationality or political affiliation. These social categories contribute to a meaningful cognitive

self-definition while providing distinguishing characteristics, social norms and a sense of self-esteem and

historical continuity (Deaux & Martin, 2003; Stets & Burke, 2000). Hence, identifying with social categories is focused on more symbolic motives; self-esteem, continuity, distinctiveness and meaning (Vignoles 2012, 2011). In other words, social category membership provides a context for social

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identification by creating a label, but also a potential network for people sharing that membership. Furthermore, the category is characterized by meanings ranging from personal attributes to implications for category consistent activities. Also, the categorical context can create a comparative frame for the individual to place himself in terms of other groups (Deaux and Martin, 2003). Concluding, it appears that identity definition is the dominant process in social categories and people seem to identify most with this group when the identity motives self-esteem, continuity, distinctiveness and meaning play a dominant role.

To the contrary, interpersonal network groups are mainly based upon the social interactions between group members rather than their shared self-definition (Vignoles, 2012). According to theorists, the groups determine a context for their members “within which to enact their identities by performing social roles and interacting with other group members” (Vignoles, 2012, p. 11). Interpersonal network groups that are newly formed often do not have a clear group identity yet. Hence, these group members will come to see themselves as a group and start sharing a common social identity through their behavioral interactions (Postmes, Spears, Lee & Novak, 2005). This suggest that this behavior can be classified as identity enactment and, therefore, the identification with groups satisfy the more behaviorally-focused motives: self-esteem, belonging and efficacy (Vignoles, 2011, 2012). And, indeed, these motives do seem to play a dominant role in the enactment processes in interpersonal network groups. People strive to achieve feelings of self-esteem through social interactions according to self-presentation research (Schlenker, 2003). Sociological research argues that behavioral enactments of people’s roles within small interpersonal networks help to achieve higher levels of self-esteem (Burke & Stets, 1999; Stets & Burke, 2000). Relatedness and competence (or belonging and efficacy) can be satisfied through the performance of social roles in interpersonal networks, according to the self-determination theory (Deci and Ryan, 2000; Ryan and Deci, 2000). Also, according to Sheldon and Bettencourt (2002), people tend to commit more strongly to groups that provide people with feelings of belonging, or ‘interpersonal relatedness’. Concluding, it appears that identity enactment is the dominant process in interpersonal network groups and people seem to identify most with this group when the identity motives self-esteem, belonging and efficacy play a

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dominant role. Figure 1 below summarizes what identity motives are involved in the identification processes with the two social groups discussed.

Identity motives and groups

Self-esteem Interpersonal network group, social category

Continuity Social category

Distinctiveness Social category

Belonging Interpersonal network group

Efficacy Interpersonal network group

Meaning Social category Figure 1. Overview of identity motives and groups

3. Research methodology

In this section, I will further elaborate on the research methodology applied for this study. First, I will present the research design and strategy. Second, the sample and data collection are further explained. Third, I will justify the quality of the research. After that, the method of analysis is described.

3.1 Research design and strategy

The purpose of this research is to identify the identity motives experienced by visitors of two well-known music venues in Amsterdam, and to examine the relationships among identity motives and consumer behavioral intentions. The relationship between these outcomes and satiation will be examined in order to provide meaningful implications for managers in the music industry, being a part of the broader cultural industries. An inductive research approach with qualitative data is used in order to gain a better understanding of the nature of the identity motives of visitors of the two reputable music venues in Amsterdam. This inductive approach allows the research for development of understanding of the concepts involved and for change throughout the process.

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This research is both descriptive and exploratory. As the purpose is to know what motivates visitors to participate in this form of cultural consumption and why this is the case, a descriptive research design contributes to the construction of a comprehensive picture of the situation. Furthermore, an exploratory research design has the advantage of gaining new insights on the subject. The flexibility of the approach allows for adaptations during the progress (Saunders 2009).

Research argues that quantitative studies often fail to deliver a true synthesis of motivation, as they do not account for “the behavioral and emotional meaning of unmet needs” (Pincus 2004 p.375). As this study aims to discover the conscious and unconscious motivations in the context of identity motives and self-congruity, a deeply qualitative approached seems to be the most appropriate option.

