From an Archaic Recluse to a Modern Rebel
a Thesis on the Journey of Youth; Battling Social Isolation in Contemporary SocietyThomas Gales 10423095, Gales1992@live.nl Master Social and Cultural Anthropology; GSSS University of Amsterdam, June 21st 2019
Supervisor: Vincent de Rooij Second Reader: Oskar Verkaaik Third Reader: Milena Veenis
Table of contents
Abstract 2
Chapter 1: Introduction 3
1.1: Theoretical Framework 4
1.1.1: The History of Social Withdrawal 4
1.1.2: Online Communities 6
1.1.3: Structures of Online Communities 8
1.1.4: Identity & Self-image 9
1.1.5: Interdisciplinary Research 11
1.2: Problem Definition 12
1.2.1: Scientific & Social Relevance 13
1.2.2: Operationalization 13 1.3: Methodology 15 1.3.1: Research Strategy 15 1.3.2: Research Design 16 1.3.3: Research Method 16 1.3.4: Population 18 1.3.5: Data Analysis 18 1.3.6: Ethical Concerns 19
1.4: Entry into the field 20
Chapter 2: The Past; Anomie and antisocial behaviour 22 Chapter 3: The Present; Social change through social reintegration 29
Chapter 4: The Future; Agency and structure 41
Chapter 5: Conclusion 50
5.1: Discussion 52
5.2: Evaluation 52
Abstract
Within an ever-shrinking world, at-risk youths often feel helpless in society. Globalisation creates a structural shift within society producing global values of individualism,
competition and consumerism (Pilkington & Johnson, 2003). Youths are strongly affected by these global values, and they react to them in different ways. This thesis investigates, from sociological and psychological perspectives, how certain at-risk youths in the Netherlands react to the societal pressure to achieve cultural goals, even though they lack the means to reach them. A small but growing group within society reacts to these
pressures by isolating themselves. This account explores the journey these youths took: how anomie, anxiety, individualisation, shifting social structures and high pressure cause them to withdraw from society and how through supportive communities and creative adaptations of cultural goals they fought themselves back. The journey shows the lack of support from society for the harmful psychological and sociological effects from
globalising pressures and provides ways to avoid them as well as techniques for reintegrating already socially isolated youth to society.
Key Words: youth, social withdrawal, isolation, Pokémon GO, community, augmented reality, globalisation
1. Introduction
‘Shutting themselves in’ – The New York Times, 2006 ‘The growing band of young people living reclusive lives’ – The Guardian, 2012, these newspaper articles are two examples of the growing concern about social isolation under youth happening around the world. The Guardian (2012) states that cases have been observed in Oman, Spain, Italy, South Korea, the US and France and these are not singular cases as Dr Marie-Jeanne Guedj-Bourdiau, head of the psychiatric unit at the Hôpital Saint-Anne in Paris, explains: in the past 15 months she has registered "about 30 cases concerning adolescents of 16 or over, but also young people in their late 20s who have extremely limited social lives, after struggling to complete university studies" (The Guardian, 2012).
Modernity has alleviated many problems from society, lifestyles have improved, knowledge has been expanded, and the political system is being finetuned. However, modernity brings along certain unexplored sociological and psychological territories. After an era of progression and renovation, society becomes accustomed to a certain standard of growth. Individuals unable to attain this new standard can disassociate from society, which is called social withdrawal and is the main subject of this thesis. Existing research on social withdrawal all points to conformist societies like that of Japan, where it is treated as a psychological disorder and a silent epidemic with an estimate of several hundred
thousand cases in Japan alone (Teo & Gaw, 2010; Furlong, 2008; Toivonen,
Norasakkunkit, & Uchida, 2011). Treatment is varied, lacking, and often experimental, but the cause is often an anomic response to a situation in which societal values become unattainable and no longer provides clues to their attainment.
Even though Dutch society is not a very conformist one, I argue that the pressures remain the same and that the act of social withdrawal among youth is very much present. Therefore, the main aim of this thesis is to produce scientific literature exploring the causes of social withdrawal in Western society as well as recommendations for effective treatment. To do so, I have had several interviews with people that have been through social isolation to get an answer to the general questions about their journey: what are the personal, structural and psychological processes driving them to isolation, and what got them out of it? The scientific relevance is visible in the clear lack of literature about social isolation within Western societies, other than Japan. Socially, the relevance shines through in societies lack of support nets for individuals that are afflicted by isolation; there is no policy for reintegration, nor are there any preemptive programs for at-risk youth.
through withdrawal and are currently reintegrating or are already reintegrated into society. The main method of acquiring information was through interviews. However, this thesis also reflects the journey I took to get to my population. Which includes, establishing sponsors, gatekeepers, participating in community events and building rapport.
Furthermore, I am a proponent of understanding through genealogy; therefore, I will start with a theoretical history of this malady of modernity, followed by the relevance of anthropological methods. The theoretical framework will end on a sociological note by delving into the structures and processes surrounding Merton’s strain theory and how Goffman’s presentations of Self affect identity.
1.1 Theoretical Framework
1.1.1 History of Social Withdrawal
Newspaper and scientific articles about socially withdrawn youth all point back to a singular point of origin, Japan. Whereas social withdrawal in Europe is on the rise for the past decade, Japan has been dealing with it for the better part of three decades. In 1998 Tamaki Saito coined the term ‘Hikikomori’ in his article How to Rescue Your Child from Hikikomori which has since been widely used throughout the world. In this article, Saito mentions a rapidly growing social group in Japan whose members contain a few
overlapping and concerning traits, a social group consisting for the most of adolescents or young adults who consistently fail to land a job. The specific criteria for the hikikomori syndrome do not list a certain social group. However, because the majority of the afflicted is a graduate or university students, it is often seen as one (Saito, 1998; Teo & Gaw, 2010; Toivonen et al., 2011). The fact that these young adults are unable to find a job lies at the very foundation on which the phenomenon of hikikomori is built.
When we go back in time and take a look at the Japanese economy, we can see three solid decades of economic growth between 1960 and late 1980, which was aptly called ‘the miracle economy’. At the end of the Second World War Japan’s economy was destroyed together with their cities. However, due to extreme perseverance and discipline, Japan became one of the largest economies in the world, only second to the United States at the time (Allison, 2012). As Durkheim describes in Suicide, with economic change comes social change, and in Japan, there was a change in the notion of ‘self’. It became privatised before WOII one worked to benefit the emperor. However, the emperor was no longer relevant, and this time of economic growth stimulated everyone to work to benefit one’s self. To benefit one’s self was to make a career, and this seemingly positive
social-economic movement was the seed that decades later would cause a lot of psychological harm. However, it must be said that making a career within the Japanese market economy at that time was limited; workers would stay within a company for most of their life. Thus their career was measured through their growth within the company they chose after graduating (Toivonen et al., 2011).
