Mike de Booij
AN ASSEMBLAGE OF
TRADE-ROUTES
Identifying Dutch maritime trade-routes in the early modern period
(c. 1500-1750) by researching contemporary shipwreck assemblages
2 This map shows the location of the shipwrecks researched for this thesis.
3
AN ASSEMBLAGE OF
TRADE-ROUTES
Identifying Dutch maritime trade-routes in the early modern period
(c. 1500-1750) by researching contemporary shipwreck assemblages
Mike de Booij
S1132474
University of Leiden, Faculty of Archaeology
Dr. van Oosten & Dr. Manders
Archaeology of the Roman Provinces, Middle Ages and Modern Period
07-01-2019
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Table of contents
1. Introduction ... 5
2. The Dutch maritime cultural landscape in the early modern period ... 9
2.1 - The 16th century ... 9
2.2 - The 17th century ... 12
3. Methods & theory ... 18
3.1 – Assemblages and the maritime cultural landscape ... 18
3.2 – Site formation processes ... 20
3.3 - Classification systems ... 23
3.4 – The method ... 28
4. Researching the benchmarks ... 30
4.1 – Scheurrak SO1 c. 1590 ... 31
4.2 - De Lastdrager, ±1653 ... 39
4.3– Concluding ... 45
5. Researching the shipwrecks ... 46
5.1 - The Stavoren 17 ±1500... 48
5.2 - Aanloop Molengat, ±1635 ... 51
5.3 - Burgzandnoord 3, ±1640 ... 57
5.4 - The Salcombe Cannon Wreck, ±1640 ... 62
5.5- Swash Channel Wreck, ±1650 ... 66
5.6 - The Burgzand Noord 10 ±1650 – 1700 ... 71
5.7 - Burgzand Noord 2, ±1675... 76
5.8 - The Drumbeg Wreck, ±1691... 82
5.9- Concluding ... 85
6. Categories and Identifiers. ... 87
6.1 – The classes ... 87
6.2 – Concluding ... 92
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1. Introduction
The early modern period (c. 1500-1750) in Europe was the heyday for maritime trade in the region. European countries were establishing colonies all over the world which required faster and bigger boats to keep up with the demand of soldiers and European goods for their colonies, as well as to keep up with the demand for exotic luxury goods back home in Europe (Bruijn et al 1977, 219). The financial profits to be gained in this international trade caused the establishment of some of the wealthiest companies in the world such as the Dutch East India Company (VOC), the English East India Company (EIC) and the Dutch West India Company (WIC) (Gaastra and Emmer 1977, 242 – 285). This boom in maritime trade caused shipping techniques to change relatively rapidly and expanded on already existing trade routes and networks, creating new ones where necessary. It is important to realize that all these advances in maritime technology drastically alter the maritime cultural landscape of the time. This landscape, defined by Westerdahl as all the ships, waters, shipping routes and structures that are related to humans and water, suddenly shifts its focus from inland shipping towards the open sea (Westerdahl 1992, 5).
For this thesis we will be splitting the concept of maritime trade into three main categories of trade in the early modern period, split into infinitely more sub-categories. These are:
• The intercontinental trade, also called deep-sea shipping or as the “Grote Vaart” in Dutch. This term encompasses all the ocean-crossing routes that large enterprises such as the Dutch VOC took part in (Gaastra 1977, 266).
• Trade within Europe: This category holds all trade overseas with other European countries. This includes the coastal trade though which entails all shipping done over sea without crossing the ocean, thus including all shipping done from the Baltic area towards the Mediterranean and parts of North Africa (Lucassen 1977, 128). • Inland shipping: The third type of maritime trade is the inland shipping. This is the
name for all the shipping that takes place on inland waterways such as rivers and canals (Janssen 1976, 272).
While the main focus of this thesis will be aimed at this coastal trade, it is almost impossible to ignore the rise of intercontinental shipping at the time and therefore we will also be sidestepping towards the Grote Vaart.
The expanding reliance on the maritime domain in this period means that the number of ships heading out to sea increases tremendously (Schildhauer 1968, 192). This means that the number of shipwrecks from the period also increases drastically, making this era a treasure trove for maritime archaeologists and historians. The increasing presence of
6 historical sources from the period also make it possible to hold the historical and
archaeological research side by side by using books such as the “Maritieme Geschiedenis der Nederlanden” by the Huygens institute or “European naval and maritime history” by Runyan and Ross (Asaert et al 1977; Runyan and Ross 1987).
Similarly, the presence of more shipwrecks means that more archaeological research regarding the subject of maritime trade has been made possible as well. However, the problem is that research regarding shipwrecks from this period is still incredibly time-consuming due to the fact that archaeological research under water is difficult, expensive and requires a lot of planning. Furthermore, the fact that most wrecks are being preserved in situ means that almost no research can be carried out on the wrecks (Vos 2012, 9). This means that the information gathered on many shipwrecks is often limited and based on preliminary research, surveys or information gained through amateur archaeologists with many shipwrecks remaining unpublished.
When shipwrecks do get researched and published though, researchers often look at them as a single stationary group of objects. But a shipwreck is so much more. The wreck and its assemblage are connected to history as a whole through its objects and character (Harris 2017, 129). The assemblage of objects came from somewhere and was headed somewhere else when it wrecked. If you only look at the ship itself, and its last destination, you only create a small image of the ship’s lifespan. But when you start to focus on the entire trade network it was participating in and all the connections a wreck has to history as a whole, a much larger picture appears.
The question is though, is there a way to improve upon the maritime archaeological research process and streamline the archaeological process to avoid all these pitfalls and look at the bigger picture? Even though the information gathered from certain shipwrecks might not warrant a large-scale research project it could still hold valuable information. Especially when we do start looking at the bigger picture of early modern trade-routes as a whole such small-scale research on a large number of ships could indeed prove very valuable. A high quantity of such studies could very possibly be used to validate, disprove or fill in the gaps on certain research projects.
One thing that might help in streamlining the archaeological process is a more standardized classification tool or system. A widely adopted classification system could help researchers in organizing their research and gather more information with limited means. More
importantly, it would also be a great help for archaeologists researching the bigger picture of maritime trade. By using one system for multiple ships it suddenly becomes a lot easier to compare different wrecks thus make it easier to compare maritime trade on a larger scale.
7 Therefore, for this thesis we will also be expanding on the work done on classification systems by Researchers such as Reinders, Kleij, Holk and Overmeer.
The main goal of this thesis Is then to answer the following research question: • How can the assemblage of archaeological finds in early modern European
merchant shipwrecks help us identify the trade-network a ship participated in?
Furthermore, two sub questions will also be researched during the scope of this thesis: - How effective is the use of a classification system as a tool for researching shipwreck
assemblages?
- What can each category of objects tell us about a ship’s trade route?