For this research two types of data are used, primary and secondary. The strategy applied for the collection of the primary data is a case study of the CSC and DS in Amsterdam. Motivations are the motor for behavior (Fiske and Taylor 1984, cited in Pincus 2004), so by using in-depth interviews with participants that frequently visited the venues I will aim to discover what really drives people to participate in this form of cultural consumption. The primary data is collected through face-to-face and semi-structured interviews. Semi-structured interviews allow for open-ended questions and variation needed in order to gain a rich and detailed understanding of the specific motives.

In order to avoid any distractions, the interviews will be conducted at a neutral location, namely, at the home of the respondents. The interviews will confirm that the participants have, at least to some extent, knowledge of the cultural attractions in Amsterdam, including some knowledge of the current music venue portfolio. A total of 16 individual interviews will be conducted of about 60 minutes and will all be recorded. The respondent will be first asked to describe their experiences and relationship with the venue. Secondly, they are asked to think of the personality characteristics of the venue and their self-concept, after which they are asked to compare these two. The interviewees will be asked to describe the consistency between the venue personality and their self-concept by answers questions regarding actual and ideal self-congruity. After that, the questions asked will indirectly address their motives for visiting.

Next to the primary data, secondary data is used, referring to data that is originally collected for another purpose (Saunders 2009). The secondary data used for this study will consist of online

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reviews written on the Facebook page of the venues. The main advantage of using secondary data is that it allows for triangulation, for which primary and secondary data are compared in order to/with the purpose of place findings in a more general context. As the online reviews are also written from another perspective, namely from people that have complaints about the venue or that got rejected at the entrance, it may provide missed or unexpected insights. As the interview participants are all likely to perceive the venues mainly from a positive perspective, the secondary data can contribute to providing insights from another perspective. The reviews should be interpreted with care, as a significant part of the people writing the reviews never have been inside the venues. Also, generally, only people with a strong opinion write reviews and not all information needed is included. Therefore, the results cannot be generalized. However, it does allow for confirmation or decommissioning regarding a variety of aspects, such as door policy and audience. Another limitation with regard to the secondary data is that not all reviews will be included due to the size of the complete dataset.

3.2 Sample and data collection

The target population of this study comprises of frequent music venue visitors in Amsterdam. This case study will focus on two music venues in Amsterdam: Chicago Social Club and De School, from now on referred to as CSC and DS respectively. The reason behind the selection of these two clubs is that they can be considered an extreme or deviant case. These cases are rich in information as ‘they are unusual or special’ (Patton 1990 p. 169) because of their success, making them especially enlightening (Patton 1990). From a total of 16 participants, 8 are regular visitors of CSC and 8 are regular visitors of DS. The requirement for the participants is that they have visited the venue at least a total of five times. The reason for setting this requirement is that visitors that attended the venue less than five times are more likely to be ‘occasional’ visitors, lacking any significant identify motives.

This study will make use of a snowball sampling method, describing a sampling procedure where existing participants recruit new participants among their acquaintances. This method is often used in situations where it is hard for researchers to access the population. As the selected venues have a strong and somewhat closed culture, this appears to be the most appropriate method. Some

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research claims that snowball samples are biased, however, by recruiting ‘first’ participants through different channels, I tried to limit this effect.

The sample exists of visitors up until 30 years, of which the majority is a university student. Besides the choice for this sampling method, the second reason for selecting students is that they belong to a group with high venue attendance rates (CBS, 2016). Participants are only those who claim to visit music venues regularly. They will have varied backgrounds and also include international students. The requirement is that they are currently located in The Netherlands. The interviews all took place in The Netherlands and the majority in Amsterdam. A quiet location was required in order avoid any distractions and to obtain clear and understandable recordings. Therefore, interviews were conducted in the home of the respondent. Another reason for choosing this location is that the respondent is more likely to feel comfortable and with that, more open to answer the questions honestly and in depth. In one case, the interview was conducted in a quiet café, to the wishes of the respondent.

The sample consist of 5 men (2 for CSC and 3 for DS) and 11 women (6 for CSC and 5 for DS), with an average age of 24,9 (24,4 for CSC and 25,4 for DS). The participants visited the venue on average 29 times (30 for CSC and 28 for DS). Most interviews were conducted in English, however upon request of three respondents interviews were held in Dutch. All Dutch interviews have been translated and transcribed in English afterwards.

Generally, the interviews followed the same interview protocol (see Appendix II). The interviews consisted of 43 open-ended questions and were developed using the theoretical framework from the previous chapter. Due to the semi-structured nature of the questions, questions were added and deleted throughout the complete process. The order of the questions also varied, depending on the answers of the respondent and where the respondent was heading during the interview.

