The Survival of Younger Generations in a Traditional
Community-‐Based Natural Resource Management Institution
under Threat:
The case of an artisanal fishery in Pulicat lagoon, Tamil Nadu.
Bachelor thesis Human Geography
Jaap Blom 10003273
Jaap.Blom@student.uva.nl
Thesis supervisor: dr. J. M. Bavinck Second reader: drs. L. de Klerk
Faculty of Social and Behavioural Science University of Amsterdam
Acknowledgments
This thesis draws on a 3-‐week fieldwork in Pulicat in Tamil Nadu, India from April 13th till may 7th. The thesis is part of the requirements for the fulfillment of
the bachelors’ degree in Human Geography at the University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
In collaboration with the Anna University in Chennai, India, a 2-‐week course was followed prior to the conducted fieldwork.
I would like to thank dr. Maarten Bavinck from the University of Amsterdam for organizing this course and creating the opportunity for students to conduct their thesis research in India. Also his guidance and supervision during the writing of my thesis is something I am grateful for.
Special thanks go out to Vinoth, my translator and friend. Without him, I wouldn’t be able to carry out my research. During my fieldwork, Vinoth and I really built up a friendship, which I will always cherish. Moreover, my heart goes out to Vinoth’s parents who made me feel part of their family the moment I arrived in their village. Words cannot describe how grateful I am for everything they did for me, from organizing a party for my 23rd birthday to the delicious
meals they cooked for me.
I couldn’t possibly mention and thank all the great people I have met during my stay who invited me in their homes, to play a game of cricket, go for a boat ride or a swim in the lagoon and making my 3-‐week stay in Pulicat one of the greatest experiences of my life.
Jaap Blom Amsterdam, august 14th, 2015
Front cover photo: Sunrise over Pulicat lagoon (Source: Jaap Blom, 2015)
Abstract
Traditional fishermen at Pulicat lagoon in Tamil Nadu, India have been practicing a generation-‐old community-‐based management institution in regulating the lagoon’s fisheries, known as the padu system. It has been relatively successful in sustaining the lagoon’s resources and yet providing a livelihood for fisherfolk communities. In recent times, however, Pulicat lagoon and its people dependent on it are heavily contested. Pollution, overexploitation and environmental hazards have lead to the depletion of the fish and prawn stocks that were once found in abundance.
Increased vulnerability and the inability to cope with resource depletion have driven this artisanal fishing community into poverty.
Livelihood lock-‐in, poor education and the lack of additional skills and knowledge restrain the younger generation in pursuing alternative livelihood strategies.
This research explains and describes how external trends and the lack of access to capital impact a functioning self-‐regulating community.
Key words: Community-‐based natural resource management -‐ Vulnerability -‐ Lagoon fisheries -‐ Sustainable livelihood
Table of contents
Introduction……….. 5
1. Theoretical consideration……… 7
1.1 Common pool resources……… 7
1.2 Community Based Natural Resource Management……….. 7
1.3 Adaptive capacity and resilience: Sustainable livelihood approach……….. 8
2. Methodology………. 10
2.1 Research design and methods……….10
2.2 Research area and Units of Analysis………... 10
2.3 Data collection………..……… 12 2.4 Research questions………... 12 2.5 Limitations……….. 13 3. Local Context……… 14 3.1 Pulicat Lagoon……….. 14
3.2 The Padu System………. 15
4. Analysis……… 17
4.1 The current state of fisheries in Pulicat lagoon……… 17
4.2 The perception and importance of the padu system by young fishermen….. 20
5.3 Pulicat lagoon as a common pool resource……… 23
5.4 The Sustainable Livelihood Approach applied to the fisherfolk in Pulicat…. 25 5. Conclusion………. 27 6. Discussion……….. 29 7. Bibliography………. 30 Appendix……….. 31
Introduction
Community-‐based natural resource management (CBNRM) has gained growing attention in response to the issue of governing common pool resources (CPR) (Armitage, 2005). Common pool resources face the problem of excluding users from obtaining benefits from its use, leading to depletion of the resource. CBNRM seeks to approach natural resource management with full participation of the communities and resource users within a system. CBNRM is being practiced throughout the world, although some examples have proven to be more effective than others. In this thesis a community based natural resource management strategy in the Pulicat lagoon in Tamil Nadu, India is used as an example of how CBNRM is effective in sustaining natural resource dependent livelihoods, but are facing difficulties now and in the future.
