Rethinking Language Policies in Catalonia: Taking Migrant Languages into Account

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Rethinking Language Policies in Catalonia:

Taking Migrant Languages into Account

Renée Pera-Ros

S3051927

MA Multilingualism

Departments of Applied Linguistics and Frisian Language and Culture Faculty of Arts

Rijksuniversiteit Groningen

Supervisor & second reader: Eva J. Daussà, PhD Tilman Lanz, PhD

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Acknowledgements

Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisor, Eva, for having encouraged me and having always believed in me, even when I did not. Her wise words and enthusiasm were certainly helpful.

I would like to thank my parents and friends, who were always supportive and patient with my stress and moodiness. Also, an affectionate thanks to Mayte and my sister Marina for having inspired me so much.

All my gratitude to my informants, who kindly shared their time and thoughts with me and whose contributions were fundamental to the thesis.

Lastly, I would like to thank those linguists, namely Alícia Fuentes-Calle, Llorenç Comajoan and Xavier Vila, who listened to me and gave me advice.

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Abstract

Since around the year 2000, Catalan demographics have deeply changed because of the massive wave of globalized migration, with people with a non-Spanish nationality currently representing 13.6% of the total Catalan population (Idescat 2016a). All these migrant people from around the world have brought their languages and cultures with them, creating a context of superdiversity (Vertovec 2007): according to GELA, about 300 languages are spoken in Catalonia (Barrieras 2013). Catalonia has left bilingualism behind and it has become highly multilingual, but neither a melting pot nor an assimilationist model are to be desired. As Gogolin (2002) claims, Western countries need to leave the self-image of homogenous societies behind to adopt policies which advocate a plurilingual habitus.

Thus, by analyzing interviews with a few associations which have been formed by newcomers, the aim of this research is to discuss new language policies which keep promoting Catalan as well as migrant languages as part of Catalonia’s new reality and heritage. The results of this study indicate that newcomers tend to accord importance to the preservation of their own language and identity, as they would appreciate more initiatives from Catalan society which promotes intercultural exchange and multilingualism. For this reason, it can be concluded that supporting migrant languages and cultures creates a more positive attitude towards the host society and its own language, which can benefit Catalan and linguistic diversity overall.

Keywords: Catalan, language policies, migrant languages, heritage languages, new

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Conventions

The term in this thesis to refer to a language which is in a position of subordination or oppression will be “minoritized”, instead of “minority”, as is done in the traditional Catalan sociolinguistics (Comellas 2009). This term refers to a language “whose value is not recognized on the interactional scene by speakers of a sociolinguistically dominant language” (Kasbarian 1997: 188). Therefore, “minoritized language” will be used as it is more accurate than “minority language” to reflect the sociopolitical situation of a language.

All interviews quotes used in this thesis have been translated into English by myself; only the quotes by the informant EN9 were not translated since the interview was held in English. For original interview quotes, see appendix 5.

The following symbols have been used for the transcription of the quotes: - Repetition

(.) Short pause

(...) Author’s omission of words or sentences / Change of sentence structure

[...] Author’s descriptions of an issue being discussed but not explicitly mentioned in the quote

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5

List of tables and graphs

Table 1. Percentages of people’s initial language(s), language(s) of identification and habitual language(s) used ………....11

Table 2. Evolution of migrant population in Catalonia 2000-2016 ………..13

Table 3. Extracurricular heritage languages classes and number of students since 2004 to 2015 ……….23

Table 4. Implication of the home country in the implementation of heritage language classes ………..…24

Table 5. Details of the interviewees (name of the association, year of foundation, country of origin, language promoted and code)………...………33

Graph 1. Percentage of nationalities regarding total migrant population in Catalonia...14

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1 – Introduction

1.1 - Aim of the research

The impact of globalized migration has questioned Catalonia’s constructed image of itself as a relatively homogenous society and has made it necessary to redefine its relationship with the world. The aim of this research is to find an approach for language policies that keep promoting Catalan without neglecting heritage languages, which will help Catalonia become a more cohesive society. The suggestions for language policies will be based, on the one hand, on what other authors have argued regarding the management of migration and multilingualism; and on the other hand, on the results of interviews with newcomers, which will reveal what perceptions and expectations they have from language policies and their linguistic rights.