In order to answer these questions, we have chosen ten shipwrecks as the basis for our research (see tab. 1). These wrecks are chosen on the requirements that they are all early modern shipwrecks dating back to the 16th or 17th century. Furthermore, they had to be
linked to the Dutch maritime trade-network directly, either by being of Dutch origins or by being found in Dutch waters. For the selection of these wrecks it was important to be somewhat pragmatic due to the fact that this thesis is based on desk-research and there simply are not that many wrecks available to choose from.
two of these ten wrecks will serve as benchmarks. These are ships where either a large number of historical information, or a large amount of archaeological research is available. This means that the results of our research can be compared to the earlier conducted historical and archaeological research to see how accurate our method is.
Table 1. Overview of all ships being researched for this thesis
Ships-overview Ship-name Date of wreck Origins Location of wreck Vessel type
Stavoren 17 1500 Scandinavian? Zuiderzee Merchant vessel
Scheurrak SO1 1590 Dutch Wadden Sea Merchant vessel
Aanloop Molengat 1635 Dutch Wadden Sea Armed merchantman
Burgzandnoord 3 1640 Dutch Wadden Sea V.O.C. ship?
Salcombe Cannon Wreck
1640 Dutch English Channel Armed
merchantman
Swash Channel Wreck
1650 Dutch English Channel Armed
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De Lastdrager 1653 Dutch Shetland Islands
V.O.C. Flute
Burgzandnoord 10 1650-1700 German? Wadden Sea Armed merchantman
Burgzandnoord 2 1675 Dutch or Polish
Wadden Sea Armed
merchantman The Drumbeg Wreck 1691 Dutch? Northern Scotland V.O.C. ship Thesis outline:
To convey the research done for this thesis as orderly as possible, it is important to start by creating a historical framework. This second chapter gives a short overview of the different centuries discussed during this thesis as well as the trade-routes that were prevalent during that time. The main purpose for this is to gain the required level of historical knowledge necessary to research the topic of maritime trade.
The third chapter will focus on explaining the methodological and theoretical framework that will be used for this thesis and create the basis upon which this thesis will be built. The research method will be explained as well the format in which the research will be
presented. Furthermore, it will also discuss post-depositional processes and information biases that will need to be considered.
The fourth, fifth and sixth chapter contain the main body of research for this thesis as well as the results. All ships and their assemblages will be researched and presented individually in these chapters and each of their trade routes will also be shown on a map. The information will be summarized and concluded at the end of each chapter as preparation for the conclusion
The seventh and final chapter will be the conclusion where all the information from the previous chapter is used to answer the research question. It will also look at whether the system works, what sort of future research is necessary, and what problems were encountered during the writing of this thesis.
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2. The Dutch maritime cultural landscape in the
early modern period
When researching trade routes and merchant ships in the early modern period, it is important to also consider the changes in the maritime cultural landscape during that period. The maritime cultural landscape, defined as the network of sea routes and harbours indicated both above and under water, is continually subject to change during this period (Westerdahl 2012, 4). These changes to the landscape mean that the sort of cargo that is being transported, and the port cities it is being transported to, change as well. Thus, giving rise to new trade-routes and new ship types that have to be researched (Westerdahl 2012, 17).
Especially the early modern period sees a lot of changes to the maritime cultural landscape. The advent of new shipbuilding techniques leads to new ship-types that could carry more cargo and sail further. This lead to a huge increase in sea-going trade, decreasing the importance of inland river trading (Janssen 1976, 272).
Understanding the maritime culture and the changes in trade-goods, ship-types and maritime cultural centres is paramount when researching the trade network of a ship. Even though shipwrecks are an integral part of the maritime cultural landscape, analysing the wreck requires a thorough understanding of the landscape as a whole (Westerdahl 2012, 2)
2.1 - The 16
thcentury
The Dutch maritime cultural landscape in the first half of the 16th century hardly changes
compared to that of the 15th century (Janssen 1976, 271). However, a huge increase in scale
is apparent in the latter half of this century. A steady rise is visible in the amount of cargo ships could carry, as well as the amount of ships being built. This means that more and more people start working in the maritime domain, making it a focal point of the Dutch economy (Janssen 1976, 272).
A shift towards different ship-types is visible in the early 16th century. The increased demand
for maritime trade meant that smaller ships such as the so-called Buis and the Cogge where abandoned in exchange for larger vessels such as the “new” Hulk and the Caravel (Janssen 1976, 273). The hulk as a ship-type can first be seen in the 8th or 9th century as a merchant
vessel that could be either powered by sail or by rowers (van Beylen 1976, 121). The ship kept developing over time, and new shipbuilding techniques meant that in the late 15th and
early 16th century Hulk’s were built that could carry over 200 tonnes of cargo, whereas
10 123). The large potential of this ship meant that it was used by almost all European
countries.
Another important ship at the start of the 16th century is the caravel. This ship was built with
shipbuilding techniques imported from Southern-Europe and resembles a Hulk, even though it was still distinctly its own type of ship (van Beylen 1976, 131). However, during the 16th
century the Caravel and the Hulk grow closer and closer to each-other, and at the end of the
16th century both ships have become one merged type (van Beylen 1976, 134).
A somewhat smaller cargo ship that is commonly used in this period, especially in the southern Netherlands, is the Heude (van Roey 1976, 251). The Heude had two types, one for the inland river trade and one for open sea. It was mainly used for ferry services and coastal trade but occasionally for warfare as well (van Beylen 1976, 27). They were a relatively common sight in the trade with England.
A notable appearance in the late 16th century was the Fly-boat (van Beylen 1977, 23). This
ship was mainly used for coastal trade initially but also commonly used as a warship. This ship was relatively small and was likely a converted fishing vessel used for trading outside of the fishing season (van Beylen 1977, 23).
There were 3 main port cities in the Netherlands that these ships generally departed from at the time. These were: Antwerp, Middelburg and Amsterdam (Jansen 1976, 274). These cities grew to become the most dominant ports and were a major factor in shaping the Dutch maritime cultural landscape. From these cities trade would either head west towards England or Spain, or east towards the Baltic (van Roey 1976, 250).
The centre for the Dutch westbound maritime trade-routes in the 16th century were
Antwerp and Middelburg. However, during the 16th century Middelburg starts becoming
more and more important as a centre of maritime trade, at the cost of Antwerp (Jansen 1976, 269). While trade in this period certainly sees a massive increase in scale, the trade-networks practically stay the same as in the 15th century (van Roey 1976, 251). This means
that the most important destinations were still the coastal trade with France, the trade with the Iberian Peninsula, and the England trade. The trade with France headed towards the city of Rouen and was an important supply of French wines as well as salt (van Roey 1976, 249). This coastal trade would then continue further towards the Iberian Peninsula where Spain and Portugal were also important trade partners. Northern European wood was transported towards the south while bringing back oil, wine, cork and salt (van Roey 1976, 249).
11 privateers active in the region. Thus, shipping was often done in large convoys with many armed ships (Jansen 1976, 270).
The most important westbound trade-route at the time however was that with England. Ships leaving Middelburg and Antwerp would head towards the English east-coast, visiting cities such as London and Ipswich (Jansen 1976, 270). The Dutch ships would bring with them beer, salt and fish (mainly herring). On the return they would bring with them wool, grain, coal and most importantly cloth sheets (Jansen 1976, 270).