The padu system, which in the local language of Tamil means ‘fishing ground’, is a traditional governance institution for managing fishing grounds. In the Pulicat lagoon, bordering the Indian state of Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh, this fishing method has been used for generations and is mostly dominated by the
Pattinaver fishing caste. In the Padu system, each eligible member of the system
is allotted a specific day and place for managing stake net fishing in the lagoon for catching shrimp. This way, the best fishing grounds are distributed evenly among the fishing villages of the Pattinaver caste along the lagoon, granting every fisherman an equal share in the lagoon’s rich fishery.
For many years, this method has been successful in sustaining a relatively high income for fishermen in the villages engaged in the padu system. However, with increasing pressures on the lagoon’s fisheries due to population growth, pollution and environmental hazards, the padu system is under continuous pressure. An increase in eligible fishermen joining the padu system means that the fishing grounds are shared between more fishermen, resulting in less per capita income. Also, a decline in prawn catches in the lagoon is shared among every member of the community. This phenomenon of shared poverty is prevalent in fishing communities engaged in the padu system. Whereas the Pulicat lagoon used to be a prosperous fishing area, nowadays fishermen are driven to growing poverty. Still, padu fishermen are loyal to this generation-‐old system although changing to different livelihood strategies might offer a better income.
Older generations of fishermen have experienced times of great wealth after the blue revolution has emerged in the 70’s and are dedicated to the padu system. However, the younger generation of fishermen might not be familiar with the benefits of being part of the padu system and are therefore more willing to step out of the system. As Sarah Coulthard (2008) concludes: “The role of younger generations in the fishery (men and women), and their allegiance to padu and a fishing way of life will be a central factor.” Findings from different literature show satisfaction and pleasurable aspects of fishing among the younger generations in artisanal fishing communities (Trimble & Johnson, 2012; Pollnac & Poggie, 2008).
In this thesis, the understanding of how young adults perceive the importance of
padu and whether this influences the survival of this generation old livelihood
will contribute to the understanding of effective collective management.
Also, using a livelihood approach to the fisherfolk in Pulicat, resilience and adaptive capacity to changes in the lagoon could be understood.
The main question that I try to answer during my research is as follows:
How can the padu system in Pulicat lagoon in Tamil Nadu, India be explained as a successful example of sustainable community based natural resource
management?
The outcome of this thesis might contribute to the debate on the effects of CBNRM on sustainable common property use.
1. Theoretical consideration 1.1 Common pool resources
In the case of many resource dependent livelihoods, the problem of common property prevails. In fishing communities, people rely on a continuous supply of fish and other marine resources. However, it is difficult to determine who is allowed access to the resource and who is not, since boundaries are not clearly defined.
To give a better understanding to the problems concerning common-‐pool resources (CPR), two characteristics of CPR should be further elaborated on. Common pool resources are natural and human-‐constructed resource systems without clearly defined property rights in which exclusion of beneficiaries through physical and institutional means is difficult and costly and
substractability by one user reduces the resource availability for others (Ostrom et al., 1999). Exclusion refers to the ability of resource users to exclude others to benefit from the resource. One of the key issues in common pool resources is defining property rights and other mechanisms for exclusion (see table 1).
Substractibility refers to the ability of social groups to design mechanisms for the regulation of resource use. These two characteristics; the problem of
excludability and substractability create typical CPR dilemmas in which resource users follow their own short term interest that produces outcomes which are not in everyone’s long term interest. Overuse of a CPR by individuals without respect of the negative impacts for the resource system as a whole leads to what Garrett Hardin (1968) describes as ‘The Tragedy of the Commons’; when individuals make use of a resource without effective rules limiting access and defining boundaries and rights, resource depletion and overexploitation is likely.