1.2 - Outline

The introduction (section one) firstly gives the information necessary to understand the sociolinguistic situation in Catalonia: language policies, sociolinguistic evolution in the last few decades, new demography and linguistic diversity.

In literature (section two), reasons to rethink language policies and promote migrant languages are given, as well as an overview of the measures already taken in Catalonia in the last few years which promote Catalan and multilingualism. Also, the Swedish and Canadian models of management of migration and multilingualism are mentioned as good examples. Finally, one can read a few proposals to improve language policies to strengthen Catalan and be more inclusive with heritage languages.

In section three, the methodology used to carry out the investigation (qualitative research)

is explained.

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In the discussion (section five), the results of the interviews are discussed and evaluated with what was argued in the literature review. Since the aim of interviewing newcomers’ associations is to know how they perceive language policies in Catalonia and their ideas about their linguistic rights, their proposals are compared with what was suggested in the introduction by myself or by other authors. In addition, the different answers that newcomers gave are not only compared with each other but also with what the Catalan institutions said.

Finally, the conclusions (section six) include the main ideas and results of the research, as well as suggestions for further research.

1.3 - Exclusions

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2. Literature

2.1 - The sociolinguistic situation in Catalonia

2.1.1 - Reversing language shift

The case of Catalan has interested many scholars for being a good example of reversion of language shift (Fishman 1991). When the Spanish dictatorship ended in 1975, Catalan was in a delicate situation because of the outright repression and persecution it had been suffering for 36 years. In addition, between 1950 and 1975 Catalonia had received a massive wave of migration from other regions of Spain: about 1.3 million people who did not, in most cases, learn Catalan due to the political situation. In 1986, 90.3% of the population in Catalonia was able to understand Catalan, while a much lower percentage (64%) was able to speak it (Idescat 2011). In contrast with the aforementioned percentages, 95.1% of the population in Catalonia can nowadays understand Catalan, while a much lower percentage (64%) was able to speak it (Idescat 2011). Therefore, after such a significant demolinguistic change and unfavorable policies, Catalonia needed to reverse the language shift and revive its own language (Juarros-Daussà & Lanz 2009).

Four decades later, thanks to popular support and strong language policies promoting Catalan, the vitality of the language is much stronger, arguably having succeeded in reversing the language shift in process during the dictatorship. In contrast with the aforementioned percentages, 95.1% of the population in Catalonia can nowadays understand Catalan and 73.2% can speak it (almost 7 million people) (Idescat 2014). There is a solid generational transmission of Catalan from parents to children, and Catalan is highly codified. It is also the vehicular language in state schools and the language mainly used by the Generalitat (the Catalan government) and its institutions, as well as a mandatory requirement to work in the public administration, among other signs of good linguistic vitality. Therefore, the Catalan model of linguistic revitalization can be considered as “relatively successful”, as Fishman (1991: 323) noted.

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in 1998, consolidated the “model de conjunció en català” by establishing that all state schools must have Catalan as the vehicular language and that children cannot be linguistically segregated (Strubell & Boix-Fuster 2011). More recently, the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, passed in 2006, defines that Catalonia has two official languages: Catalan, which is Catalonia’s own language (Article 6.1), and Spanish, which is also official in the rest of Spain (Article 6.2); furthermore, Aranese was declared as the official language of Val d’Aran (Article 6.5), and Catalan Sign Language was recognized as the own language of the deaf community in Catalonia (Article 50.6). The Statute also guarantees special attention to migrant students so that they can learn Catalan (Vila-Moreno 2011), but their rights regarding their heritage language were not regulated, only an antidiscrimination law was passed.