The Japanese market economy is a so-called coordinated market economy (CME), this meant that workers had very low mobility on the one hand but also enjoyed structures like a life-long employment program, which made it virtually impossible in a juridical as well as a normative sense to let a worker go (Toivonen et al., 2011). Moreover, because of this system the companies were run like a family; core workers were attached to their workspace and one another, they had life-long bonds, went on company trips together, and late-night work was often followed by drinks (Allison, 2012). One did not work at Toyota; they “belonged” to Toyota. Then in the early 1990s, the enormous economic bubble finally burst which resulted in a decade of regression. To rescue their economy, the Japanese government adopted a more Western, more neoliberal market economy (Furlong, 2008). Thus, the rigid family shifted towards the flexible hiring and firing system we know in the west. Which also meant a change in the simultaneous recruiting of new graduates, a custom for companies in Japan where they hire new graduates all at once and employ them (Toivonen et al., 2011). This was the last nail in the coffin for prospective young workers, youths who were not hired immediately upon graduation were very rarely allowed to enter the core workforce at a later stage (Masahiro, 2010); it brought forth a generation of youth with no viable prospect of employment, also known as the lost generation.
In Durkheimian (1893/2012) terms, this generation is now in a state of anomie. Through the reforms, the Japanese government implemented there has come a breakdown of social bonds between the individual and the community, which will result in a
fragmentation of social identity and rejection of self-regulatory values (Durkheim 1893/2012). The fragmentation and rejection are visible in the symptoms of Hikikomori. Another way to view the anomie within this society is through an anomic division of labour: the collective has lost its power over the individual; Japanese society now lacks regulation and celebrates isolated individuality while refraining from telling people what to do. This is also in line with Durkheim’s prediction: modern society is always prone to anomie, but it comes to the fore in times of social and economic crisis (Durkheim, 1893/2012). However, there are several ways to react to these circumstances, and the
reason some choose to conform to a socially withdrawn lifestyle might be due to social processes which are inherent to Japanese culture. Saito (1998) states that uniformity, as well as reputations and outward appearances, are paramount in Japanese society. Thus rebellion comes in muted forms.
On the other hand, he also mentions the following:
"But I think it's related to the emotional state of people. In every country, young people have adjustment disorders. In Western culture, people are homeless or drug addicts. In Japan, it's apathy problems like hikikomori." (Saito, 1998)
Following on the work of Durkheim is sociologist Robert K. Merton (1938) who adapted anomie as the product of the gap between societal pressure to achieve certain goals and the individual’s means to attain them, and called it strain. The causes and effects of this theory are further addressed in Chapter 4 of the results where the theory is used in combination with empirical data to showcase the role of agency in movement between social locations.
I do, however, like to point out a current scientific debate on the topic of Hikikomori, which is relevant to this research of social withdrawal. Teo & Gaw (2011) argue that hikikomori is being used as a camouflage for another disorder and want to admit it to the Japanese DSM-V with its psychiatric diagnosis, classifying it as a culture-bound, personality syndrome. An opposite view to that of Western sociologist Andy Furlong (2008), who presents hikikomori a neither psychological or psychiatric, but as a transient phenomenon caused by social factors. Within the thesis, I argue that these two views are not mutually exclusive and that to grasp this complex social problem, an interdisciplinary approach is needed.
1.1.2 Online Communities
A few remarks, taken from newspaper articles (The New York Times, 2006; The Guardian, 2012), stood out about social exclusion in western settings. Often, the few people that were still somewhat in contact with these individuals would claim something along the lines of ‘he just sits there all day in front of his computer’. This made me realise that there is a certain connection between what these youths do on the internet and what they tend not to do in real life, could this online activity be a substitute for offline connections or just an outlet? To answer these questions, an understanding of online communities and its appropriateness for anthropological research must be set forth.
cross-cultural and multi-sited phenomena, real or imagined communities, emerging constructions of individual and collective identities; as well as portraying the nature of new communicative and social practices (Wilson & Peterson, 2002). For this reason, there might not be a discipline better suited to study the rapidly changing context of online communities and how individual and community identities are negotiated. Furthermore, anthropological research provides a lot of theories surrounding the dynamics of power and access to new communications media, such as Social implications of the internet
(DiMaggio et al., 2001); Integration, disintegration and re-integration via advanced information technology (Kottak, 1996); The Internet: an Ethnographic Approach (Miller & Slater, 2002).
Wilson & Peterson (2002) state that for anthropology’s contribution to the study of online practices one must bring research back from cyberspace and virtual reality into geographical, social spaces in order to address issues like: how Internet and computing practices are becoming normalized, or how gendered and racialized identities are reproduced in online interactions. Within my research it is important to examine the dichotomy between the offline and the online critically, first and foremost one’s a social identity which is considered as an offline trait, but which in this case is created through an online medium. How social does a socially withdrawn individual see him/herself? Does their social inclusion into an online community fully replace the connections and interactions they lack offline or has virtual reality not yet realized those immersive properties? The relationship between virtual and offline interactions cannot be ignored; internet technologies and its interaction with the local has opened up new dimensions of social change and unintended consequences (Wilson & Peterson, 2002).
There is also another discussion about online communities and whether they are real or imagined, whether or not these communities are too volatile, too transitory and the fact that the nature of this communication medium made them simply too different from the face to face groupings traditionally thought of as communities (Wilson & Peterson, 2002). However, time has learned that online communities tend to be as steady or volatile as their offline counterpart with some lasting for over a decade and others just a day or so. The point is that whether or not an online community is real or imagined, the distinction is actually not important, it is important that an anthropological approach is well suited to investigate the continuous sequence of communities, identities and networks in which adjacent – communities, identities and networks – are not perceptibly different from each
other, however in which extremes are quite distinct and that they exist regardless of the ways in which community members interact (Wilson & Peterson, 2002).
1.1.3 Structures of Online Communities
Within the following paragraph, certain structures of online communities which promote strong interpersonal bonds and attachment will be described. The paragraph will elucidate the reasons behind why certain online communities thrive with help of the article Building stronger brands through online communities by McWilliam (2000) and uses concepts of social psychology to explain how the designs of online communities nurture common identity and bonding taken from the article Applying Common Identity and Bond Theory to Design of Online Communities by Ren, Y., Kraut, R., & Kiesler, S. (2007).
Most online communities have a distinctive focus (McWilliam, 2000). Therefore, the people in them share a common interest, no matter how far apart the individuals may be in reality, this is a form of social categorisation which is one of the main causes for group identity (Ren et al., 2007). The social categorisation can create group identity through defining a group of people as members of the same social category, and group identity, in turn, will strengthen the individual’s attachment to the group as a whole (Ren et al., 2007).