Property rights Characteristics
Open access Absence of enforced property rights
Group property Resource rights held by groups of users
who can exclude others
Individual property Resource rights held by individuals or
firms who can exclude others
Government property Resource rights held by a government
that can regulate or subsidise use
Table 1: Types of property rights used to regulate common-‐pool resources (Feeny et al., 1990)
1.2 Community-‐Based Natural Resource Management
The ‘rational’ user of common pool resources tends to act in their own self-‐ interest leading to overuse and destruction of common pool resources and the solution should be imposed on users by external authorities (Hardin, 1968). This statement has been widely adopted by scholars and policy-‐makers to rationalise government interference in common-‐pool resource management (Ostrom et al., 1999). However, people have been able to self-‐organise common-‐ pool resource management institutions without any interference from external authorities. The logic behind collective action describes individuals as rational and self-‐interested as they pursue collective action to achieve common
livelihoods logically try to come up with solutions collectively. In natural
resource dependent communities, individuals will pursue collective wellbeing by so-‐called community-‐based natural resource management (Ostrom, 1990). Examples of CBNRM have been effective in sustaining biodiversity and human wellbeing throughout the world.
1 Clearly defined boundaries
Individuals or households who have rights to withdraw resource units from the CPR must be clearly defined, as must the boundaries of the CPR itself
2 Congruence between appropriation and provision rules and local condition
Appropriation rules restricting time, place, technology, and/or quantity of resource units are related to local conditions and to provision rules requiring labour, material, and/or money
3 Collective-‐choice arrangements
Most individuals affected by the operational rules can participate in modifying the operational rules
4 Monitoring
Monitors, who actively audit CPR conditions and appropriator behaviour, are accountable to the appropriators or are the appropriators
5 Graduated sanctions
Appropriators violating operational rules are likely to be assessed graduated sanctions by other appropriators and/or by officials accountable for these appropriator
6 Conflict-‐resolution mechanisms
Appropriators and their officials have rapid access to low-‐cost local arenas to resolve conflicts among appropriators or between appropriators and officials
7 Minimal recognition of rights to organize
The rights of appropriators to devise their own institutions are not challenged by external governmental authorities
8 Nested enterprises
Appropriation, provision, monitoring, enforcement, conflict resolution, and government activities are organized in multiple layers of nested enterprises
Table 2: Design principles illustrated by long enduring CPR institutions (Ostrom, 1990)
Table 2 shows eight design principles that characterize CPR institutions. Design principles are conditions for helping in the success of such institutions in
sustaining a long enduring resource use for its appropriators or resource users.
1.3 Adaptive capacity and resilience; The Sustainable Livelihood approach
Most studies on small-‐scale fisheries in developing countries have tended to project fisherfolk as the most marginalized people in the developing world due to their resource dependency and the open-‐access nature of fisheries which leads to resource degradation and hence, poverty (Pollnac, 1985). Fishing communities often live in remote places in overcrowded living conditions with lack of basis social services, low levels of education, skills and assets (Allison & Horremans, 2006). Related to resource dependency in fishing communities is the
concept of vulnerability, which is a function of the risks to which people may be exposed, the sensitivity of their livelihoods to these risks, and their ability to adapt to, cope with and recover from the impacts of external ‘shocks’ (Adger et al., 2004).
The multidimensional nature of poverty could be well understood by the
Sustainable Livelihood Approach (SLA). It can help bring a fuller understanding of fisherfolk adaptive capacity and natural resource management systems as it provides an analytical framework.
The SLF (figure 1) illustrates the interactions between assets and activities on the household level. The starting point here are the assets owned, controlled or in any way accessed by households on five main categories; human capital (people, education, health, skills, knowledge), natural capital (fish stock, access to fishing grounds), financial capital (savings, credit, insurance), physical capital (boats, fishing gear, infrastructure) and social capital (networks, organisations, political representation).
Access to and influence by assets and activities is enabled, or hindered by policies, institutions and processes, such as laws, markets, social relations and participation. It is also affected by the vulnerability context, comprising out of external factors, such as trends, shocks and seasonality that are outside the control of households. Trends might include increasing fish prices, decreasing fish stocks and population growth. Shocks comprise of sudden changes in the environment, such as storm damage, pollution, illness, or theft or damaging of fishing gear. With seasonality, all forms of temporary changes are included, such as (un)employment, seasonal change in climate and fish migration.