However, in spite of the relatively strong vitality of Catalan, many authors note that Spanish continues to be the dominant language, which places Catalan in a vulnerable position (Branchadell 1999). Although, as previously stated, 73.2% of the population can speak Catalan, only 36.3% of them use it habitually, Spanish being the habitual language used by 50.7% of the population, plus 6.8% who habitually use both Catalan and Spanish (Idescat 2015). Thus, language policies have succeeded in increasing the knowledge of Catalan, but not its social use (Vila & Galindo 2007). The following table illustrates the previously mentioned signs of the linguistic vulnerability of Catalan in regards to Spanish:

Table 1. Percentages of people’s initial language(s), language(s) of identification and habitual language(s) used (2013)

Source: Own elaboration based on Idescat (2015)

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Nonetheless, a positive aspect which can be seen in Table 1 is that the percentage of people who use Catalan on a daily basis (36.3%) or identify with it (36.7%) is higher than that for those who have Catalan as initial language, i.e. language learnt at home (31.02%). In contrast, the case of Spanish is the opposite: despite being the habitual language (50.7%) and the language of identification (47.6%) for more people, the percentages are lower than that for those who have it as initial language (55.1%). Moreover, the percentage of people who identify with both Catalan and Spanish (7%) is higher than the percentage of people who have them both as initial languages (2.4%). Apart from that, from these figures it can also be deduced as well that 11.5% of the population has neither Catalan nor Spanish as their mother tongue.

Regarding the knowledge of Catalan among the migrant population, only 37.7% of them can speak Catalan, Spanish being the language that tends to be learnt firstly and exclusively and also the initial language of many people from Latin America (Idescat 2014). Among the migrant population, Latin Americans have the highest passive competence in Catalan due to its similarity with Spanish or Portuguese (Idescat 2014). Nevertheless, they are also the most reticent about learning Catalan and acquiring active competence (Trenchs-Parera & Newman 2009).

2.1.2 - New demography

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In 2000, the migrant population living in Catalonia represented 2.9%, 181.590 people out of a total population of 6.261.999. In 2013, the percentage of migrant people reached its peak, representing 15.95%, although in 2016 it fell to 13.6% (1.023.398 out of a total population of 7.522.596) due to the fact that many people obtained Spanish nationality or went back to their home country (Idescat 2016a). Regarding Spain, the concentration of migrant people in Catalonia is higher than the Spanish average, which is 9.52% (INE 2016). The following table shows the demographic evolution in Catalonia between 2000 and 2016:

Table 2. Evolution of migrant population in Catalonia 2000-2016

Source: Own elaboration based on Idescat (2016a)

Although the percentage of migrant inhabitants in a given municipality might vary a lot from one place to another, there are newcomers in the vast majority of Catalan cities. Barcelona has a population of 1.608.746 inhabitants, of whom 16.6% are reportedly migrant people. In some cities, the percentage is much higher than the average in Catalonia, like in Guissona, a town of approximately 6.900 inhabitants with a percentage of 49.1% of migrant people; or Castelló d’Empúries, a town of about 10.800 inhabitants, of whom 44.7% are migrant people (Idescat 2016b).

Regarding the origins of immigrants, Moroccans are not only the most numerous group, accounting for 20.7% of the total migrant population in Catalonia, but also one of the migrant groups with the longest tradition in Catalonia, having established a firm presence at the end of the 20th century, unlike most other nationalities, who arrived later in the 21st century in noticeable numbers. Other numerous groups are Romanians (8.9%), Chinese (5.3%), Italians (4.8%) and Pakistanis (4.2%) (Idescat 2016c). However, Barcelona differs from the national picture, as Italians account for the most numerous

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migrant group (10.02%), followed by Pakistanis (7.19%), Chinese (6.92%), French (5.07%) and Moroccans (4.71%) (Idescat 2016d). It must be kept in mind, though, that many people who have Italian nationality are actually South American and might not speak Italian (Barrieras 2013). The two following graphs illustrate the foreign nationalities living in Catalonia and Barcelona:

Graph 1. Percentage of nationalities regarding total migrant population in Catalonia Source: Own elaboration based on Idescat (2016c)