The eastbound trade in the 16th century was mainly the domain of Amsterdam and focussed
on trade with the Baltic region, northern German ports and Norway (Jansen 1976, 263). The main import from the Baltic was grain, as well as some Baltic wood. In the 16th century trade
with the Baltic would explode as it became the so-called bread basket of Europe, and the main supplier of grains. When the Hanze lost its power in the late 15th century and especially
in the 16th century, Amsterdam would take its place in the Baltic trade. When looking at a list
of all ships passing visiting Gdansk in the 16th century, it becomes clear just how much Dutch
trade with the region increases (North 2015, 102). As can be seen in figure 1, trade almost quadrupled between 1530-1583 (North 2015, 102). The fact that most of these ships came from Amsterdam shows the importance of the city as a staple of the Baltic grains and wheats in Europe (van Hoboken 1976, 9). However, trade would not always end in Amsterdam. Dutch ships would occasionally go from the Baltic directly towards Southern Europe in an attempt to gain more efficiency and higher profits. This type of trade is known in Dutch as the doorgaande vaart (Manders 1998, 89).
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Figure 1. Nationality and number of ships entering the port of Danzig annually (Schildhauer 1968, 192)
While this period sees a massive increase in shipping, privateering and piracy also become booming business (Bruijn 1976, 232). As a result, ships in this period also see an increase in weaponry, especially the coastal traders heading towards the Iberian-Peninsula see an increased threat of piracy and are starting to get more heavily armed with both cannons and muskets (Bruijn 1976, 232). The late 16th century also sees the first Dutch ships heading
towards Asia as well as the invention of the Flute leading into the start of the Dutch
maritime empire and the Dutch golden age to be in the 17th century (Emmer and Gaastra
1977, 242).
2.2 - The 17th century
The advent of Dutch maritime trade fully comes to bloom in the 17th century, playing an
important role in the start of the Dutch golden age where the Netherlands would become one of the most important economic and maritime factions in the world (van Hoboken 1977, 9). In the 17th century the focus diverts to large, international, trade networks run by, what
would become, large conglomerates such as the Dutch VOC and the British East-India Company. Furthermore, this is also the period in which Dutch maritime exploration and trade flourished, with many new countries being colonised as the trade with both west and east Indies is being exploited to the fullest (Emmer and Gaastra 1976, 250). This century also signifies the definitive split between the southern and the northern Netherlands after the fall of Antwerp (van Hoboken 1977, 10).
13 The ever-increasing importance of maritime trade sees the development of many new ships in the 17th century. With the large sea and oceangoing ships having gained shape at around
1600 (van Beylen 1977, 11). The ships of this period are longer and lower, with a higher load. Furthermore, the size of a ship is no longer expressed in the amount of load that it can hold, but in the size of the ship (van Beylen 1977, 11).
The Flyboat that makes its appearance in the late 16th century is a common sight throughout
the 17th century as well. This ship competed with ships such as the Boeier and was a
common sight in as a coastal trader, but could occasionally function a warship as well (van Beylen 1977, 23). During the late 16th and early 17th century this type makes up a large bulk
of the Dutch mercantile fleet (van Beylen 1977, 23). However, both the Boeier and the Flyboat would eventually become obsolete later in the 17th century. A similar competing ship
was the Galiot. However, this ship was likely better than both the Boeier and the Flyboat as the Galiot remains in use until the early 20th century (van Beylen 1977, 36).
An important new ship-type making its entrance in the 17th century is the Flute. This ship
could carry more load, increased manoeuvrability and increased speed compared to the other late 16th century ships that it was based on (van Beylen 1977, 29). The Flute quickly
became an important ship-type being used for trading Coastal trade, Baltic trade, Iberian trade and even trade with the Indies by the VOC (van Beylen 1977, 30). The Flute would also be used by Germany and France and would become one of the main mercantile ships in use by the Netherlands. The ship became such an important ship due to a number of reasons. First of all, the small deck meant that it only had to pay limited taxes when sailing through the Sont towards the Baltic, as taxes were based on the size of a ship’s deck. Second, it was quicker and better manoeuvrable than most other ships and could carry more cargo (van Beylen 1977, 29). Lastly, the ship design means that it only needed a relatively small crew with a minimum of 9/10 men, making it cheaper to sail (van Beylen 1977, 30). Another contemporary ship that was commonly used by both the VOC as well as other merchants is the Pinas. This ship would be used for trade over-seas but ships of this type were also used for the slave-trade (van Beylen 1977, 39). The ship showed many similarities with the Yacht, another type of ship making its introduction at the same time, and the Yachts used by merchant would often be called a Pinas and vice versa in contemporary literature (van Beylen 1977, 55). This means that it is often difficult to identify the difference between both ships as they likely differed in size only while having the same appearance (van Beylen 1977, 55).
However, one of the most notable ships of the 17th century is the East Indiamen built by the
14 warships with their size and armament (van Beylen 1977, 44). These ships often had a double layer of wood below the waterline to prevent against the tropical shipworm and would generally only be used to trade with Asia (van Beylen 1977, 43). These ships could be up to 180 feet and were some of the biggest and most well-armed merchant ships sailing the ocean, showing the of the VOC at the time.
The still ongoing Spanish war at the start of the 17th century, and later the 2nd English war,
meant that a large number of new warships were developed as well. The new shipbuilding techniques introduced in the late 16th century meant that quicker, more agile ships such as
frigates could be built. Furthermore, ships such as the Pinas, Yacht and Flute that were repurposed and redesigned to be used as ships of war as well (van Beylen 1977, 54-64). This progress in shipbuilding techniques and a continuing focus on the maritime domain opened up a large amount of new maritime trade possibilities. Circa 1595 saw the first Dutch ships heading towards both the East Indies and the West Indies (Lucassen 1977, 126). These routes would only become more and more important with the foundation of companies such as the Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) and the West Indische Compagnie (WIC) (Lucassen 1977, 127). New trade routes within Europe itself would also open up with ships heading towards Iceland, Greenland and Northern Russia. Furthermore, the
Straatvaart was also rediscovered with Dutch ships once again heading towards Italy and even the Turkish Empire (Lucassen 1977, 128).
The bulk of Dutch maritime trade with the rest of Europe mainly came from one of 5 regions: Zeeland, the South of Holland, Amsterdam, West-Frisia and Frisia (Bruijn 1977, 213). The maritime trade routes these regions partook in was in large part based on their geographic location. Merchant vessels based in Zeeland would generally participate in the coastal trade with England and France. Ships that came from the South of Holland mainly focussed on England, but also traded with France, northern Germany and Norway (Bruijn 1977, 214). Frisia its maritime trade mainly focussed on Northern Germany, Norway and the Baltic. Ship’s hailing from West-Frisia would trade all over Europe, But on a much smaller scale than Amsterdam (Bruijn 1977, 214). Amsterdam would be the centre and staple for European trade and later the international trade as well. Although their main focus would be the Baltic. Goods from all over Europe would be brought to the Amsterdam markets to be sold and transported further (Bruijn 1977, 215). However, in many cases these ships would pass-by Amsterdam and head straight to Southern-Europe as the doorgaande vaart was still an important route for merchants.