Assets enable livelihood strategies to be constructed in order to achieve
livelihood outcomes. Livelihood outcomes, such as a reduction in vulnerability to trends and shocks, but also a more sustainable use of the natural resource base, enables households to improve their adaptive and coping capacity.
2. Methodology
2.1 Research methods and research design
The research design that is used in this thesis has followed that of a case study, which entails the investigation of a contemporary phenomenon in-‐depth and within its real-‐life context where the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident (Yin, 2009: 18). An exemplifying case study was selected, because it allows the examination of key social processes within that phenomenon.
Data on the subject was collected through a mixture of both qualitative and quantitative research methods. Semi-‐structured interviews were conducted prior to the main data collection. A list of topics to be asked during the interviews was set up and other questions were asked based on the interviewee’s replies. In response to the interviews, a structured questionnaire was set up, which formed the basis of the quantitative data collection.
In addition to the semi-‐structured interviews and questionnaires, the data collection in this research followed a participant observational approach. In participant observation, the researcher is emerged in a social setting for an extended period of time where it makes regular observations of the behaviour of members of that setting. My role as researcher that was adopted during this ethnographic fieldwork was that of an observer-‐as-‐participant; limited involvement in participation and mostly engaged in conversations and interviews (Bryman, 2008: 410).
Data was analysed using SPSS statistics. This software facilitated the statistical analyses of the conducted survey.
2.2 Data collection
Prior to the actual data collection in the field, data collection started in the Netherlands. The theoretical consideration I used in this thesis was already familiar to me. An extensive literature study provided me with knowledge on the subject and introduced me to an example of community based natural resource management in Pulicat lagoon in Tamil Nadu.
I came into contact with Sarah Coulthard from the Northumbria University in Newcastle, England, who did her PhD in Pulicat lagoon between 2002 and 2004. She provided me with more promising literature and shared some of her experiences with me. The main research question and sub-‐questions were formulated and a preliminary list of questions was set up.
Upon arrival in Pulicat on the 13th of april, I started my research with an
interview with mr. Rajasekeren, a person with great knowledge on the subject from one of the main fishing villages in the area; Kottaikuppam. Being a retired
padu fisherman, mr. Rajasekeren knew all there was to know about the padu
system. He is a well-‐respected man in the community and through him I was introduced to some of the village panchayat members.
Two subsequent visits to mr. Rajasekeren enabled me to conduct two semi-‐ structured interviews with the Kottaikuppam panchayat. These interviews provided me with information about the current threats and socio-‐economic status in the area and gave me a general idea on how the padu system is being
practiced. The interviews were useful in deciding which questions to include in the questionnaire (see appendix 1 for the complete questionnaire).
Fieldwork was conducted within a period of 3 weeks. Between april 13th and
may 7th, 5 semi-‐structured interviews and 1 focus interview were conducted. A
total of 51 questionnaires were carried out covering 3 different villages or
kuppams1; Kottaikuppam, Andikuppam, Naduvoor Madha kuppam. As an
addition to the main research, a small research was carried out in Thoniravu, a small village inhabited by dalit people, a scheduled caste. However, the results were too insignificant to adopt in this thesis. All 3 villages were situated in close proximity to one another in the southern tip of the lagoon. The majority of the male inhabitants are employed in full-‐time fishing.
Village Number of
families Male/female Respondents included in
the survey
1. Kottaikuppam 200 399/410 16
2. Andikuppam 150 262/244 18
3. Naduvoor Madha
kuppam 460 925/952 17
Table 3: Number of families in the 3 research villages (source: CReNIEO, 2013)
The people from Kottaikuppam, Andikuppam and Naduvoor Madha kuppam belong to the same caste, the pattinaver. Aside from Naduvoor Madha kuppam, which is a Christian village, all respondents were Hindu.
Due to the homogeneity of the population, meaning that the amount of variation within the community is limited, a response of 51 is acceptable (Bryman, 2008:182). Snowball sampling was mainly used to get in contact with respondents. My translator, Vinoth, lived in a nearby village and knew a great amount of people in my research area. In the first week of my stay in Pulicat, Vinoth arranged the first meetings with fishermen in the house of a relative of him in Andikuppam. Word of my presence soon spread throughout the other villages and more and more people offered to fill in the questionnaire. Another strategy to get as many questionnaires as possible was by simply approaching groups of young men who were hanging out on the streets or near the temple premises. I figured none of them would bother filling in my questionnaire, since they do not have much else to do. Most of the time they were happy to help me with my research.