Secondly, McWilliam (2000) identifies successful communities as a place with codes of behaviour. Even though online communities do not have any physical space, most communities do act as they meet in a public space in which there is a set of shared values, rules and thus, codes of behaviour. Furthermore, just like in ‘offline’ society, successful communities evolve when participants get to know one another and realise who is credible and who is not, which stimulates the development of a sense of shared values and responsibilities. This is a form of interdependence, which is also a base for group identity (Ren et al., 2007). Groups whose members are cooperatively interdependent tend to become committed to the group, such as working together towards a common goal, which is often the case within online communities.
Thirdly, congenial and stimulating dialogues lead to relationships based on trust (McWilliam, 2000). Asynchronous conversations which often take place in online communities are comparable to face-to-face conversations. These conversations are threaded and can include a sense of immediacy, intimacy and continuity, just like their real-world counterpart. However, within online communities, people’s worth is largely based on their ability to contribute to and the maintenance of conversations and
relationships. Thus, there is a clear hierarchy; from one who contributes the most to the least, and these hierarchies can and do evolve (McWilliam, 2000). This structure of dialogue and hierarchy, from a social psychological viewpoint, can be seen as a form of intergroup comparison which also is a cause and consequence of people’s attachment to the group as a whole: this is named the common identity theory (Ren et al., 2007). Intergroup comparison happens when people who define themselves as members of one group compare themselves to other groups. Comparison shines a light on the differences between out- and in-groups, which in turn will intensify the people’s commitment to their in-group (Ren et al., 2007).
A fourth aspect of successful online communities is the encouragement for active participation by the majority of the community (McWilliam, 2000). McWilliam states that active participation is necessary to hold an online community together; this is because of an iterative process of participation and reciprocation. Active participation is an
investment that asks for reciprocation, and without it, online communities will fail. This confers with social interaction and the self-disclosure of personal information that delineate the common bond theory; causes and consequences of people’s attachment to individual group members (Ren et al., 2007).
All in all, these structures apply to real-world groups as well as online
communities. However, due to the nature of online communities – which is focused on truly fostering these kinds of structures, whereas real life doesn’t offer such clear-cut structures - the effect of them is far greater and tangible. Thus, often, people who would have difficulty identifying such structures (group identity, bonding) without a tutorial or clear signs and instructions would feel left out. People who suffer from, for instance, autism will find an online environment to be ‘user-friendly’.
1.1.4 Identity & Self Image
To translate, the mostly Japanese, history of social withdrawal to contemporary Western, and especially Dutch society, one must take a closer look at how self-identities are shaped. This identity, in turn directly affects a person: indeed, identity is the cumulative
assortment of qualities and beliefs that make a particular person or group of people different from others (Quinn, 2016). Identity is the motivation for behaviour and is strengthened when information is turned into empathic emotion (Quinn, 2016). Cohen (2001) identifies two factors which most actively shape identity, which is the media and people. People could be represented by parents or guardians. However, we are most
influenced by our peers (Cohen, 2001). Peers we go to school with, enjoy football practice with, or peers we meet online. So how exactly is the Self shaped through online
communities?
A big part of online communities is either video-games or video-game related communities, such as discord channels, subreddits or streaming sites. Recently there has been a lot of research about personal identity and team identity being transferred strongly through video-games: Van Looy, Courtois, De Vocht, & De Marez, 2012; Griffiths, Eastin & Cicchrillo, 2015. These articles distinguish between avatar identification, group
identification and game identification. Avatar identification being a temporary alteration of one’s self-perception due to their mental association with their in-game character (Van Looy et al., 2012). Group identification is perceived through in-game group membership and the self-attributes based upon this membership, and lastly, game identification is defined because of active participation within the game community (Van Looy et al., 2012). Cohen (2001) also states that in every social activity, individuals adopt the goals of their character and connect with their emotions and motivations, video games are not excluded.
When an individual plays a part, he or she implicitly requests that his observers take the impression seriously (Goffman 1959/2012). In this view, it is the individual who performs. But what if we turn this question around? What if the individual believes in the impression of reality that he performs for his peers? One can sincerely believe that the staged impression of reality is one’s real reality. Goffman (1959/2012) further states that impressions of reality we leave behind, the roles we are playing, and the masks we are wearing may show our truer self, the self we would like to be. In other words, when someone is taken in by his act that act may become an integral part of his personality, his identity. On the other hand, there is also the cynical performer, the performer that deludes their audiences for self-interest or private gain. The cynical performer and the sincere are not mutually exclusive; most people find a natural movement between the two.
It is possible that individuals, who are socially withdrawn have a sincere
performance within their respective online communities. They believe that the impression of reality they perform is their true nature, whereas the person they are in society is the cynical mask. Which is in opposition to the norm: people believe they are who they are in day-to-day life and create ‘fake’ avatars with ‘fake’ names in online communities. This deviation from the norm is felt by the withdrawn individuals and only strengthens the reason to dive deeper into this online persona they created, a vicious cycle in which the
sincere online persona is dissolving the offline cynical mask. However, it must be noted that social exclusion and withdrawal are not mutually exclusive, feeling excluded might push one into withdrawal and withdrawal might encourage other people to further exclude the individual.
1.1.5 Interdisciplinary Research
This thesis tackles the social problem of social withdrawal among young people.
However, due to the vast amount of processes influencing youth into isolation this thesis has integrated anthropological research tools with sociological and psychological theories to create interdisciplinary research. It is as Karl Popper (1963) stated, we are no longer students of subjects but students of problems, and these problems cut across the
boundaries of any subject matter or discipline. Moreover, social withdrawal can be seen as a “wicked problem”, a problem that is so complex, that to understand it and suggest solutions, it requires multiple perspectives (Rittel & Webber, 1973). With a wicked problem, the definitive formulation of the problem is akin to solving the problem. In the case of social withdrawal, the theoretical framework shows that even the infinitely more researched Japanese version does not have a definitive formulation yet. Some researchers claim it as a psychopathological problem on par with other mental disorders (Teo & Gaw, 2010), whereas others claim it to be a sociological phenomenon set on by changing opportunity structures within society (Furlong, 2008). Social isolation does not have an immediate solution, and even though I attempt to explain the cause and effect of social isolation, there will not be a single way to explain it. Every instance of isolation in every society means that there are numerous possible explanations. Thus the ‘chosen’
explanation defines the direction of the resolution (Rittel & Webber, 1973). The sociological and psychological theories are two sides of the same coin, reflecting different influences on the same problem of social withdrawal. Sociology defines the structural strain created from global values, and psychology shows the individual pressures and reactions. Lastly, anthropology provides the perfect tools to research such a complex phenomenon. Through ethnography, one can create a better understanding of the problem, not only the theory and processes behind it, but also the narrative of someone who personally understands what social isolation does. Thus, by integrating anthropological methodologies with sociological and psychological concepts and theories, the results and insights they generate form interdisciplinary research.