The so-called Vistula trade with the Baltic region was still the most important trade-route in the 17th century. The advent of the Dutch Flute with all its advantages, as well as them
15 becoming the most important nation in maritime trade, meant that they were the most influential nation in the Baltic maritime trade at the time (Brand 2007, 18). As can be seen in figure 2, the Dutch had more ships passing through the Sont than all other nations
combined. The ships would head towards the Baltic region with products such as wines, spices, salt or herring and return from the Baltic with mainly rye and wheat, but also lumber and craft related cargo such as flax or animal hides (Bruijn 1977, 216). These ships would generally head to the port cities of Gdansk and Kaliningrad to offload and onload their cargo (Bruijn 1977, 217). Later in the 17th century, Sweden would also be a supplier of cannons for
the Dutch.
Figure 2. Number of ships passing east through the Sont each year (Brand 2007, 18).
Another important trade route, generally having their home-port in Frisia, West-Frisia or Amsterdam, is the northbound trade. This trade-route could either head to Norway, Russia via the Bering sea, or Iceland (Lucassen 1977, 126). Norway was an important source of wood and stockfish, which was commonly eaten in the Netherlands and on board of Dutch ships and In Russia the merchants would buy Rye, hides and fur to then sell in Amsterdam, or continue onto Italy to sell it there (Bruijn 1977, 225). Some merchant ships would also head to Iceland with provisions and tobacco to sell. The ships participating in the
northbound trade were generally unarmed, much like those heading to the Baltic in peace-time, as the route was relatively safe. However, to deter any possible threats they would often sail in convoy for safety (Bruijn 1977, 220-225).
The shipping done towards the nearby surrounding countries: Northern France, England, Scotland Germany, and western Denmark, was mostly done by smaller vessels and was therefore aptly named the “small trade” (Bruijn 1977, 226). Ships could traverse these trade-routes multiple times per year, were not seasonally bound and the distances were short and thus it was not necessary to use larger more cumbersome ships. Trade with Germany and western Denmark was important for the Dutch grain trade, but especially the timber trade. Many Dutch ships were built from German wood (Bruijn 1977, 226). The trade with England was continually growing in the late 16th and early 17th century, but shipping laws meant a
large decline in the late 17th century. Trade with England mostly imported coal, tobacco and
16 port-cities in Northern-France (Bruijn 1977, 228). Trade with southwestern France was done by larger ships and focussed on French salt and French Wines (Bruijn 1977, 232). The sizes of these ships and their corresponding trade-route, as well as the amount of ships traversing that trade-route annually can be seen in fig. 3.
Figure 3. Number of Dutch ships departing towards a specific destination each year and their capacity (Maarleveld and Overmeer 2012, 141).
Even though the Republic was at war with Spain in the first half of the 17th century, trade
with the Iberian Peninsula was still plentiful (Bruijn 1977, 233). Spain was dependant on the Dutch merchants for grain and other similar provisions. At the same time, the republic would get salt, wine, oils, fruit and Brazilian gold from the Iberian Peninsula. After offloading parts of their cargo in Iberia the ships would often continue onwards through the strait of Gibraltar towards Italy and the Mediterranean (Bruijn 1977, 235). Especially wheat was in great demand due to a number of failed harvests in Italy. Merchants would often continue onward to trade with Turkey or Morocco as well (Bruijn 1977, 241).
However, the most famous trade routes in the early modern period ware probably those sailed by the VOC and the WIC. The international “Grote Vaart” became even more important in the 17th century and the Dutch settled many colonies in Asia. The WIC mainly
traded with west-Africa, the America’s and the Caribbean with as main focus the trade in slaves and gold. On the return from the Americas, merchants would often carry rough sugar. (Gaastra and Emmer 1977, 273). The VOC had a flourishing trade with Asia and mainly exported gold, silver, building materials and men to the colonies. They would then return with fine Asian Silks, elephant ivory and mostly spices (Gaastra and Emmer 1977, 266). Due to the monopoly the VOC had on the trade with Asia, no common merchant vessels would go there. These VOC ships would depart from the republic and would then either go through
17 the English Channel, or go up and around England in case the channel was deemed too dangerous (Gaastra and Emmer 1977, 268).
In the late 17th century the Republic’s influence started to diminish. While still one of the
most dominant European nations, profits were dwindling and the VOC and WIC both became less profitable and less powerful (Gaastra and Emmer 1977, 288). While the Dutch remained a very influential nation, this did mean the end of its golden age.
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3. Methods & theory
3.1 – Assemblages and the maritime cultural landscape
Before continuing with any sort of research for this thesis, there are two very important terms that have to be defined and explained. Namely: the definition of assemblages and the maritime cultural landscape. While the maritime cultural landscape is a relatively accepted term in archaeology, the definition of assemblages definitely is not. This means that the answer to our main research question is also dependant on which definition of assemblage will be used for this thesis.One of the most commonly accepted definitions is that of Renfrew and Bahn, claiming that an assemblage is “a group of artefacts recurring together at a particular time and place, representing the sum of human activities” (Renfrew and Bahn 2008, 578). This term has commonly been used to describe one of two things. Either a group of objects of a similar material or typology such as an assemblage of pottery, or as a group of objects found at a similar location such as the assemblage of an archaeological site (Hamilakis & Jones 2017, 77). As the term “assemblage” became more commonly used and discussed in other disciplines than archaeology, archaeologists soon started discussing the use and agency of assemblages as well (Hamilakis & Jones 2017, 77). Not only the different scales at which the term could be used were discussed, but so was the definition itself (Harris 2017, 127). As mentioned by authors such as Harris, Dewsbury and Deleuze, the definition of assemblages has two axes (Harris 2017, 129). The first axis defines the fact that an assemblage not only captures the physical aspects of whatever it is used for, but also the immaterial. Thus, creating a very fluid definition which can also include the immaterial such as emotions and identity (Harris 2017, 129). The second axis defines how assemblages are always “becoming”, describing the historical process of how an assemblage comes to be (Harris 2017, 129).
Following this line of thought regarding assemblages means that when we are describing the assemblage of a shipwreck we look at more than just the artefacts found at the site. We also look at the ship itself, its location, and its historical context (Harris 2017, 130). This means that to answer this thesis’ hypothesis we will be looking at the entire process of the objects and how they got there, not only the static artefacts.
Another important term that has to be explained is the maritime cultural landscape. While the definition of term itself has already been defined in chapter 2 this paragraph serves to
19 explain why this term is so important. The term maritime cultural landscape explains that maritime archaeology is not only the material remains under water, but also the related structures on land as well as the immaterial such as sailing routes (Westerdahl 2012, 11). It is also important to realize that maritime cultural landscape often goes hand in hand with the inland cultural landscape. They are not two isolated landscapes but work closely together and often rely on each other (Westerdahl 2012, 13). To better capture the essence of maritime culture, Westerdahl re-defined it in 1992 as: “human utilization (economy) of maritime space by boat: settlement, fishing, hunting, shipping, and, in historical times, its attendant subcultures, such as pilotage, and lighthouse and seamark maintenance” (Westerdahl 1992, 5).