Also, observations were made during my fieldwork. Visits to the Pulicat landing centre in the early morning was the only opportunity to observe the fishermen as they present their catch from last night. At the Pulicat fish market, fishermen’s wives helped in sorting, preparing and packaging the fish for export.
Without these participating observations it was difficult to get a clear understanding of the whole production chain in the area.
1 A kuppam is a settlement where the majority of the people are traditionally
2.3 Research area and Units of Analysis
The research was conducted in three villages2. Kottaikuppam, Andikuppam and
Naduvoor Madha kuppam are villages that have been practicing the padu system since time memorial and have access to the most productive fishing grounds. Therefore, I have decided to make these villages my research area because their knowledge and practice of the padu system is best. Map 2 projects the location of the research villages (see table 3 for which village corresponds to which number.)
All villages were in close proximity of Pulicat town, the main settlement in the area where most of the economic activities takes place. Social services, such as a hospital, police office and bus stands are all found in Pulicat town. The villages are separated from Pulicat town by an unpaved road along the Dutch cemetery and fort Geldria, remnants of the Dutch settlement in the 16th century.
The Units of Analysis were young men between the age of 18 and 25. However, the age of the respondents varied between 18 and 36 years old, with a mean age of 24,37. The majority of the respondents were not older than 25.
2.4 Research questions
The research questions that will provide me in answering the main question will help in explaining the current social-‐economic state of the research area in three different aspects: the current state of fisheries, future dilemmas and possibilities as perceived by young adults and the effectiveness of the padu system as a regulating institution:
2 In this thesis, I will refer to the three research village as Pulicat, not to confuse
with Pulicat town, the main settlement in the area. 1
2 3
Pulicat town Pulicat lagoon
-‐ What is the current state of fisheries in Pulicat lagoon?
-‐ Why or why not is the padu system being practiced by young adults in Pulicat, Tamil Nadu, India?
-‐ How does the open access nature of Pulicat lagoon affect the effectiveness of the padu system
2.5 Limitations
Pulicat is a place that few outsiders visit. Although it’s cultural heritage sites and biodiversity is increasing in popularity among tourists, the people haven’t seen many Westerners lately. My presence was already noticed upon my first arrival in Pulicat. Not knowing what the purpose of my visit was, people were kind of suspicious and shy at first. However, it was not for my translator or my access to the community wouldn’t go so smoothly. Vinoth introduced me to some of his friends and the more we wandered through the streets and alleys in the villages and the more people I spoke to, the more they became familiar with me and willing to help me. However, I did have multiple encounters with groups of men who were under the influence of alcohol and did not respond so friendly.
The first two days in Pulicat, I stayed in the old priest house next to the Church of Our Lady of Glory in Naduvoor Madha kuppam after the priest offered to help me in providing me with housing. However, it soon became clear that a generous donation to the church was expected of me in return.
The sampling methods used during my research might be open to bias. Most of the time, questionnaires were filled in with more than one respondent at the same time, so they might have matched their answers.
Furthermore, although my intensions as solely being a researcher were made clear, people expected of me that I could make a difference in changing their lives. This made it very difficult for me to explain them that the purpose of my research wouldn’t necessarily be of their benefit
“Please help us change our lives”
(Andikuppam fisherman (19), april 22nd 2015)
Working with my translator, Vinoth, went very well. Vinoth is a PhD student Marine Biology at the Annamalai University in Chennai and had good control of the English language. To my knowledge, there was no language barrier or loss of information. During my time in Pulicat, I stayed in a small house near his parents’ house in Vairavankuppam, a marine fishing village at the lighthouse island, which is connected to the main town of Pulicat by a bridge over the lagoon. Living with him and his family really strengthened the friendship between Vinoth and me, which made conducting the research a lot easier.