1.2 Problem Definition
From the theoretical framework, it is clear that certain at-risk youths may be pushed into social withdrawal using high social pressure and shifting social structures. However, this process has not yet been properly studied in western society. Therefore, I opt to create a complete understanding of this modern affliction: what sociological processes or
individual pressure put people in the position to isolate themselves, and what is the role of agency and communal influences breaking out of this isolation? Theory shows the
importance of community to individuals, and thus, I composed the main question which includes cause, effect and the importance of community to social withdrawal.
How are ex-socially withdrawn youths in the Netherlands perceived through the communities they are part of?
To establish a complete answer to the main question of this thesis, the dimensions of the question has been split up into three different sub-questions, all answering a part of the core concept. To understand how socially withdrawn youths are perceived, one needs to understand the cause of their social withdrawal and how it has affected them. Therefore, the first sub-question will be: How does one experience social exclusion, and what are the underlying causes? At the hand of this sub-question, the history of social withdrawal (1.1.1) is compared to the outcome of the ethnographic fieldwork that has been conducted. The similarities, as well as differences, are essential to grasping the full scope of social isolation.
The second dimension of the main question involves the “ex” part of the socially withdrawn youths. Thus, this sub-question will conceptualise the social reintegration and reflects the essential part of the community (1.1.3) in this process of reintegration: How does one reintegrate into society, and what processes are instrumental to this
reintegration? Furthermore, the answer to this question introduces a new form of
community which finds its bearings in the online as well as the offline; augmented reality. The structures of augmented reality software, and in particular the game Pokémon GO, have unforeseen and unintended therapeutic effects on socially withdrawn youths. Unintended in the sense that the developers of Pokémon GO, Niantic, created it with a capitalistic mindset and not as a therapeutic tool for helping socially withdrawn youth throughout society.
The last sub-question ties together identity (1.1.4) and agency and constructs a complete picture of the journey taken by the socially withdrawn youths: How have
ex-socially withdrawn youths moved between social locations and what was the role of agency in this movement? This journey is accompanied by Merton’s strain theory and helps create a mid-range theory that reflects the possible effects of strain on at-risk youth in contemporary society, which will help complete the perception of social isolation. 1.2.1 Scientific & Social Relevance
Socially withdrawn youth is a growing group within post-modern society, and there is still little literature available about this group about Western Europe. Most literature is based around Japan and its distinct form of social withdrawal, hikikomori. With this wealth of scientific literature, Japan has been able to actively combat social withdrawal, which is necessary because the government estimates that there is 1.55 million youth currently in social withdrawal (Hoffman, 2011). Through scientific research, causes and possible treatments have been established, which allows policymakers to apply certain tools to prevent as well as treat social withdrawal (Teo & Gaw, 2010). However, due to the differences in culture, these policies would not be applicable in other Western countries.
This research fills a lacuna within the scientific literature, and by filling this lacuna, I hope to draw some attention towards this social problem. Furthermore, this research also shows culture-specific causes and delineates specific processes that will help to treat people that suffer from social isolation. Thus, this thesis can be the basis for policies regarding social isolation.
1.2.2 Operationalization
To successfully research how socially withdrawn youths in the Netherlands are perceived by their respective online communities, the core concepts must be split up into dimensions and measurable indicators. The core concept of social in- and exclusion is defined, per the theoretical framework, as an interplay between the alienation of societal communities and integration into online communities. As a guideline during the fieldwork, this concept has diverged into four dimensions: identity, (online) community, sociological structure and psychological pressure. Furthermore, through the use of cross-checking findings from observations, document analysis and in-depth interviews, more accurate data and more confidence in the findings will be ensured. This method of triangulation can also be used to check observations with interview questions to determine certain misunderstandings (Bryman, 2012).
The first dimension, identity, will help shape an understanding of the individual’s goals and point of view. Which people does he relate to, how does he view his future, and
where does he or she feel at home? Answers to these questions will help create an understanding of how the individual frames himself, does the individual see himself as part of society with a vested interest in online communities or vice versa. It is important to know how people see themselves because it lets the researcher ethically frame the
individual.
The second dimension, community, extrapolates on the position of the individual which has been established by the first dimension and how is the individual’s identity produced in their online community. Is it a reflection of the Self or an imagined mask? Furthermore, within this dimension, I would also like to address some of the issues with online communities, such as the volatile nature and the degrees of anonymity that come with it. Lastly, how does the community affect the psychological state of the individual? Is this specific community detrimental in any way, does it promote social withdrawal, or does it help the individual realise his truest self?
The third dimensions, sociological structure, will bring insight into the underlying structures within society as well as within the online community that affect the socially withdrawn individuals. Whether it is because of the labour market, schooling system or just the appealing aspects of a virtual world, but hopefully, this dimension can shine a light on what complexities outside of the individual are working together to move the
individual in a certain direction.
The fourth and last dimension shifts from a structural, sociological point of view to the personal, psychological point. Which individual patterns move someone, have already been observed by Cohen (2001). The indicators for psychological movement within a community are cognition, behaviour and emotion. Emotion has to do with community building, finding a group of peers with a common goal and working towards it. Cognition arises when that common goal is achieved. Behaviour shapes the group's attitude and the individual attitude of its members; it also forms how far individuals are willing to go for the group.
1.3 Methodology 1.3.1 Research Strategy
The strategy of research is guided by the main research question (Bryman, 2012). In this case, the questions: why, how, and what can only be answered by a qualitative research strategy, because of its flexible nature. To access deeper insights into online communities and especially a specific part of their inhabitants, a research strategy is needed that allows one to acquire an understanding of intricate relations between individuals. Furthermore, this research has an explorative nature that allows one to systematically collect and analyse data to discover new relations and questions that will eventually form a descriptive narrative.
Because of the lacuna in scientific literature surrounding socially withdrawn youths in the Netherlands and their connectedness with online communities I used an inductive orientation, which let me gather information through interviews, observations and analysis of relatable content (Bryman, 2012). Because of the inductive orientation, I have also established additional theories through the empirical information that was gathered. These theories, such as the strain theory have been shortly addressed in the theoretical framework but will be fully discussed in the result section to mirror the chronological thought process of the whole thesis.
The results do relate to their specific community but will be generalizable to other communities and situations outside of the Netherlands. Because the underlying structure formed through society and communities is also generalizable. Social withdrawal is not a natural occurrence, rather a socially constructed one. Therefore, it is open for
interpretation as such the results will not be hard facts, to understand those results an interpretative epistemology has been adopted. This epistemology allows one to empathise with the respondents and interpret their signs and symbols as socially constructed
(Bryman, 2012). This epistemology also aligns with the inductive orientation to produce accurate outcomes. Furthermore, a constructionist ontology is used because the social reality currently presented is not definite and will most likely change when more data is added (Bryman, 2012).