The maritime cultural landscape exists out of 7 aspects, namely: the economic landscape, the landscape of transport and communications, the power landscape, the outer resources landscape, the inner resource landscape, the cognitive landscape and the recreative landscape (Westerdahl 2012, 14). All these aspects combined form the maritime cultural landscape. What this means for the research done in this thesis is that there is more to the maritime culture than just the shipwrecks and their trade-routes. The objects often came from land, where transported to a port and then transferred onto a ship, being transferred through different transport zones (Westerdahl 2012, 16). This means that the trade-routes being discussed for this thesis do not suddenly start at one port city, only to end at another. An important example of such a transit point is Amsterdam in the early modern period. Goods arriving at the staple would come via land, river and sea and would then be stored and depart once again via ship or carriage. Thus, making the maritime landscape far less static than it can appear (Westerdahl 2012, 15). It is important to not only consider where a ship loaded its cargo, but also where that cargo came from before that.
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3.2 – Site formation processes
There are always certain problems to account for when doing archaeological research. The information gained from shipwrecks is not always completely reliable, a ship is almost never a perfect time-capsule (Schiffer 1985, 30). This is in large parts due to the site formation processes a wreck undergoes (see fig. 4). These site formation processes start as soon as the ship wrecks. If a ship is near the shore, or valuable enough, people will attempt to salvage or loot the wrecked ship. Thus, removing material from the wreck site and disturbing the archaeological record as it is just beginning to form (Muckelroy 1976, 281).
21 After the ship has wrecked and while it is lying on the seafloor, post-depositional processes will start to affect the remains. A lot of information will be lost due to irreversible natural processes such as the “Teredo Navalis”, also known as the shipworm, eating away at the wood (Overmeer 2000, 30). Objects that aren’t made out of wood may degrade due to rust and bacteria or simply erosion due to the force of the water (Muckelroy 1976, 283). When the wreck site is finally fully covered by the seafloor, sea-bed movement may cause it to be susceptible to erosion once again. The final disturbance is the excavation itself, where objects might get destroyed or go missing by people making a mistake (Muckelroy 1976, 283). Therefore, the absence of a certain type of object does not necessarily mean that it was never there.
An important issue in maritime archaeology, especially in Europe, is the fact that working underwater makes it more difficult to work as meticulous as one would want. the lack of visibility as well as a limited amount of time that you can stay submerged all make life more difficult. Furthermore, ocean currents mean that artefacts get eroded or displaced easily, possibly contaminating a site with artefacts washed up from somewhere else (Muckelroy 1976, 287). There is also the possibility of multiple ships being sunk at the same site. Especially at locations such as Burgzand Noord in the Dutch Wadden Sea or at the Goodwin sands this is a relatively common occurrence and can cause confusion regarding which objects belong to the ship being researched (Vos 2012, 277).
There are also some “man-made” problems that shipwreck archaeology faces such as looting, souvenir hunting or contemporary salvaging (Muckelroy 1976, 280). Having an important or valuable archaeological artefact to showcase is something that appeals to many people, with most of them not seeing any harm in possessing this artefact. While looting these archaeological sites is illegal, many people are unaware that these rules exist and they are difficult to enforce (Maarleveld 1998, 18).
These issues play an even more important role when researching maritime trade-routes as the presence/absence of one object can be of major importance. Even though every researcher is aware of post-depositional processes, it is still often ignored. This is a problem on land as well where it is called the “Pompeii premise” where it is just assumed an
archaeological site is complete just to make research easier (Schiffer 1985, 20). Another pitfall in the archaeological research of shipwrecks is the reliability of the
information gained through certain finds and objects. Many items could have been recycled, or taken from other ships (Manders 1998, 88). For example, Dendrochronology of the ships
22 timber is often used to give us a date of when the ship was built. However, the felling date of the tree could be many years before the ship was actually built (Nayling 2010, 2).
A similar issue is the origins of the cannons on board. Cannons were incredibly valuable, especially during particularly turbulent periods, and often taken from other ships to be re-used or sold (Maarleveld and Overmeer 2012, 110). This means that even though a ship has Dutch cannons it is not necessarily a Dutch ship. Likewise, special artefacts found on board of shipwrecks such as the Genoan trumpet does not instantly mean that the ship itself has actually visited Genoa (Manders 1998, 88). It might be taken on board by a crew member who purchased it in a different voyage. These are all things that have to be considered when valuing the different items found at a shipwreck.
In the end, what this all means for us as (maritime) archaeologists is that all archaeological sites are biased and we have to find a way to work around that. And doing that requires the archaeologist to be aware of the fact that there will always be objects in your assemblage that do not belong and vice versa.
23
3.3 - Classification systems
The need for a classification system in archaeology arose in the late 19th century and early
20th century. The rising popularity of archaeology caused such a large amount of
accumulated, unsorted, data that it became necessary to start using a more unified classification in order to make further progress in the field of archaeology (Adams and Adams 1991, 267). It had simply become impossible to compare research between two different researchers when each of them gave similar objects a different name or typology. From the 1920’s onwards the popularity of classification visibly rises with a large part of research and resources devoted to classification (Adams and Adams 1991, 268).
But what exactly is a classification system? In its essence, a classification system is a means of organizing or grouping together data under one common denominator and creating structure in your data (Overmeer 2000, 34). It is a method for which one researches and understands the objects or data and puts them in a certain category as a way to streamline the flow of information. This can be an especially useful tool when researching and comparing multiple archaeological sites such as shipwrecks because it means that all the research done is structured similarly and thus easily comparable to one-another.
While there is a large variety of types of classification systems, the most important one for maritime archaeology is a functional classification system. In this system, the classes are based on the intended function of the artefact. For example, items intended for trade can be classified as cargo while cooking ware for use on board of the ship is classified as inventory. This way of classifying easily identifies what an object is used for to other researchers and helps in identifying the purpose of an object itself or the shipwreck as a whole (Adams and Adams 1991, 91).
The rise of a new generation of archaeologists in the 1960’s leads an increased demand for more science-based classification systems. However, what makes a classification system scientific? As an answer to that Dunnel wrote the book Systematics in prehistory in 1971 (Dunnel 1971). In this book he makes 2 important statements regarding classification systems, namely:
- The importance of purpose in a classification system
- Every approach to classification has its own strengths and weaknesses
Building further on the work done by Dunnel, Adams and Adams wrote the book
24 structural features that a classification must adhere to (Adams and Adams 1991, 76-81). These requirements are:
- Boundedness
A classification has to be limited based on either internal or external criteria that make it clear which items are included and which are not.
- Comprehensiveness
This means that the classification system has to be able to include all of the items that are being researched and sorted to make sure that no items are left outside the scope of the research.