3. Local context 3.1 Pulicat Lagoon
Pulicat lagoon (or Pazhaverkaadu3 in Tamil) is located 60 km north of Tamil
Nadu’s capital city of Chennai. It is the second largest lagoon in India, covering an area of 245km2 and can double in size during the annual north-‐eastern monsoon. With 60 km in length, Pulicat lagoon borders India’s south-‐eastern coastal states of Tamil Nadu and Andra Pradesh.
Pulicat lagoon is connected to the Bay of Bengal through a narrow opening, known as the bar mouth, situated 2 km north of the main town of Pulicat in the Tamil Nadu side in the most southern part of the lagoon. Influenced by tidal activity and natural phenomena, such as cyclones and heavy rainfall, the width and depth of the bar mouth fluctuates and could even be closed at some point, limiting water in-‐and outflow from and towards the sea.
Pulicat lagoon is connected to three rivers, which control the freshwater inflow into the lagoon. During the monsoon in October till December, the water level of the lagoon rises by a meter on average due to an influx of freshwater. During the dry season between April and June, however, little freshwater enters the lake, increasing the salinity level. The high fluctuations in water volume and salinity levels throughout the seasons has a great impact on the lagoon’s biodiversity and hence, the lives of the people depending on it.
Pulicat lagoon provides a livelihood for some 30.000 people in 52 fishing villages surrounding it (Coulthard, 2011). The majority of the male population living in the surrounding villages are engaged in full-‐time fishing, most of them are of the
pattinaver caste, a traditional fishermen’s caste in Tamil Nadu.
3 Pazhaverkaadu, in the local language of Tamil, means “forest of rooted fruit”,
which specifies the mangrove forests that once have been surrounding the lagoon. Nowadays, nearly all mangrove trees in the area have been exploited for timber (Interview Kottaikuppam panchayat members, april 15th, 2015)
Although some villages are inhabited by the Dalit, a scheduled caste, fishing have predominantly been done by the people of the pattinaver caste for generations. During the dry season, most of the northern part of the lake is dry and fishing is only concentrated in the deepest parts of the lagoon in the south.
The lagoon’s rich supply of prawns, fish and crab has been sustaining life here for generations. Since the 1970’s, the market value of prawns skyrocketed and the so-‐called ‘pink gold rush’ emerged in Pulicat and throughout whole India. The demand for prawns has caused many people to benefit from the lagoon’s resources. However, the lagoon has been heavily polluted by nearby industries and agriculture. Henceforth, Pulicat lagoon and its people dependent on it are heavily contested.
3.2 The Padu system
Fisheries in Pulicat lagoon are controlled by a system called the padu system. The padu system, which in Tamil means ‘fishing ground’, can be defined as: “a traditional system of granting entitlements to eligible members of a particular community for undertaking specified fishing activities in certain designated fishing grounds in the lagoon.” (Mathew, 1991)
Fishing in the lagoon has been controlled by this system for generations and has been relatively successful in maintaining a sustainable livelihood for the people at Pulicat lagoon. Its main function is to evenly distribute the lagoon’s resources among fishermen. However, not every fisherman at Pulicat lagoon can become a
padu fisherman. To join the padu system, a fisherman must meet two
requirements; he must be married and over the age of 18 and he must be a member of the thalaikattu, a form of village level organisation of fishermen. To become a thalaikattu, a male member of a village must be represented by his father in applying for membership at the village panchayat4. Based on the boy’s
skill in fishing and acceptability by the community, he is conferred membership. Under the traditional padu system, the lagoon is divided into three different fishing grounds, or padus, in the southern part of the lagoon near the bar mouth, each subdivided into smaller padus. Each padu could facilitate a certain number of fishermen each day. Each village involved in the system share access to the
padus based on rotation; each village is allowed to fish on its designated area on
its allotted fishing day only.