1.3.2 Research Design
A cross-sectional design has been chosen. However, it will not be the generic survey and questionnaire-like design, which is so often related to cross-sectional researches. It is chosen because cross-sectional designs allow for an interesting use of observations, interviews and content analysis.
This research will cover multiple research methods, communities and theories. Therefore, a design has been chosen, which correlates with the amount of variation presented. Furthermore, the three-month field work only allows for access to information at a single point of time, which is also a key concept within a cross-sectional design (Bryman, 2012). Lastly, because the information is pretty much acquired at a single point in time, it is difficult for me to manipulate any of the variables. Therefore, when a
relationship between variables is discovered, I cannot denote a causal relationship. However, through other, post-fieldwork, methods there will still be a possibility to infer causation through the use of cross-section interpretation.
1.3.3 Research Method
Access is often the most difficult step in ethnography, and this subject is no different, especially gaining access to the socially withdrawn has proven to be challenging, so challenging I had to adjust the population slightly; from socially withdrawn to ex-socially withdrawn. This deviation allowed me to dive into an entirely new pool of possible subjects and inadvertently also created a new narrative throughout this thesis. I was now able to construct an interdisciplinary view of socially isolated youth displaying pre-isolation causes and post-pre-isolation effects.
Initially, a covert role was taken when approaching people in the field. This was because of several reasons; firstly, social isolation can be a sensitive subject to talk about, as it has also been defined by some as a psychological disorder (Teo & Gaw, 2010). Thus, it was essential to build rapport and trust before asking for an interview and consent because of this approach; nobody declined my invitation. Secondly, within the field, people who went through social isolation and people who did not were mixed. I did not want to expose one’s past to the other made it critical to stay covert, or at least covert to the people not contributing to the social isolation part of the research. The community that I researched had an open setting, so although I joined through an overt route, the people I was in contact with were, initially, not aware of my status as a research and, subsequently, did not know they were being observed. However, I did move between the roles of
researcher and participant. After establishing trust and whenever possible, the role of the researcher was assumed, and information gathered through interviews both online and offline. Before I switched focus to the ex-socially withdrawn I though most of my research would have been conducted online, however now most valuable information did come from face to face interviews with online chat interactions as back-up material.
In-depth semi-structured interviews and content analysis was used for
comprehension of the psychological processes of the socially withdrawn youth. This has lent insight into their goals and allowed me to receive further insight into their reasoning using the interpretative epistemology. The content analysis of archived interactions and observations has mainly produced a view into the way ex-socially withdrawn people act and interact with other people in a day to day manner.
This short frame (1) reflects my thought process before I started the fieldwork where I wanted to show the significance of online research and ethnography. It might not be relevant to the results but does add to the narrative of this thesis.
Frame 1: E-research
E-research differs from the authentic form of ethnography. However, there is a certain degree of overlay in which this research will reside. Discussion forums, chatroom interactions and other kinds of contributions to online environments are often referred to as studies of online interactions and online communities (Bryman, 2012). Data retrieved through such methods can be seen in real time and are, therefore, a form of observation (Bryman, 2012). An advantage E-research has over their offline counterpart is the possibility of viewing archived interactions, which then will become a content or document analysis. Through the anonymity that online communities often bring there is a choice to be made, does one
participate or does one read and analyse the various postings. Both have their pros. However, the latter can be regarded as ethically dubious.
1.3.4 Population
The research population consists of four males between the ages of 25 and 31 who have been assigned aliases for the sake of retaining their anonymity. Every one of my
respondents has experienced isolation for at least a year, in which they rarely spoke, and actively avoided social contact. They are currently re-integrating and in contact with other people again, most of them started coming back into society in the summer of 2016 with the release of the augmented reality game Pokémon GO and even though we are now three years further, only one them has been able to completely sustain himself financially. They are all Dutch-speaking; the interviews were also held in Dutch. Thus, all quotes have been translated into English.
1.3.5 Data Analysis
One of the tools used for analysing the collected data was coded with the help of the program ATLAS.ti. There are two types of coding, namely axial and open, which have both been used to understand the mass of collected data (Bryman, 2012). Axial coding is the process of relating codes to each other through a combination of inductive and deductive thinking, and open coding is the process of breaking down, examining,
comparing and conceptualising (Bryman, 2012). Through open coding, I have been able to induce new concepts which initially did not come up through the theoretical framework, such as strain, civic engagement and augmented reality. Open coding was used on the observations, interviews and document analysis data separately, and axial coding was used to compare these three sets of data. The coding is also part of an iterative process between data and theory. Thus, constructing a grounded theory through the analysis of data.
1.3.6 Ethical Concerns
This next frame is another instance of the process this thesis has endured, showing the ethical questions raised by doing research online. They are still somewhat relevant to this research. However, they do have to be amended to fit the new course of the thesis.
Frame 2.0: Ethical concerns for online research
This research contains a few ethical concerns due to the nature of the research, but also due to its population. Socially withdrawn youths can be prone to
psychological disorders like autism or hyper-intelligence; such people are easily afflicted by the slightest changes in their environment. Furthermore, because the research is mainly done on the internet, it brings additional ethical questions with it. First off, the distinction between the public and private space on the internet is blurred and contested. Therefore, knowing when one needs informed consent is difficult, even when it is clear that informed consent is needed, getting it might prove troublesome. For instance, when analysing an archived interaction, the people from that interaction might no longer be a member of that platform. Secondly, there is the ethical ambiguity of covert ethnography or lurking; I sometimes do not want to reveal my identity because it might influence
participants and trigger hostility that negatively affects my research. Lastly, one needs to consider proper “netiquette” when approaching potential participants online, due to the growth of research being conducted on the internet, there is a possibility to respondent-fatigue. If researchers do not adhere to the ethical principles of E-research, they might fatigue and arouse suspicion among
prospective research participants, creating a less than ideal environment for future researchers (Bryman,2008).
When I joined the Pokémon GO community I did start with a covert stance; the other players were not aware of my stance as a researcher, nor of the fact that they were being observed in such a way. However, while building rapport, I split my stance in a covert as well as an overt role, overt towards the ex-socially withdrawn interlocutors and covert towards other members of the community. This technique was applied to protect the anonymity of my interlocutors, only with the consent of them would I uncover my stance as a researcher. The main reason for starting out with a covert stance was because of the size of the group I was dealing with. The initial group had several hundred members and I was only trying to reach a small part of this enormous group. Openly declaring my
position as a researcher and confirming consent would be 1) nigh impossible and 2) might have ostracized the group I wanted to reach. Ultimately, everyone named in the researched has consented and members of the group that was approached covertly have not been used.