All interviews took approximately 60 minutes and started off by asking permission for the recordings and addressing confidentiality. In the beginning of the interviews I ensured anonymity to all participants with the purpose/aim of making them feel comfortable to share their honest thoughts. The last question gave the participant the opportunity to address topics that were not covered well enough during the interview. Lastly, I gave them the opportunity to provide me with their email

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addresses. In this way, I was able to send them the transcriptions of the recordings and the final version of the paper before completion. Afterwards, the audio recordings were used to generate transcriptions. Transcriptions were then coded and used to create categories in order to analyze and generate final results.

Regarding the secondary data, this study limits itself to the first 50 reviews from the official Facebook pages of the venues. Although both venues have around 800 reviews, after about 50 reviews, the majority of the comments provide irrelevant information for this study, such as the loss of property.

3.3 Quality of research

In order to ensure the quality of this research, the following four measures are evaluated: credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability (Guba, 1981).

To ensure confirmability in this thesis, the triangulation technique is applied. Triangulation refers to ‘the use of different data collection techniques within one study in order to ensure that the data are telling you what you think they are telling you’ (Saunders et al., 2009, p. 146) By combining both primary and secondary data, the results can be interpreted with more confidence. Moreover, by analyzing from different points of view, a more balanced and detailed picture of the circumstances can be created.

In order to ensure credibility, number checks were used: the transcripts of the interviews were sent to the respondent for them to agree or disagree with the content. Moreover, prior to the completion of the final version, the respondents were given the opportunity read the thesis and to agree or disagree with the findings of the study. Also, I have visited both venues several times allowing me to observe the consumption process and the behavioral intentions of the visitors. The previously described triangulation technique contributed to credibility too.

To ensure transferability, participant profiles are provided in a later section in order to assess the generalizability of the sample. Furthermore, I provide a detailed portrait of the setting in which the research is conducted. Important, however, is to take into account that behavioral phenomena are inevitably context bound. With that, the generalization of the results must be done with caution.

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To ensure dependability, I provide an audit trial, which includes the documentation of data, methods and decisions about the research, are open to external scrutiny and can be repeated at another time and place. Also, applying multiple research methods that followed from the triangulation technique are demonstrated to enhance dependability. By using two different types of data, a different perspective on the subject are provided.

3.4 Method of analysis

In order to answer the research question, a total of 16 interviews is studied. Both primary and secondary data are analyzed and together with the theoretical framework, categories are developed. As the aim of this study is to get a clearer understanding of the consumer motivations behind visiting of both venues, relevant data are attached to the appropriate categories and within the categories key themes and patterns are identified. The data is categorized in the following topics: identity motives, social groups and satiation.

Based on the theoretical framework, I expect that the motivations of visitors visiting CSC dominantly satisfy the motives associated with identity enactment: self-esteem and belonging, making this group act primarily as an interpersonal network group. I expect to not find a significant amount of efficacy motives. To the contrary, I expect that the motivation of visitors visiting DS dominantly satisfy the motives associated with identity definition: self-esteem, continuity, distinctiveness and meaning, making this group act primarily as a social category.

4. Results

Both CSC and DS may seem similar in the perspectives of outsiders. Both venues are popular nightlife spots in Amsterdam, include a bar and a club, open 7 days a week until late and host parties mainly focused on electronic dance music. The two venues offer music from both local talents as well as international stars. Furthermore, both venues target students and young professionals. Due to their strict door policies and their reputation, there is a stronger culture, including more regular guests. As visiting one of these venues is therefore less random and occasional, visitors are more likely to participate in this form of cultural consumption with the aim of maintaining or constructing their

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identity. In the first section of the results a profile of the venues is created, based on both the participant descriptions and the Facebook reviews. After that, the identity motives identified in the interviews will be addressed, after which the situation will be presented in terms of social groups, being either social category or interpersonal network group.

4.1 Empirical context: profile of the two venues

Both venues hold a position as leading music venues in Amsterdam’s nightlife and know a strong culture. A possible explanation for this is that they both maintain a stricter door policy compared to other music venues in Amsterdam. Besides that, although for outsiders these two groups of audience may seem similar (age, looks, music preference), both groups perceive this differently, sometimes even describing the other as the ‘opposite’. Especially for this reason, it is interesting to study their motivations behind visiting and to analyze the differences among them. In this section I will explain how respondents describe the venues and what they perceive as typical for the venue. Furthermore, reviews on Facebook were included in order to assure confirmability. In this way, a clearer understanding of the situation is created for the reader and can results also be applied to the broader creative industries. Although both venues have more purposes, this study will focus on the clubs.