Each year, lots are drawn by the village panchayat for the allocation of the fishing grounds for each fishing unit, which consists of 3 fishermen per boat. After the lots are drawn, each fishing unit is then allowed to fish on that particular day and that specific padu to which it is allotted. The allocation of the padu days ensures each fishing unit to fish every padu at least once in a year. Although some fishing sites are more productive than others, the padu system is designed to give every fisherman an equal opportunity to benefit from the best fishing grounds. When a fishing unit goes out fishing on its allotted day, it is allowed to fish for 12-‐24 hours on that site, depending on the type of gear that is being used. No other fishing unit is allowed to fish on that location during that day. The same fishing
4 The village panchayat is the local village council. They form the basic unit for
local administration and function to settle inter and intra village disputes (Mathew, 1991)
unit has to wait a certain number of days before its next padu day, allowing each fishing unit to fish only a certain number of days in a month.
When a fishing unit is unable to fish on their padu day, the rights are given to the
thalaikattu member from the same village. The system is not formally recognized
by any governmental institution, nor is it written down. However, every fisherman at Pulicat lagoon knows how the system operates and knows the exact boundaries of each padu.
The padu system regulates and restricts the use of fishing gear that has been predominantly been used to target the valuable prawns and fish in the lagoon. Stake nets, or suthu valai, are stagnant nets that are used to catch species of prawns. On low tides, the lagoon ‘drains’ and water flows through the bar mouth into the sea. With high tides, the lagoon fills with seawater again. Every 6 hours, the tidal activity changes and the prawns move with it. Stake nets are being set up in the early morning during low tide and catch all prawns that are being moved towards the sea. When the tides are changing, the fishermen rotate the nets in the other direction to collect all moving prawns from the sea. The other gear that is regulated under the padu system are seine nets, or badi valai. Badi
valai are large nets with up to 800 metres in length that are being placed in the
lagoon and after some time, are hauled back in to collect all fishes that are being caught in the net.
Different, and yet similar implementations of padu systems are found throughout South-‐east Asia. In the Cochin estuary in Kerala, India, prawn fishing is regulated through a similar institution as in Pulicat lagoon (Lobe & Berkes, 2004). On the Gahavalla beach in southern Sri Lanka, beach seine fishing is regulated based on a rotational system to ensure an equitable use of the limited fishing space (Alexander, 1995).
4. Analysis
4.1 Current state of fisheries in Pulicat lagoon.
In the Pulicat fishery, both men and women are involved. Fishing is exclusively done by men. In the late afternoon, fishermen prepare their nets and sail out to their designated padu ground. Depending on the gear used, a group of fishermen could be out fishing for 24 hours. For a stake net, or suthu valai, 3 or 4 fishermen are required in the whole process from preparing the nets to hauling back in. They install their nets in the evening at sundown and collect their catch in the early morning at sunrise. Seine nets, or badi valai require more men to operate. Sometimes up to 80 people are involved on a days fishing with a single net and on a good days catch, could yield up to Rs. 100.000 worth of fish. After collecting their catch, all fishermen return to the Pulicat landing centre where cooling trucks are waiting to transport the fish (see picture 1).
Picture 1: Pulicat landing centre (Source: Jaap Blom, 2015)
Prawn fishing is less labour intensive. Prawns that have been caught are sorted out with the help of fishermen’s wives and are sold either directly at the Pulicat fish market or sold to a retailer in Pulicat. The most valued species of prawn in the lagoon are the tiger prawn (Penaeus monodon) and the white prawn (Penaeus indicus). A kilogram of tiger prawns sells for between Rs. 400-‐850, depending on the size. White prawns are smaller in size and are worth Rs. 360 per kilogram.
Although there are no official recordings of catch statistics from Pulicat lagoon, unofficial documentations from prawn retailers in Pulicat town showed a decline in wild prawn export in the last 20 years. Although a decline in prawn catch would suggest an increase in prawn value, the contrary is true. Since 1991-‐94, brackish water prawn farming has gained economic importance in Tamil Nadu to fuel the international demand for Indian prawns. Prawn farms near Pulicat lagoon have a great impact on both the environment and biodiversity as well as the economy in the area. Wild prawn seeds and pregnant females are collected from natural prawn hatcheries in Pulicat lagoon in order to mature in captivity in prawn cultivation ponds.
When the prawns are matured and harvested, the ponds are drained into nearby water bodies. Discharge water from prawn farms contains high levels of nutrients that have been used to feed the prawns. Prawn farm discharge water that enters Pulicat lagoon leads to eutrophication, enhancing seaweed growth, depriving other species of oxygen.