Results
1.4 Entry into the field
Through a message I put out amongst friends and acquaintances, which said that I was looking for people who could be classified as socially withdrawn or who were socially withdrawn, – I did specify details, such as the self-confinement was a personal choice and not due to an injury for example – I received an idea via an interlocutor I interviewed two years ago for my bachelor’s thesis. This interlocutor, Philip, told me that he meets up every now and then with a group of people of which at least a certain percentile of its people met my criteria. Philip is part of a Pokémon Go community in The Hague who regularly meet up, and some of the members use Pokémon Go as a tool to get themselves out of their house.
My next step was to identify such groups or communities within Amsterdam and join them to see if this was also the case here. It turns out; these groups were quite hard to track down as they do not have any online appearance (like on Facebook or forums), they only exist in What’s App groups which have a limit of 250 people. So, I needed a sponsor and found one through another mutual friend. The sponsor, Adriaan, took me to the first couple of meetups in Amsterdam Oost, more specifically, Oosterpark (see Fig. 1). After about a week, a spot finally opened up in this chat group, and I could chat and meet up people without having to tag along with Adriaan. Through this group, I also joined Pokémon Go What’s app groups in de Pijp, Zuid-Oost and Vondelpark.
What happens and what is said in these chats is somewhat restricted by certain rules which are made and managed by the group’s administrator. Dialogue within this chat-group must be focused around Pokémon GO. However, there are no limitations to what can be talked about during the real-world meetups. After establishing the rules and the different groups, I started a kind of vetting process to determine the best locations and times to get in contact with the people I need for my research as I was now in several groups with well over 500 different people from all walks of life.
After several days of testing, I narrowed the ideal location and time for meeting people that were or are socially withdrawn to the Pijp neighbourhood during office hours. Meeting more people that have been socially withdrawn during office hours makes sense, the meetups during this time are smaller, more intimate and inherently exclude all people who work a conventional job or study. I have not yet discovered the reason why the
percentage of (ex)-socially withdrawn people seems to be higher in the Pijp than in any of the other groups, but that is just what I determined. This specific group in which I decided to invest the brunt of my time in was a group of 7 – 15 people, it consists of primarily unemployed people, between the ages of 25-35, and predominantly male.
2. The Past; Anomie and antisocial behaviour
Within this chapter, the personal experiences of youth that are recovering from social isolation are linked to psychological processes and greater sociological structures. A light will be shone on individualistic differences as well as their similarities. It is through these similarities that a generalizable cause for social isolation within youths will be construed. This ethnography was an intimate one as it was a difficult task to find people who are recovering from social isolation, all-in-all four respondents completely fit the criteria for (previous) social isolation. These criteria were taken from a Japanese study on Hikikomori, which can be called the origin of social isolation (1.1.1), with cases dating back to the 1980s. Thus, the individuals referred to as recovering socially isolated have the following “symptoms” in common: 1) Nearly every day, the majority of the day is spent confined to home. 2) There is an active avoidance of social situations and relationships involved. 3) This isolation causes them significant functional impairment, often not noticed by them during or even after isolation. 4) The isolation persists for at least six months, and lastly 5) there are no other apparent physical or mental sicknesses which could account for said behaviour (Teo & Gaw, 2010). There does not seem to be a
consensus on age for social withdrawal. In Japan, 1.2% of the population between 20 and 49 years old suffer from Hikikomori, and a slightly higher percentage of 2% between 20 and 29-year old’s (Malagón Amor et al., 2010). Strengthening the hypothesis that onset happens during post-adolescence, but it not limited to it. There are cases of hikikomori persisting over 25 years (Malagón Amor et al., 2010). There is another recurring symptom portrayed here by one of my interlocutors:
“Staying home was the best I could do at the time. I wasn’t of any use anyway. I couldn’t find the energy to work. Or interact with anyone. And I didn’t want to burden anyone with the chore of interacting with me.” Rens, March 20th
This sentiment is shared by the other interlocutors; it shows that they sincerely thought society, and themselves, would be better without them in it. A thought which is reflected in the theoretical framework (1.1.1) by Durkheim’s notion of suicide. A form of anomic suicide, without the actual act of suicide, lead on by moral confusion and lack of direction.
2.1 Andy
The first contact with Andy was quite normal; my impression was one of a kind and social young man. He was tall, skinny and had receding black hairline which he tried to cover up by wearing hats and he always had the same black hoodie with white chewed up strings hanging from each side. Always first to arrive and easy to spot by his tall stature, Andy, a 28-year-old male who has been unemployed for over three years now and his income is built on government settlements which he received after he had to leave his last job due to a burn-out. From what I have gathered is that even after he recovered from his burnout, he chose not to return to society, until a year ago he spent his time at home playing video games. He explained that it was not the high workload of his job that made him withdraw, but rather a build-up of frustration. From a young age, he was told by his parents that it was of the utmost importance to have a job. Moreover, his parents were the kind of people that took the joy out of their work, and however hard he tried every job he had made him feel miserable. After years of feeling unsatisfied and unsuccessful, something snapped, and he felt an irresistible urge to escape this feeling.
It is here that one can make comparisons to other cases; in Japan, social isolation is attributed to a fear of not being able to live up to certain expectations (Teo & Gaw, 2010). In the case of Japan, it is expectations of the parents and society, and for Andy, it was the expectations he laid upon himself or rather inherited through from his parents. The one that exerts the pressure might be different, but the result is all the same. There is a shift in the notion of the self, from someone who thinks that the joy of life can be found through work to a person without this certainty. This can also be seen as a lack of norms to which the individual, in this case, Andy, has not yet adapted, which Durkheim (1897) sees as a symptom of anomie. Therefore, through this shift, the self now subsides in a state of anomie, a disassociation from the self.
2.2 Jim
The second person who met the criteria of social isolation was another young man named Jim. Jim already felt himself withdrawing from society during high school. Wanting to stay home for Jim was, for a large part due to feelings of shame or embarrassment in school. Whether it was the locker room during P.E., having to read a passage from a book or getting dropped off by his parents every once in a while. Jim said that the most joy he had in life at that point was being in his room, often reading books or watching TV and as soon as he had any agency, he went and did just that. Jim’s story collides with Andy’s on
certain interesting points; both convey a certain level of shame in public, which leads to fear or even anxiety of real-life social interactions. The upcoming withdrawal was also indicated by an obsessive need to keep their anxiety a very private matter, even their best friends or closest family members would be none the wiser. Jim told me that his parents thought for a long time that he was on the autistic spectrum. He would hear them talking about it from his room to friends or family whenever they were over. Andy told similar stories about how his friends thought he was addicted to video games. It shocked me that both Andy and Jim were very open about these issues, they laughed about it and joked about the ‘weird’ notions of embarrassment they used to have and shared some of their experiences. For example, Andy would never dare to talk about the things he liked to do, like the video games he played and the fulfilment he felt during it. Even to friends, because he thought they would not understand and laugh at him for playing them.