CSC

CSC is a late night bar and club located at the Leidse Square in the center of Amsterdam. The bar is open 7 days a week and the club nights are generally held from Thursday to Sunday. Thursdays are known for the Super Social parties, while the Friday parties tend to focus more on international artists. Saturdays have a more eclectrical sound and emphasize on house and disco music. Since the opening in March 2011, the venue has become a well-respected place to hang out and go clubbing. The venue has two floors, a balcony and smaller spots and corners. The minimum age for visitors is 21. The venue does not communicate the door policy on the website nor social media, but BIZ vereniging Uitgaansgebied Leidsebuurt describes the parties as ‘fun with a sexy touch, well known under trendy people, students, models and famous Dutch people from Amsterdam and around’ (Leidseplein.amsterdam 2017).

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Many participants described CSC as a small, and its physical space characterized by two different rooms. The largest room has the main stage, and the majority of the respondents mentions the dj booth there with a small area to dance. Respondent R states that “there are a lot of people around the DJ. The DJ is definitely important, for that night. He is in the middle of the stage, most people are watching him and you are really important if you are a DJ there. People look up to you and people want to be standing next to you”. The music is described as “mostly house and techno. Maybe sometimes its mixed with an R&B beat, with a bit of house. But generally it’s techno and house” (Respondent R). Respondent A explains how it is “not really dark and raver-ish.” For the second smaller room, or the ‘bar area’ “there's always a different dj with more mellow music” (Respondent H). Events vary throughout the week, “every night during the week there is a different party, so a different dj. Mostly there is the same party every Friday, or every Friday once in a two weeks” (Respondent H). Although the door policy is not specifically mentioned on either their website or social media accounts, promotion material often displays the appearances and clothing of their visitors or models. The venue is often described using the words ‘trendy’, ‘fashion’ or ‘cool’ by the respondents. The dress code is an important selection tool at the door: “…if you want to get in and you are not on the guest list, they really look at how you look” (Respondent H). However, this does not imply that the clothing should be expensive, stressed another respondent; “you can wear cheap clothes, but as long as it is fashionable, well-matched and cool” (Respondent R). The respondents all agree that the majority of the visitors are people from Amsterdam and are in the beginning of their 20s. Respondent A says that “people from sororities go there a lot too” and Respondent H says that “there are not many people from abroad, no tourists at least. If you look at their [CSC’s] Facebook … you see all those complaints from tourists that they don’t like the club, and that they didn’t get in because they are not from Holland. Mostly the people in the club are from Holland and most of the time they are from Amsterdam.” Respondents and reviewers described different ways by which the bouncers reject tourists, such as the requirement for a password, the rejection of an identity card or the excuse of the club being too full. This profile of the audience is confirmed by many reviews. Review X described the crowd as “mainly nice students”, while Review X felt discriminated for being an expat as they were “waiting in line for an hour and then not getting in because you are an expat! Can

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someone explain the logic? But the Dutch guy next to you that is under aged and dressed like he’s going to gym gets in. Makes perfect sense!”. Some respondents did not think the door policy was very strict (Respondents JK and M). Among the respondents, no one explicitly talks about the sexuality of the visitors. However, a few of them mention the importance of romantic interaction between male and female during nights out. Respondent C talks about how this is sometimes a part of his social interactions during a night out. Among the Facebook reviews, there were two reviewers felt they were witnessed a form of discrimination. Review X said: “Bouncer knocked us back (2 guys turning-up) advising 'couples only'. When I told him we were a couple he told us to prove it …. When I refused and told him he was being discriminatory”. The majority of the respondents goes in larger groups. The bouncer generally rejects large groups, but the groups split up just before entering to avoid being rejected and unite again inside. Respondent H explains how she goes with groups of around 5 people but unites with all their friends once inside. Furthermore, visitors do generally not plan their nights but are more likely to end up at CSC spontaneously. Lastly, the audience is by the majority of the respondents describes as “open” and “easy to talk to”. However, Respondent V claims that people are judgmental and that it is “a pretty closed community, so if you don’t know anyone there, it’s not like many people would start talking to you randomly. I feel like people stick with their friends more”.