- Mutual exclusiveness
The system has to be designed, and the classes specified, in such a way that an object or artefact can only be placed in one class at a time, as no item can be in two places at once. For example: a fishing ship might use its catch as food for the crew during its travels and then sell it once it reaches port. Is it then considered as victuals or as cargo?
- Consistency of definition
All classes have to be defined and named according to the same set of variables so that there can be no ambiguity. You cannot name 5 categories after the object’s typology
and then have the 6th name be based on the location of where the object has been
found.
- Equivalence of classes
Each class has to be of considered of similar value. One class cannot be considered more valuable simply because it is more common.
- Equidistance
All classes have to be equally distinct from one-another.
- Independence of classes
Classes have to be independent from one-another. It should not be the case that class A is only present when class B is as well.
While this can be considered a very thorough description of the basic structural features of a classification system, one very significant requirement is lacking for it to be functional in maritime archaeology. A classification system is the fact that it has to be multi-applicable (Overmeer 2000, 35). This means that it has to be usable on more than just one shipwreck. And especially when researching a topic such as trade routes where it is vital to look at the bigger picture, the interchangeability of the classification system is of paramount
25 importance. Because if a different classification system is used for every other shipwreck it becomes almost impossible to compare studies to each-other.
The evolution of the classification system
There are numerous classification systems that have been used in previous archaeological research, dating as far back as at least the 70’s. While many of these could be considered to be more like “indexes” as opposed to actual systems, as they were only used for a single ship, they generally touch on the same classes – however, often small but important differences exist. This becomes especially clear when reading Reinders 1982 research on a similar subject. He gives a number of examples of classification systems used that are all somewhat similar, but vary on important points making it increasingly difficult to compare the data gained with one another (Reinders 1982).
Marsden was one of the earlier maritime archaeologists who started using a classification system of sorts in 1972 when researching the shipwreck of VOC ship the Amsterdam (Reinders 1988, 26). In this system he used 5 classes:
1. Parts of the ship and her armament 2. The ship’s stores
3. Equipment officially used by the east India company for use on board 4. Personal belongings for individuals on board
5. The cargo
This system by Marsden included some very important categories, such as the cargo, and started off with the right idea. This system was far broad though which means that a large variety of different items would be clustered in one rather unspecific class making it fairly difficult to really utilize the system as a tool (Reinders 1988, 26). It could be considered more of a way to group finds together for his own research paper, as opposed to actually creating a classification system that could be used in a much broader sense. The fact that one of the classes is “Equipment officially used by the East India company for use on board” also means that even if this system was proven to be fully functional, it could only be used on ships sailing for the East India company.
Green in 1977 created a similar classification system where the objects are classified according to type of material (Reinders 1988, 26). Similar to the system by Marsden, this system was also aimed mainly at researching VOC shipwrecks and also had a similar general index as the system by Marsden:
1. The ship itself
26 3. The ship’s provisions
4. The cargo on the ship for the VOC
5. Personal possessions of individuals allowed by the VOC to be taken to the Indies. In the 80’s, the archaeologist Reinders decided he needed a less flawed classification system that could be used more widely than just on VOC ships and so he created his own functional classification system (Reinders 1985). Continuing on the Marsden and Green, his system also consists out of 5 main categories further specified into a number of sub-classes (Reinders 1988, 27). These categories and sub-classes are:
A. Ship with standing and running rigging B. Equipment
1. Ship’s equipment 2. Company equipment 3. Military equipment C. Inventory
4. Documents and stationery 5. Navigational equipment 6. Tools
7. Household effects 8. Kitchen utensils
9. Eating and drinking gear 10. Victuals
D. Personal belongings and skeletons E. Cargo, trading wares or haul
This system was quickly adopted by many researchers such as Mclaughin, Neyland Holk and Kleij among others (Mclaughin and Neyland 1993; Holk 1992; Kleij 1997). Kleij even went a step further in his 1997 and ranked each of the categories according to its value when researching provenance (Kleij 1997). Although this is a great idea, such a system has not been created for researching trade-routes so far. Furthermore, ranking these categories creates a very rigid system that is difficult to implement in something as fluid as shipwreck assemblages.
The fact that this classification system by Reinders has been tested successfully by other researchers as well it meeting all requirements necessary for a well-functioning classification system as defined by Adams and Adams is why it will be used as the basis for our research. Furthermore, we will be expanding on this classification system by building further on Kleij
27 his idea and linking the classes defined by Reinders’ to the specific identifying features of a trade-route.
It is however important to note that this system still has its flaws. Some artefacts can be multi-functional, making it difficult to decide in what category they should be placed. An object such as a cannon could be used as armament and therefore considered military equipment, however they could also be cargo and transported to be sold. This means that the system is not always mutually exclusive. The fact that multi-functional artefacts become more and more commonplace in the late medieval and early modern period makes it almost impossible to create a classification that is completely mutually-exclusive though. It is therefore important to accept this as a flaw in the system, and work around it. Furthermore, as Reinders already mentions himself, when researching more intricate or larger shipwrecks the categories might benefit from being more defined (Reinders 1988, 27). However, this will be left to future researchers.
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3.4 – The method
Hoping to combat the flaws pointed out in the previous chapters, the information in this thesis will be gathered from both historical and archaeological sources. However, due to the amount of wrecks being researched in this thesis it is impossible to carry out the
archaeological research ourselves and so we are dependent on research carried out by other archaeologists. All the information gathered is therefore based on desk research.
Ten wrecks have been chosen for this thesis that either have a Dutch origin, or are located in Dutch waters. eight of these wrecks are ships where the trade-network is still uncertain that require more research. The remaining two wrecks are ships that have been researched thoroughly with both historical and archaeological information that can be consulted. These two benchmarks will be researched first to see if the method used in this thesis works as well as to serve as a basis for further research.
These wrecks have initially been selected via the Machu-Project and their online database at Machuproject.eu. This is a European project for effectively managing underwater cultural heritage. This database was mainly used as a point of orientation to easily get an overview of what shipwrecks were present in the European waters before looking up scientific literature for each wreck in order to decide whether or not it should be included.
Each ship will be researched the same way. The entire assemblage will be classified according to the classification system by Reinders and each category discussed separately. Furthermore, the location and ship-type of the wreck will also be discussed. They might not qualify as tangible archaeological objects but they are still very important when researching the life of a ship.
By researching the whole assemblage, we hope to answer the following three features that help identify the trade-route:
- What is the provenance of the ship
- What is the period of the ship
- What is the destination of the ship
Answering these three questions will hopefully create a good image of what trade route a ship was participating in. The final step will then be to compare the results of each ship to identify common denominators, these are categories that consistently have a specific identifying feature. For example, Kitchen utensils very commonly identify the provenance for the ship (Kleij 1997, 183). Doing this will hopefully help future researchers in more efficiently utilizing Reinders’ classification system to identify a ship’s trade-route.