However, I think that withholding interests like this might have been one of the reasons for their withdrawal: they are continuously opting to withdraw from social situations due to shame, which reinforces their anxiety. Furthermore, this is opting out is translated by their peers and relatives as disinterest, when in reality it is their anxiety, forcing them even further into withdrawal due to the exclusion it generates from friends and family.
2.3 Matthijs
I met my third interlocutor, Matthijs, through Andy and Jim. They were, unbeknownst to themselves, attracted to each other through a form of shared suffering> However, before my intervention, they had no idea how similar their stories were. The game they were all playing, Pokémon GO, had the perfect storm of factors that created an environment for the recovering socially isolated to band together, factors which will be further touched upon in the second and third Chapter. At this point, I had been around this group for one and a half months, Matthijs and I had seen and spoken to each other on multiple occasions, however, nothing on the subject of social isolation. With the introduction of Andy and Jim, Matthijs agreed to an interview on a Monday afternoon in a relatively quiet coffee shop in the Pijp. Matthijs was, just as Andy and Jim, very open and forthcoming about his past. He
explained, that looking back, social isolation was something that was always lurking in the background of his existence. Stress was a major reason; it gave him an overwhelming urge to be alone and to be left alone. The first time Matthijs experienced this urge was during his first exam week back in his third year of high school. When he studied for his test, he
would ignore everything: phone calls, e-mails, even dinner and friends. This specific isolating behaviour gradually grew from there and especially during times of academic pressure, Matthijs would completely shut down. Eventually, this communication
malfunction crept in during other forms of pressure or stress, whenever he felt that there was a need to perform. Matthijs explained that at some point, his feelings of helplessness were so severe that sitting in his room and staring at the walls was all he could do. When asked about family and their support he just exclaimed that they were unable to help him, just because they did not know how to deal with it and thought they had to wait it out, they thought it was a kind of teenage rebellion.
Matthijs’s specific experience can be linked to the theory of psychological moratorium and how a negative adaptation of this theory can force a child in transition into acute social withdrawal. In 1969, Erikson coined the term psychological moratorium explaining how there are situations in which people can lose their sense of direction; this especially happens during periods of transition in which the various routes one can take aren’t abundantly clear. Adolescence is one of these periods of transition and even though Erikson saw the stage of the moratorium as a positive one, with room for growth and a time for youth to figure themselves out, within certain social structures it can just as well be seen as a period of moral condemnation for neglecting responsibilities and postponing decisions. This is what happened in Japanese society where youth are viewed as self-centred, and it reflects society’s attitude towards the phenomenon of social withdrawal (Furlong, 2008). During Matthijs’s upbringing, the world was rapidly changing, internet, mobile phones, computers, and for some people, it is difficult to adapt to these new social conditions. Parents tend to overprotect their offspring, while the modern world requires a more reflexive attitude and individual resilience in children (Furlong, 2008). Moreover, Matthijs felt personal importance towards educational success, putting extra pressure on the already boiling kettle.
Thus, Matthijs’s environment instilled an internalised set of rules in him on which this negative variant of moratorium thrived. When Matthijs failed to keep up with his peers, his internalised set of rules together with concerns about the future and a certain growing precariousness led him towards social withdrawal.
2.4 Rens
The fourth and final interlocuter who met all criteria related to social withdrawal is Rens. Rens is currently 31 years old and, in comparison to the other three interlocutors,
experienced his social withdrawal somewhat later in life. His first experience with isolation wasn’t until his graduation from university back in 2008. He had nothing but positive stories about his childhood, during elementary school, he had loads of friends and hobbies he practised daily. Rens grew up in Amstelveen, where he lived in the same house with both his parents and two older brothers, until the day he left to live on his own in Amsterdam and study law. High school and university were the best times of his life; he lived a self-proclaimed busy and fulfilled life. However, it did feel like he was working towards something. Towards a certain goal and that everything he did up until graduation was just a journey, and a prospering career would be a destination. He noticed that towards the end of his study, friends started to fall off, some formed relationships and moved in together, some just started working others dropped out, never to be seen again. At the time he thought nothing of it, it was part of growing up, nobody stays friends forever. Rens was never the guy to put much effort into pursuing personal relations; he thought that he would make new friends once he started his career. Then, just a few months before graduating, a life-altering economic crisis put an indefinite pause on Rens’s career plans. The internship with the law firm he had already set up for post-graduation was cancelled, and he tried over eighty different institutions, none of them was hiring at the time. During this period, Rens’s life consisted of writing applications and sitting at home, biting his nails.
Gradually, rejection after rejection, his determination waned, and more and more time was spent just at home. Until, as he said, the home was the only place he felt safe and wanted.
Rens’s story quite clearly reflects a sentiment already stated in the theoretical framework. When the boundaries and structures of society got shaken up, during the economic crisis of 2008, the collective order got disturbed, and after serious adjustments in the social order, one is more inclined to self-destruction (Durkheim, 1893/2012). However, for Durkheim, this self-destruction relays to suicide, and I relay that for certain individuals in contemporary society, this self-destruction takes the form of acute social withdrawal. One of the reasons behind this theory of mine is the so-called
‘epistemological fallacy of late modernity’ (Furlong & Cartmel, 1997). This fallacy entails that the youth understands their error as to why they might be failing academically or occupationally, but they also understand that there is a greater power blocking their path, such as the economic crisis (France & Haddon, 2014). I address the epistemological
fallacy here because it shows how the recession and with it, the restructuring of
opportunities lead to erosion of security, in any case, the security for Rens and his future, which lead him to disengage subjective interpretations from objective conditions; an epistemological fallacy. Thus, Rens knows that his failing career is not entirely his fault, however, lacks the mechanisms to cope with this as an individual, resulting in a muted form of suicide; acute social withdrawal. In this late modernist era, individualisation will grow as social securities will falter, creating risks that can only be dealt with on a personal level.
2.5 Conclusion
The first reason for social withdrawal I came across was an inability to live up to certain expectations, expectations from society as well as from within the individual himself. This inability took on an extreme form and created a certain disassociation from the self, a form of anomie in which social isolation could thrive.
A second reason was the interaction between anxiety and obsession. Anxiety and fear seem to be the core motivator for people to withdraw socially, it can be hard to recognise by others or even by the person in question and still have life-altering
consequences. People who can easily obsess over certain things have a higher chance of social withdrawal. Anxiety and obsession can, in some situations, form a ritualistic routine that becomes part of your normal life, which in this case, expressed itself in social
withdrawal.