Because prawn cultivation is more efficient and less labour intensive than catching wild prawn, cultivated prawns are relatively cheap to produce. However, no distinction is made between wild prawns and cultivated prawns, because farmed prawns are being labelled and sold on the market as prawn from Pulicat lagoon. Henceforth, the total export of prawns actually increases, although the share of wild prawns is in decline partially due to the upswing of prawn farms (Interview Pulicat prawn retailer, april 16th 2015).
Pollution is a major concern and is affecting the fishermen heavily. Industrial discharge water from the nearby Ennore industrial belt in northern Chennai reaches Pulicat lagoon via the Buckingham canal. According to local fishermen, some 15 years ago, the bottom of the lake was clearly visible in the southern waters of the lagoon where the Buckingham canal enters, but nowadays the water is too turbid due to pollution. Heavy metals that are found in industrial wastewater are present in the lagoons water.
Also, two major thermal power plants in Ennore, the North Chennai Thermal Power Station and the Ennore Thermal Power Station are discharging untreated hot cooling water into the lagoon through the Buckingham canal. In 2000, a major protest over thermal pollution from the North Chennai Thermal Power Station arose in response to a sudden mass-‐mortality of fish in the Buckingham canal from the power station to the bar mouth of Pulicat lagoon. Nearly 2000 fishermen embanked the canal using sandbanks across the entire 100m width of the canal. This event gained public attention and local NGOs and environmental activists enforced the fishermen in putting pressure on the polluting industries in Ennore. However, state officials claimed there were no direct impacts on the fisheries in Pulicat lagoon by the NCTPS (Coulthard, 2006).
Ever since the polluting industries affect the livelihoods of fishermen at Pulicat lagoon, high environmental awareness exists in the research villages.
When asked if the respondents could indicate which problems in the area they considered most concerning on a scale form 1 to 10, 1 being least concerning and 10 being most concerning, chemical and thermal pollution is perceived as a high point of concern in the area (see table 4). When the respondents were asked if they thought the future of Pulicat is in danger, 43 persons replied affirmatively.
Threats in the area Average value given
Chemical and thermal pollution 9,5
Declining prawn and fish catch 8
Lack of rainwater 7,5
Population growth 3
Lack of employment 4
Lack of entertainment 3
Lack of education opportunity 5
Coastal hazards 6
Industrial expansion in the area 7
Project planning at the lighthouse island
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Table 4: Average value given to threats in Pulicat area
Table 4 shows the average value given to different threats and problems in the area. The second highest point of concern is the declining prawn and fish catch, which is directly affected by pollution in the lake. 43 respondents indicated to have experienced a decline in fish and prawn catch recently.
Another threat that is valued as highly problematic among the 51 respondents is the lack of rainwater. In the last 15 years, the south-‐eastern monsoon has been unpredictable according to the locals. The lagoons productiveness is influenced by the influx of fresh water. During monsoons, the water level in the lagoon rises and the salinity level drops, which trigger a mass migration of prawns and fish towards the sea, because prawns and fish are not attracted to low salinity levels. High monsoon rains create opportunities for padu fishermen to catch great amounts of fish and prawns that are migrating towards the sea.
Also, the monsoon rains comes with cyclones and rough sea activity, having great impact on the lagoons physical dynamics. The bar mouth, the point where the lagoon connects with the sea, is closed off most of the time during summer months limiting water in-‐ and outflow (Coulthard, 2006). In hot summer months when the bar mouth is closed, the lagoons salinity rises due to water evaporation and lack of freshwater inflow creating salinity levels that are intolerable for prawns and fish. Also, pollution levels in the lagoon are at its highest at this point, since polluted water accumulates in the lagoon if no outflow of lagoon water takes place. Tropical storms and heavy ocean waves during the monsoon are needed to breach the bar mouth and create the connection with the sea yet again.
4.2 The perception and importance of the padu system among young fishermen
In this chapter, the answer to the sub-‐question, why or why not is the padu system being practiced by young fishermen at Pulicat lagoon, will be explained. Of the 51 respondents included in my survey, the majority of the people are engaged in fishing for 20 hours per week or more (See table 5).