29 The two ships that serve as benchmarks for this thesis, and are basically the foundation of the proof any system needs to be considered reliable, will be researched in the same way as the other wrecks. The only difference is that the research on these wrecks will be cross-examined and discussed in a separate chapter.
30
4. Researching the benchmarks
Two wrecks are being used as benchmarks for this thesis, one wreck dating back to the (late) 16th century and one dating back to the 17th century to represent both centuries being
researched (see tab. 2). The wreck of the Scheurrak SO1 is the late 16th century Flute-like
wreck of an armed merchant that has been excavated, lifted and thoroughly researched by archaeologists. However, little historical evidence regarding the wreck is available.
Table 2. Overview of the benchmark shipwrecks being researched
Ship-name Date of wreck
Origins Location of wreck
Vessel type
Scheurrak SO1 1590 Dutch Wadden Sea Merchant vessel
De Lastdrager 1653 Dutch Shetland Islands V.O.C. Flute
The Lastdrager is the 17th century wreck of a VOC Flute ship on its way towards the
East-Indies. This ship has been researched thoroughly both archaeological as well as historical. The research is somewhat dated though as it was excavated by maritime archaeologists in the early 70’s. The fact that this wreck has so much historical information available makes it an interesting benchmark as we can see how the historical evidence corresponds with the historical evidence. The location of both of these wrecks can be seen in fig. 5
Figure 5. Location of the Benchmark wrecks 01 = Scheurrak SO1
31
4.1 – Scheurrak SO1 c. 1590
Figure 6: location of the Scheurrak SO1 wreck
The Scheurrak SO1 wreck was found in 1984 in the Wadden Sea just off the island of Texel (see fig. 6). Changing currents uncovered the remains of the ship which meant that the ship
was now quickly eroding (Manders 1998, 79). The Scheurrak is a well-researched 16th
century merchant linked to the Dutch maritime trade by being located in Dutch waters and likely even a Dutch provenance (Manders 1998, 88). The fact that only few shipwrecks dating
back to the 16th century have been found makes this wreck even more important.
The location of the wreck in the Wadden-Sea indicates that the ship was heading to either Harlingen, West-Frisia or Amsterdam (Bruijn 1977, 213). Amsterdam is however by far the biggest port in the area and it is most likely that it was headed there. Unfortunately for our research, Amsterdam was the centre of European trade at the time and thus ships would arrive there via many different trade-routes. Most of the ships departing from this area at the time were headed for the Baltic though (Bruijn 1977, 216).
- The archaeological finds
A. Ship with standing and running rigging
The hull remains of the wreck has features of a Flute which were commonly used for trade with the Baltic region (see tab. 3). This is because of the ship type having a very narrow deck which was used to avoid heavy taxes imposed by the Danish when wanting to cross the Sound into the Baltic (Overmeer 2000, 9). However, these ships were so popular and versatile that they were used for many different trade-routes. The ship was built before the actual invention of the Flute however, so it is therefore considered an early Flute-like ship
32 (Manders 1998, 80) A relatively large part of the hull has remained intact and was lifted for preservation as well as to study the shipbuilding techniques of the time (Manders 1998, 80). The dendrochronological research done on the ship’s wood gives us a built date of c. 1580 and indicate that the ship was constructed out of German oak (Manders 1998, 79). The building techniques used also indicate that it was a Dutch ship, or at least built in the Netherlands (Manders 1998, 88).
Table 3. Scheurrak SO1 – ship with standing and running rigging
Category object-type Group size Origin object Destination
Ship Hull fragments Large Germany -
B. Equipment
The ship’s equipment found for the Scheurrak SO1, while relatively complete, does not tell us much about the trade-route or network of the ship. For at least one of the anchors found it is not even sure whether it was actually part of the Scheurrak and none of the other objects hold any sort of engraving, mark, or decoration that could tell us more about where the ship has been or where it came from.
The company’s equipment consisted solely out of one iron hook. While it is very likely that many objects that could be place in this category have washed away, the absence of other equipment necessary for loading or offloading cargo does indicate that it was mainly intended as a transport ship for grains/cereal or other materials that would be dumped into its cargo hold without needing very much equipment on board the ship itself (Overmeer 2000, 44)
The military equipment on board of the ship consisted out of a large number of small-arms as well as 4 cannons and accompanying trunnions and cannonballs (see tab. 4). Considering the fact that it likely had even more cannons than have been found, based on the amount of gun ports in the remnants of the hull, it would have been very well armed for a Vistula trader (Puype 2001, 127). The amount of guns present would not be uncommon for ships heading towards the Mediterranean though or a ship participating in the Doorgaande vaart (Manders 1998, 87). A very valuable find in this category is the lintstock. This lintstock was used for firing the actual cannon and one of these is engraved with a Dutch text and the year 1590. This indicates both a Dutch origin of the ship as well as confirming the wrecking date of c. 1590 (Manders 1998, 86).
33
Table 4. Scheurrak SO1 - equipment
Category object-type Group size Origin object Destination Ship's equipment Anchor 2 - - Sails 20 - Rope 36 - Pumps 5 - Boats 3 - Spare parts 95 - Flagpole 1 - Company’s equipment Iron hook 1 - Military equipment
Small arms 25 -
Southern-Europe? Small arms ammunition 50 - Southern-Europe? Cannons 4 - Southern-Europe? Trunnions - - Southern-Europe? Cannonballs 40 - Southern-Europe? Accessories - - Southern-Europe? C. Inventory
The documents and stationery found at the Scheurrak SO1 are somewhat underrepresented, likely because they are quick to perish. Which is unfortunate because they can be a very valuable category. However, the coin weights found can be traced back to Antwerp and Amsterdam (Manders 1998, 87). Furthermore, the ones that have been identified were used for coins intended for France, Portugal, England and the Netherlands (see tab. 5).
The navigational equipment found on the Scheurrak SO1 holds some interesting objects. While unfortunately no chart was found as this would have likely degraded quickly on the sea-floor, the navigation dividers and the trumpet are of special interest to this research. The navigation dividers were marked with the weapon of Amsterdam, supporting a Dutch nativity, and the trumpet had a Latin engraving basically saying: “Lissandro Milanese made
34 me in Genua, 1589” (Manders 1998, 85). Possibly indicating that the ship had in recent years been in or near Italy.
The tools found at the Scheurrak SO1 hold no particular information regarding either trade-route or nativity. The household effects similarly hold no information for the Scheurrak as well as being poorly represented.
The kitchen utensils hold some earthenware cooking pots that can be traced back to the Netherlands (Overmeer 2000, 15). The eating and drinking gear also holds some great information regarding the nativity of the ship Firstly, the tin spoons are marked with a crowned rose, commonly used as a quality indicator for Dutch tin (Vendelbosch 2012, 118). Thus, giving a strong claim for it being a Dutch ship.