Thirdly, social withdrawal can be accounted to a loss of purpose or loss of sense of direction. Modern society demands a certain level of reflexivity and individual resilience from its youth, if someone were to have overprotective parents, then that individual could find him or herself at a loss when confronted with society. Combine this psychological moratorium with an internalised set of rules which place high expectations and thus high pressure on a young person and it can lead to social withdrawal.
Lastly, the process of individualisation and breakdown of security creates ideal circumstances for social withdrawal to flourish. In late modernity, structures tend to become increasingly obscure as collectivist traditions weaken and individualist values intensify. As a result, the youth comes to regard the social world as unpredictable and filled with risk. A reaction to this risk society can be, again, social withdrawal.
The youth tends to socially withdraw for a variety of reasons, stress, obsessive behaviour, anxiety, some feel that they are socially inept. However, all of them seem to
experience a form of anomie as they struggle to make sense of a set of unfamiliar social and economic structures. I argue that the increase in socially withdrawn youth is linked to the available support from family and state. Due to the recent emergence of the internet, the pace of society changed from predictable to reflexive and uncertain. However, this change of pace is not reflected in schooling systems or labour markets. Thus, youth that need a second chance are often left to their own devices without support; creating a perfect opportunity for isolation to creep in.
Large parts of the western world have rising levels of income inequality and poverty. However, the majority of the civilization still sees themselves as middle class and thus searching for jobs within their subjecting world-view. Inability to comply with their views creates a state of anomie. How to deal with this state and what changes are needed within society will be left to the next chapter.
3. The Present; Social change through social reintegration
In Chapter 2, several psychological and sociological causes of social isolation have been established. This chapter will extrapolate on what agents influence individuals during, and shortly after, their isolation. The title is ‘The Present’ because all my interlocutors are currently in this very state of breaching free from isolation and trying to reintegrate into society in their own pace. There is no societal program to help these individuals, and therefore, they have adopted a way which is specific but has yielded exceptional results. The majority of my research population attribute their break from isolation to the mobile game Pokémon GO.
Pokémon GO is a free-to-play, location-based augmented reality game for smart-phones or tablets. Augmented reality is a form of virtual reality in which a virtual layer is placed on top of the existing world; this virtual layer is then seen through the smartphone or tablet and interacted with (See Fig. 2, Frame 3). Furthermore, the virtual layer uses GPS coordinates and real-life landmarks like statues, churches, art or other general points of interests, to send people playing the game from place to place.
The general goal of Pokémon GO is to collect a vast collection of monsters. There are several ways this can be done; the majority of Pokémon (a noun which is singular and plural) can be caught by simply exploring the world around you and interacting with the virtual layer to try and catch the Pokémon you come across. Rarer creatures can only be caught by teaming up. Every once in a while, certain landmarks in the game can spawn a rare encounter which requires a team of people to meet up and defeat it to get a chance to catch it. Moreover, the amount and rarity of Pokémon are not equally distributed; parks and recreational spots boost the volume of Pokémon found, another thing that boosts the volume is the number of people actively playing Pokémon GO in a certain area. For instance, a park packed with people playing the game will spawn more and rarer
Pokémon, which in turn will lure more people playing this game towards that particular park.
All of the properties of Pokémon GO described above can have positive effects on individuals suffering from social withdrawal, however, why would someone who has refused to go outside for several months now suddenly choose to leave their comfort zone? Within the first week of its release, Pokémon GO surpassed a massive 65 million downloads on mobile app stores (Pokémon GO statistics report, 2016). This is mainly due to a rush of nostalgia; the first Pokémon game was released for the Gameboy back in
1996, and the anime followed a few years after. My research population consists of people between 25-35. Thus their childhood memories are cluttered with Pokémon. A recent study has even shown that people who played Pokémon as children in the 90s have developed a unique brain representation for Pokémon in the visual cortex and the location of that response to Pokémon is consistent across people (Gomez, Barnett, & Grill-Spector, 2019). This Pokémon region in the brain might explain why these people react so strongly to Pokémon and therefore the release of Pokémon GO. It prompts a feeling of nostalgia, a dream of their younger self wanting to become ‘a Pokémon Master’, which is superior to their need for social isolation.
I linked this research to my population because even though I do not possess the actual equipment to detect brain activity, but, the criteria for their population correlates highly with my own. Suggesting that there is a high possibility that they do possess a Pokémon region in their brain. The criteria for “experienced” players, and evidently also the correlation with my population, being:
“(1) participants began playing the original Nintendo Pokémon games between the ages of 5 and 8 on the handheld GameBoy device, (2) continued to heavily play the game and its series throughout their childhood, and (3) either continued to play the game into adulthood or revisited playing the game at least once in adulthood.” – Population Characteristics, Gomez, Barnett, & Grill-Spector, 2019.
There were several instances during the fieldwork that clearly reflected the inherent knowledge my population possesses about the Pokémon universe. However, having personally grown up with the same influences, I had to take a step back before I was able to see the amount of inherent knowledge that was collected and to not see it as common. Andy and Jim were both enormous fans of the original Pokémon Red and Blue games that were released in 1996 and with it the first 151 Pokémon. Neither one of them would have had any problems naming every single one of them. Thus, to kill some time they would play certain self-made games surrounding this Pokémon theme. As someone who can also name these Pokémon, I was quite entertained by these games. However, I will never forget a certain game in which they linked the original music from the 1996 Pokémon game to their specific encounters or routes and specific Pokémon cries to their Pokémon.
To clarify, in the original 4mbit Game Boy version of the game every Pokémon had a specific cry, a very basic computer-generated noise that had more resemblance to
TV static than to something even remotely sentient. This noise or cry was different, ever so slightly, for every single one of the 151 Pokémon and Andy and Jim were able to pin the right cry to the right Pokémon without fault. The same went for the music, within the game every route one could take, every special encounter and even certain buildings had their own music. Andy and Jim could pin every 20-year-old 4mbit ‘song’ to their rightful place, out of hundreds of options. That just goes to show how much impact this game has made on people, and how much it had been played.
Frame 3.0: a Pokémon Master
Pokémon is short for the original Japanese title of Pocket Monsters, originally released in 1996 as a video game for the original Game Boy. The game
accumulated immediate worldwide success and Pokémon soon developed into a media mix franchise featuring trading cards, anime films, live-action films, books, music, merchandise and even a theme park. The term Pokémon master is often dropped inside the plethora of games, movies and series. However, the Pokémon company, purposefully, refuses to release a definition of what a Pokémon master is or how to become one to add more excitement and mystery to the Pokémon
universe. What we do know is that the position of Pokémon master is something many Pokémon trainers want to achieve and is an enormous feat, it would at least include becoming an undefeated champion who has collected all Pokémon! (This information is supported by the community-driven Pokémon encyclopedia, Bulbapedia, with their first post about Pokémon Masters April 2005 and most recent adjustment December 2016)