Graph 2. Percentage of nationalities regarding total migrant population in Barcelona Source: Own elaboration based on Idescat (2016d)

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2.1.3 - New demolinguistic situation

There are people from over 160 countries living in Barcelona and in Catalonia (Idescat 2016c; Linguapax 2015). Following the ethnolinguistic assumption (Blommaert, Leppänen & Spotti 2013) is made, according to which language use and ethnic group identity are in a linear relationship and so individuals are monolingual and monocultural, all migrant people’s mother tongue should be the official language of their country of origin. However, assuming this would be a big mistake because, needless to say, linguistic diversity goes far beyond the very limited number of official languages decreed by states. In a study conducted by Grup d’Estudis de les Llengües Amenaçades (Study Group of Threatened Languages - GELA henceforth), it was found that in Catalonia there are speakers of about 300 languages from a great variety of linguistic families around the world (Barrieras 2013). There are not only speakers of widely spoken languages such as Arabic, Russian, Chinese or Hindi, but also speakers of minoritized indigenous languages, such as Quechua or Sikkimese, or endangered languages with few speakers, such as Rapanui (spoken in Easter Island) or Shuar (spoken in Ecuador).

Those people who come from Spanish-speaking Latin American countries account for about 22% of the migrant population, and many of them have Spanish as their mother tongue (some of them speak indigenous languages such as Quechua, Aymara or Guarani). Nonetheless, as previously seen in Table 1, the rest of the migrant population, i.e. slightly over 10% of the total population, have other languages than Catalan and Spanish as their home language. This means that Catalonia has left bilingualism behind to become multilingual and multicultural.

2.2 - Language policies challenged

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to evolve in order to find an approach which suits the current demography, because, as Spolsky (2004) observes, unsuccessful language policies which do not adapt properly to the new sociolinguistic context are likely to end up in serious social problems.

It should not be expected or hoped that migrant languages will vanish in three generations time, as Fishman (1972) wrote. Despite being a challenge, managing multilingualism is definitely worth the effort. Linguistic diversity should not be seen as a burden to unity and integration, but rather as an opportunity to become a more inclusive society and to grow richer linguistically, culturally and economically.

As Extra & Gorter (2001) argue, resources need to be invested in the teaching of the language(s) of the host society to migrant children, as well as the teaching of certain foreign languages such as English, French or German. Nonetheless, when it comes to teaching migrant languages, its legitimacy is disputed. The division between “good” multilingualism, which implies English and other hegemonic languages, and “bad” multilingualism, which implies minoritized or migrant languages, is discriminatory and imperialist (Agirdag 2017); all languages deserve to be promoted, regardless of the skin color or social class of their speakers. Right wing racist movements stigmatize and delegitimize migrant people and their languages and cultures, triggering hate against the “other” and creating hierarchies between migrants and the so-called authentic locals (Comellas 2009; Skrandies 2016). But, as Boix-Fuster (1993) points out, homogenous societies might be simply utopian and no longer conceivable. It is a fact that for some years, Catalan society has been multiethnic and multilingual, and should remain so in the future.

2.3 - Deconstructing the monolingual ideology

Blommaert (2010) observes that globalization has transformed the notions of language and communication, since they are no longer tied to stable and resident communities:

The world has become a complex “web” of villages, towns, neighborhoods and settlements connected by material and symbolic ties in often unpredictable ways.

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According to Parekh (2000), unity must be a synonym of cultural and social homogenization and uniformity, an idea that originates from the creation of the nation-state during the French Revolution in the 18th century. Its notions of liberty, equality and fraternity for achieving equality were equivalent to the idea of one nation-one language, which is why diversity has since then been stigmatized (Martín-Rojo 2009; Spolsky 2004). This explains why nation-states are reluctant to acknowledge minorities, especially if these are migrant, as part of the national identity (Yağmur 2010). The nation-state ideology is reflected, for instance, in the European Charter for Minority or Regional Languages, adopted in 1992, which explicitly excludes dialects of official languages and migrant languages.