The victuals include some Bartmann jugs found that can be traced back to the Nether Rhine region and were often used on Dutch ships. Furthermore, the food remnants include the so-called stockfish which was popular on board of Dutch ships and imported to the Netherlands via Norway (Jansen 1976, 276). What is most interesting however is the barrels used to store the victuals. Dendrochronological research shows that these barrels came from Poland, similar to the cargo of grain. However, Polish wood was often imported to the Netherlands and the barrels could have been made locally in the Republic. These barrels were also often recycled with a relatively long lifespan. (Manders 1998, 88).
Table 5. Scheurrak SO1 - inventory
Category object-type Group size Origin object Destination
Documents and stationery Coin weights 5 Antwerp/Amster dam France/Portugal/En gland Slate 3 - - Chalk 1 - - Pens 4 - - Navigational equipment Compass 2 - - Navigation Divider 5 Amsterdam - Sounding lead 3 - - Jacob's staff 1 - - Hourglass 20 - - Trumpet 1 Genoa -
35 Tools Carpenting tools 50 - - Caulking material 2 - - Cleaning tools 70 - -
Household effects Bedding 4 - -
Oil lamp 5 - -
Kitchen utensils Bricks 75 - -
Tiles 24 - - Metal cooking ware 16 - - Earthenwar e 12 Netherlands - baskets 5 - -
Eating and drinking gear
Wooden plates
49 - -
Tin spoons 7 Northern
Netherlands? - Earthenwar e jugs 3 Netherlands - Wooden jugs 9 - - Victuals Bartmann jugs 16 Rhine area - Bottles 18 - - Bones 100+ - - Storage jars 100+ - - Glass jar 1 - - food remnants - - -
Barrels - Poland Baltic?
36 The personal belongings are a group that mainly indicate an origin for the ship. The leather shoes found in the wreck can be used to determine a time period for the ship and a country of origins based on paintings of the fashion at the time (Goubitz 1985, 227). In this case they can be traced back to the late 16th century Republic. Further, the coins found in the wreck
are Dutch coins (see tab. 6). Some knives and their sheaths found were marked with Dutch engravings as well (Overmeer 2000, 60). The most interesting find however is that of a Portuguese jar. This was likely picked up by one of the crew and could mean that the ship has been to that region. However, it could have been traded in Amsterdam or been picked up on a previous voyage with a different ship as well.
Table 6. Scheurrak SO1 - personal belongings
Category object-type Group size Origin object Destination
Personal belongings Cape 1 - - Coat 1 - - buttons 12 - - clothing hooks 7 - - Belt 1 - - textile - - - Leathers shoes 100+ Dutch - Sowing equipment - - - Knives 4 Dutch - Coins 4 Dutch - recreation 6 - - Shoemaker's tools - - - Portuguese jar 1 Portuguese -
E. Cargo, specie, trading wares or haul
The main cargo of the ship consisted out of different types of grain and wheat (see tab. 7). These grains were transported in large flattened “sheets” that have largely remained intact in the cargo-hold after the ship was sunk and it is in these sheets that it was found
37 during excavation (Manders 1993, 26). Preserved among these grains as a sort of
stowaway is a large number of weeds. These weeds are ideal for botanical provenance research which indicates that they were likely Baltic weeds (Manders 1993, 26). This could very well indicate that the ship had just arrived from Dantzig waiting to offload its cargo in Amsterdam. However, it could have also been waiting to restock before heading onwards to the Mediterranean in the so-called Doorgaande vaart (Manders 1998, 88).
Table 7. Scheurrak SO1 - Trading ware
Category object-type Group size Origin object Destination
Cargo Wheat Bulk Baltic Amsterdam/Italy
Rye Bulk Baltic Amsterdam/Italy
Barley Bulk Baltic Amsterdam/Italy
4.1.3 – Conclusion on the Scheurrak
The Scheurrak SO1 is a difficult ship to pin down to a specific trade-route as it has so many “contradictions”. However, based on the archaeological evidence combined with historical evidence regarding the trade-routes of the time it is possible to narrow it down to 2 possible routes as well as a likely origin.
When looking at the categories that are strong indicators for an origin as described in chapter 3, we can see that it is very likely that it was in fact a Dutch ship with a Dutch crew. The typology and constructional features of the ship are typically Dutch as well as the personal belongings and the many items that are engraved with Dutch texts. Objects that are very much bound to the ship such as the Dutch earthenware and navigation dividers being from Amsterdam as well as the absence of any other nationality being represented make this clear.
When looking at the trade-network the cargo strongly indicates the ship coming from the Vistula region which is supported by the location of the wreck, the ship type and the Polish storage barrels. However, the armament, Portuguese jar, Genovese trumpet and coin weights used also for France and Iberia make it likely that the ship had at least recently been to the Mediterranean. Furthermore, historical sources at the time tell us that the Straatvaart had just recently been rediscovered in c. 1590 and the famine in Italy at the time made it a very profitable trade.
38 When looking at the whole assemblage it paints the picture of a Dutch ship, with a Baltic cargo and a number of southern-European artefacts. When combined with the historical context and the recently rediscovered Straatvaart. A ship that was definitely participating in the Moedernegotie trade-network and likely trading along the so called Doorgaande vaart heading from the Baltic straight to Italy (see fig.7). Unfortunately, the location of the shipwreck on the Texel roads makes it almost impossible to assess whether the ship just came from the Baltic or just left Amsterdam heading towards the Mediterranean.
When comparing the research done on the Scheurrak SO1 for this chapter with the results of previous researchers shows a lot of overlap. Research done by Manders and others come to similar conclusions of a possible Doorgaande vaart ship of Dutch origins. Thus, showing that this is indeed an effective method to quickly research the trade-route of a ship.
Figure 7: Possible trade route of the Scheurrak SO1 showing it participating in the doorgaande vaart from Danzig towards Italy.
39
4.2 - De Lastdrager, ±1653
Figure 8: location of the Lastdrager
The Lastdrager was found off the coast of the Shetland islands in 1971 and research on the wreck took place in 1971 and 1972 (see fig. 8). Finding this wreck was not a coincidence, but the result of years of historical research (Sténuit 1974, 214). As such, a wealth of historical information regarding the ship was already known and it was more a case of combining and comparing the historical record with the archaeological assemblage. Almost 3000 artefacts have been retrieved making the ship well documented both historically as well as
archaeologically (Sténuit 1974, 214). The fact that it is a 17th century Dutch wreck that has
been researched thoroughly means that it is perfect as a benchmark for this study. The location of the wreck of off the Shetland islands is very interesting as well as telling. There were few Dutch trade-routes passing north of Scotland. One of the routes passing through the area was the not so commonly sailed trade-route heading to Iceland and the Faeroe isles (bruijn 1977, 225). A much more common route passing north of the United Kingdom was the VOC north-about route for ships heading towards the Indies (Sténuit 1974, 217).
- The archaeological finds
A. Ship with standing and running rigging
Unfortunately, no hull-timbers have been found so far although the ship has only been partially excavated (Sténuit 1974, 221). A number of lead strips and iron nails that were likely part of the hull have been retrieved, but these did not prove useful.
Table 8. Lastdrager - Ship with standing and running rigging
Category object-type Group size Origin object Destination Ship Lead strips 10+