DS

DS is a club, a restaurant, a café and an exhibition space situated in Amsterdam-West. It has a 24-hour license and opens 7 days a week. DS opened in 2016 on Doctor Jan van Breemenstraat and is owned and run by Post CS BV, the same company that ran (now closed) Amsterdam nightclubs Trouw and Club 11. The venue of DS used to be a technical school and has the nightclub located in the school’s former bicycle storage area with a capacity of 700. The programming of the club mainly focuses on electronic dance music, with the focus on local DJs giving them the opportunity to play extended sets. However, international artists also regularly stop by. Besides the club, the venue hosts concerts in a former workshop with a capacity of 200. The sheltered outdoor courtyard is open for not just club-goers, but also for other members of the public. The minimum age is 21 and in the house rules they emphasize that they expect their visitors to be open towards others, ‘regardless of their origin, gender,

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sexual orientation, religion and age’. They further clarify their door policy by stating that formal clothing or the lack of knowledge regarding DS’s musical identity can be a basis of refusal at the door. Besides that, it is forbidden to take photos in the club (De School Amsterdam 2017).

With describing DS, almost all respondents include the physical space as being an important feature of the venue and its character. They emphasize on how this space has a large influence on what kind of venue is it and what people it attracts. It is described as “raw” (Respondent M). DS is more transparent with regard to their door policy and clarifies this under ‘house rules’ on their website. With regard to the audience, respondents agree that there is not one type of person that goes there. “I think all types of people go there. I think every night you'll see different people, I don’t really have a specific person in mind” (Respondent JO). However, the passion for music seems to be the main aspect that the visitors have in common. “What I think is typical of the people that go is that you have to really like the music that you're going to hear and see, because otherwise you're not going to have a nice evening there” (Repondent JO). “The people really go for the music, not for showing off or taking selfies in the dancefloor” (Respondent E). For this reason, the visitors are subject to a strict check at the door to verify whether someone belongs to that group. “…there is a filter at the door and there is a pretty strict door policy. They for example ask what artist plays that night, and you have to know the line up pretty well ” (Respondent E). With regard to clothing, respondents tend to focus on the freedom that people experience in deciding on what to wear. “There are people that dress more extravagant” (Respondent N). Formal clothing is not part of the dress code and have been the basis of refusal for many: “… I had to wear a suit because I care about my clients. I feel it's offensive that people who have to dress a certain way, can't enjoy their favorite artist, spend their money, and have a great time” (Review X). The description provided by one respondent seems to summarize the profile of the audience for DS. He distinguished between three groups of visitors: “One type of person is people that are sexually more expressive I guess you could say. It could be gays, lesbians or transgender… people that clearly express themselves by the clothes they wear and how they dance and how they act, you can really see that they are not really conforming to average society’s expectations. And then you have people that are there because they really like the music and it’s their number one reason: they want to go to a place where they can see DJs in a pure and authentic way.

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And then the third subgroup of people that come there are like my roommate and their friends that go to DS on a Friday just to go there to go there… they don’t even think about who is playing or anything like this. They just go there as an outlet: dance and not really think about it much” (Respondent MI). Although, at least to some extent, there seems to be a selection with regard to clothing at the door, the main selection criteria appears to concern the degree of familiarity with the musical identity of DS. The club seems to be open for tourists as well, according to the participants. A reviewer claims that “tourists shouldn’t go there. No women who want to get laid. No dress shirts. No flirting area. No house music, just techno. Definitely no place for tourists” (Review X). The review seems to imply a rather narrow definition of the word tourist, and it seems to depend more on the intentions of the tourist for a night out. “I think they rather not have too many tourists inside, or maybe not tourists who go there just to go there but only that actually know and like the place” (Respondent JO). Some practices of DS are called ‘pretentious’, which Review X explained by comparing DS to one of the most reputational clubs of Europe “door policy laughable, sorry. Asking people if they can name all djs playing that night won't make you Berghain”. Respondent JA agrees with this, although he does think that this approach is needed to create the great atmosphere that it has. Review X calls the itself “… not pretentious”. Besides that, the majority of the respondents calls the crowd ‘open’, ‘friendly’ and ‘not judgmental’. Respondents and reviewers seem to agree on the age of the audience, stating that the “crowd is in its late 20s or early 30s” (Review X). Respondent E also thinks that: “the people that go there (red. DS) are a bit more experienced with partying”, suggesting that the audience is slightly older than for the average venue. Sexual orientation is mentioned in the ‘house rules’ and respondents seem to agree on the degree of freedom regarding sexual orientation they experience “…people that are sexually more expressive I guess you could say. It could be gays, lesbians or transgender…” (Respondent MI). However, reviews point out that this freedom regarding sexual orientation can turn into a requirement, stating that “we didn’t get in because we weren’t gay...(he [the bouncer] asked this question)”. Respondents mostly go alone or with a couple of friends. None of them seems to go with larger groups. The respondents that regularly visits alone have different reasons for this. Some do because they don’t have close friends that are as passionate as they are. “I mostly go alone because I don’t know many people that like it as much as I

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do” (Respondent E). Others go with a small group of close friends with the same interests. Others prefer to go alone as they will meet up with many people they know from other nights.