Yet, as Climent-Ferrando & Solé-Sanosa (2015) observe, in a globalized world with high scale migration, the idea of “one state, one nation, one language” is simply obsolete. However, due to the monolingual habitus (Gogolin 1997), monolingualism is seen as the norm which justifies the perception of migrant and sub-state minority languages as a menace to homogeneity and national unity of the dominant group. As Maalouf (1998) states, though, multicultural societies need to understand that unity and cohesion are based on reciprocity. The more that newcomers perceive that their culture is respected and valued, the more interest they will have in integrating in the host country. Therefore, it is necessary to leave the monolingual habitus behind and rather adopt a “plurilingual habitus”, which not only recognizes multilingualism but also cherishes and fosters its maintenance and development (Gogolin 2002; Lamb 2015).

It is time to leave behind the “tolerance-oriented” language rights and start adopting rather “promotion-oriented” rights (Kloss 1977) as a necessary step to create a cohesive society which truly appreciates diversity and regards it as an opportunity to grow richer. Passive or negative rights, such as the right to no discrimination, need to evolve to active or positive rights, i.e. being allowed to do something like using the own language in a public service (Kibbee n.d.).

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2.4 - Reasons for promoting multilingualism

2.4.1 - Benefits for Catalan and Catalonia

The integration of newcomers and their attitudes towards Catalan and Catalonia will partly depend on how their languages and cultures are treated. In one way, being inclusive and respectful towards migrant people’s languages will lead to social cohesion because newcomers will feel valued, which will generate positive feelings towards the host society. In another way, promoting linguistic diversity has proved to be beneficial in many ways, not only for the individuals themselves but also at a social level. Promoting multilingualism can be a “triple gain” if well managed, as Rodríguez-García (2012) highlights: benefits for the local population, newcomers, and both the host and the origin societies as a whole (by producing translators, mediators, people able to work in international relationships and deal with other countries, etc.).

Cortès-Colomé, Barrieras & Comellas (2016) found what is known as the “mirror effect”, which consists of migrant speakers of minoritized languages who identify with Catalan after seeing themselves reflected in the sociolinguistic situation of Catalan. These newcomers might even reassess their attitude towards their own language and revalue it due to contact with Catalan, which is a language highly valued by its speakers. This kind of alliance between newcomers and Catalan is likely to be strengthened if migrant people perceive that their languages and identities are appreciated and promoted, which might motivate them to learn Catalan.

2.4.2 - Benefits for migrant children

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better at learning other languages, which is actually a counter-argument to those who fear that the learning of the heritage language will be detrimental towards the societal language(s).

To follow, positive correlations have been found between having the chance to receive education in the heritage language and the person’s self-esteem, and perhaps even academic success (Borg 1999; Wright & Taylor 1995). For example, Fidalgo (2015) did not find clear positive correlation between academic success and the attendance to heritage language classes, but she did with students’ self-esteem and attitudes towards their heritage culture, which is in fact likely to have a positive effect on their grades and behavior at school.

In addition, the maintenance of migrant people’s languages is desirable for society’s cohesion and well-being. The loss of the heritage language might generate intergenerational conflict between migrant people and their children, as well as a feeling of alienation (Fishman 1991; Rosenthal & Cichello 1986; de Houwer 2015). As Skutnabb-Kangas (2000) argues, some migrant children might feel as not belonging to any culture at all since the hegemonic group does not see them as members because of their skin color or linguistic competence, but they refuse their heritage ethnic community. The concept “murderous identities” (Maalouf 1998), i.e. the exclusivity to one sole group, lead to confrontations; but if diversity were promoted, these children would not feel uprooted and under pressure to reject or distance themselves from their family’s heritage for purposes of integration (Skutnabb-Kangas 2000).

Transnational identities are common in a globalized world, where migrating no longer necessitates disconnecting from the home country, since one can keep in touch with family and friends left behind (Kearney 1995; Rouse 1995). Identities can be plural, instead of exclusionary or dichotomic (Comellas 2009; Guibernau 2006), and migrants can identify with Catalonia and Catalan at the same time as identifying with their or their parents’ home country and languages. For this reason, if society is inclusive in a way that the price for being accepted is not assimilation and people do not have to renounce being themselves, there will be more social harmony and fewer conflicts.

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2.5 - Adaptation to the new demography

In this section, measures taken in bringing Catalan closer to newcomers as well as initiatives to preserve and promote multilingualism will be described.

2.5.1 - Measures taken in promoting Catalan 2.5.1.1 - Language Volunteering

A good example of an initiative that promotes Catalan by bringing newcomers and the host society closer is “Voluntariat per la Llengua” (Language Volunteering), created in 2003 by General Directorate for Language Policy. This program consists of creating “parelles lingüístiques” (linguistic couples), i.e. someone who wants to learn or improve their Catalan and a Catalan fluent speaker, so that the former can improve their linguistic competence and the latter can interact and learn from someone who is from another culture. More than 110,000 linguistic couples have been created so far (Generalitat de Catalunya 2014) and nowadays it is also possible to take part in this program virtually, via video call. Moreover, some civil associations, such as Plataforma per la Llengua, Òmnium Cultural and Coordinadora d’Associacions per la Llengua Catalana (CAL) also have language volunteering programs and other projects which bring newcomers and the host society together.

2.5.1.2 - Campaigns

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necessary to learn it. Furthermore, it can be seen as an ethnic discrimination tool to distinguish a “pure” Catalan from a newcomer, the latter not being addressed in the region’s historical native language for not being regarded as an authentic member of the community (Woolard & Frekko 2013).

2.5.1.3 Welcome classrooms

In the school year 1991-1992, only 0.8% of students in Catalonia were foreigners. Some years later, in the academic year 2013-14, the percentage had risen to 12.8% and schools had become much more multilingual, having speakers of more than 100 languages (Fidalgo 2015). Schools adapted to such diversity by creating “aules d’acollida” (welcome classrooms) in 2004. The aim of these welcome classrooms is to facilitate the incorporation of migrant children who join the education system after the age of 6 and cannot understand Catalan. Attending welcome classrooms for a maximum of 12 hours a week (50% of the total) during 24 or 36 months provides them with the special attention they need until they are able to follow the rhythm of regular lessons in Catalan, but they also attend some regular lessons so that they can socialize with other students (Fidalgo 2015; Trenchs-Parera & Newman 2015).

2.5.2 - Measures taken in promoting multilingualism

It is obviously not feasible to ask teachers and civil servants to learn each one of all those 300 languages spoken in Catalonia. There are, though, many ways to bring linguistic diversity closer to the host society and break barriers. Social cohesion and development should be a bidirectional project in which both the host society and newcomers make an effort to learn about each other and adapt to new situations.

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especially significant when the newcomer speaks a minoritized language and might feel ashamed of it.

Other initiatives that can be mentioned are “La gimcana de les llengües” (“Languages Gymkhana”), a game designed by GELA that seeks to raise awareness about linguistic diversity, especially concerning the languages spoken by migrant people in Catalonia (Junyent 2002). Linguamón - Casa de les Llengües was as a very interesting project which sadly only lasted from 2005 until 2011; it was an organism founded by Barcelona Council and Generalitat which promoted and spread awareness about linguistic diversity among the civil population. Also, KOINOS is a program funded by the European Commission which aims to create social cohesion by promoting multilingualism and interculturality in the educational domain, with the involvement of schools, libraries, families, etc.

Moreover, there are many bottom-up initiatives that have carried out or are carrying out projects aiming at the promotion of multilingualism. For instance, Prollema, which was launched in 2015, provides training to young migrants so that they can teach their heritage languages.