4.2 Identity motives

In this section I will elaborate on the identity motives identified in the interviews with the respondents. Although the interpretation of the statements made by the respondents are, to some extent, dependent on subjective perception, I tried to diminish this effect by referring back to the theoretical framework.

4.2.1 Self-esteem

Among the majority of the respondents of both venues, the self-esteem motive, the motivation to maintain and enhance a positive conception of oneself, is identified. Respondent R states that “just the fact that I had a great evening with my friends which makes me feel positively about myself”. Respondent MI and S also feel that way, the latter saying that “…it does make me feel good, you kind of feel part of something”. A sense of pride is also observed during some interviews. “I’m not ashamed to go there. To my other friends who do not really go there, I tell them that I went” (Respondent R). Other respondents talk about, what they called, the ‘cool’ factor: “It felt good to have been there. Both in the moment and afterwards. Maybe it is a bit of the cool factor” (Respondent R). For Respondent C, JK, R and V this feeling was mostly present in the beginning and faded with time. Respondent V described the audience as being part of an alternative, creative scene, and explains how this contributes to her self-esteem: “…what makes me happy is to create my own social life. So even though I get there through someone else, it’s a world that I created for myself in Amsterdam, and that definitely gives me a confidence boost … as it gave me a lot of friends.”

Among visitors of DS, the self-esteem was also observed. Respondent M explains that “going to a party and especially one like at De School it’s really important for me because I meet people, I can feel really comfortable and confident about myself because everybody there is there for the same or similar reasons”. Also the feeling of ‘freedom’ and ‘being accepted’ was clearly a motivation: “I don’t feel judged. If I go to other places I don’t feel comfortable if people try to hook up with you. I’m not scared of being judged but I just want to be free and completely myself. If I go to another

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venue I always have to pay attention to my makeup and everything, and here I don’t care at all” (Respondent N). This is also mentioned by respondents D and L, the latter stating: “I feel like I can be totally myself there and that feeling is definitely valuable for me. I feel like I can show a part of me without any prejudgments or judgments at all. That’s definitely quite important and valuable for me. It is helps for my confidence as well.” There is one respondent who explains that the image of the venue could be an unconscious motivation: “Maybe I don’t like the hype either, but I really want it not to be the reason for me that I go, but at some point I think it is the reason” (Respondent JA). Among the respondents, only Respondent M described how he feels proud. Respondent L and JA explain how they do not always tell that they visit DS because of prejudgments.

4.2.2 Continuity

The motivation to maintain a sense of continuity across time and situation within a person’s identity appears to be present for visitors of both venues. Respondent H, R, A, MI, JK and S all describe how CSC is a place where they meet up with their current friends, but also how they meet up with people that they know from their past. For their future, they see less connection. Respondent MI explains: “… there are many people from Amsterdam that I recognize. So that’s nice, its reminds me of my past and that was a great time. In my future I don’t really see it. But the present is also there. It’s kind of connected.” Respondent JK sees CSC as a great place to bring all her friends. This includes her friends that do not like the nightlife per se, or that have different music preferences than she has. Furthermore, some respondents see CSC as a good place to enter the nightlife scene more. “I think, as I grew older, I started going a bit more to clubs instead of the normal bars. I think CSC brought me into the scene a bit more, going to clubs and not just to bars” (Respondent JK). They describe it as a venue that many people go to when they just move to Amsterdam.

Among visitors of DS, the continuity motive is identified as well. Respondent E and LI both work in the music industry and are therefore see music as what connects their past, present and future life. For Respondent E DS plays a more central and dominant role in this than for Respondent LI. With respect to their ‘going out behavior’, the majority of the respondents mentions regularly visiting Trouw, the previous venue of the owners of DS. For Respondent N, this goes even back to the venue

Identity motives and music venue choice : a case study of two reputable music venues in Amsterdam