2.5.2.1 - Heritage language classes

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Table 3. Extracurricular heritage languages classes and number of students since 2004 to 2015

Source: Fidalgo 2015

As can be seen below in Table 4, some heritage language classes are subsidized by the home country, some others are not. Amazigh is the only heritage language that the Catalan Department of Education subsidizes since the Catalan Parliament deemed it fair because of the similarity between Catalan and Amazigh as minoritized languages (BOPC 2002). When the home country does not offer any kind of economic help, the association that offers the heritage language classes is in charge of providing the teacher, who is normally a volunteer. Sometimes a fee has to be paid for the classes, which might prevent children whose families have a low income from taking part in these classes (Fidalgo 2015).

Arabic Chinese Amazigh Dutch Romanian Ukrainian Portuguese Bengali Urdu Quechua

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Table 4. Implication of the home country in the implementation of heritage language classes

Language Implication of the home

country Kind of aid

Arabic Yes Teachers, materials

Portuguese Yes Teachers, materials

Romanian Yes Teachers, materials

Chinese Yes Subventions, materials

Dutch Yes Subventions, materials

Amazigh No Nothing Bengali No Nothing Quechua No Nothing Ukrainian No Nothing Urdu No Nothing Source: Fidalgo 2015

Regarding the official recognition of these classes, only those students who take Dutch, Portuguese or Romanian courses receive an official certificate acknowledged by the home country. The students of the other heritage languages obtain a report or an attendance certificate, but no academic credit is awarded for it (Fidalgo 2015).

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2.5.2.2 - Translations services

Courts provide translation for those who cannot understand any of the official languages. In health services, there are also translators and interpreters, but while some of them have a permanent schedule, some others work only on request. Schools can also request translation services in case the children’s family does not speak Catalan or Spanish. Theoretically, this service is limited up to two or three years after the newcomer’s arrival to motivate them to learn Catalan and Spanish, but the school or health center staff have the last word (Generalitat de Catalunya 2013).

Other multilingual services are CAT112 (the emergency services), which can assist in 50 languages (Generalitat de Catalunya 2017). Furthermore, the Service Center for Immigrants, Emigrants and Refugees in Barcelona offers welcome basic services in 34 different languages (Romero-Galera 2010).

2.6 - Sweden and Canada

Although each case is unique and there is no magic formula that can suit all situations, Sweden and Canada are two countries that must be mentioned as successful models of the management of immigration and multilingualism.

2.6.1 - Canada

The Canadian Multiculturalism Act, passed in 1988, states that it is the Canadian government’s responsibility to “facilitate the acquisition, retention and use of all languages that contribute to the multicultural heritage of Canada” (Department of Justice Canada 1985). The government supports multilingualism by subsidizing heritage language conferences, the development of materials and heritage language classes, among others. Some initiatives that can serve as good practices are the following:

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• The Language Services Toronto provides translation in 170 languages (including Aboriginal languages), available 24 hours a day, seven days a week (King & Carson 2016).

• Toronto’s 311 program consists of a website, phone number and e-mail address which provide information about non-emergency city services in more than 170 languages (Linguapax 2015).

• In most large cities in Ontario there are reception centers with teachers and community workers who are experts in language assessment or immigrant resettlement, where newcomers can be oriented in regards to the education system (Coelho 2012).

Admirably, Canadian multicultural policies have achieved the creation of a new discourse and self-definition of Canada as a diverse society which has evolved thanks to the contributions of different cultures (Kymlicka 1998).

As for Quebec, its intercultural policies promote reciprocity between the host society and newcomers (Riera-Gil 2008). The government promotes French at the same time that it endorses the maintenance of heritage languages by supporting heritage language courses for which students can earn academic credits. Like Catalonia does with Catalan, Quebec also promotes the acquisition of the regional language, French, as a social cohesion tool to achieve integration (Rodríguez-García 2012). In addition, Quebec’s immigrant selection favors francophone migrants (Siemiatycki 2012).

2.6.2 Sweden

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language learn Swedish well more easily and obtain better academic results (Fidalgo 2009).

Migrant children can study their heritage language at school instead of an optative foreign language, but there need to be at least 5 students studying the same language (språkval). In primary schools where at least 50% of the children share a home language other than Swedish, that specific language can be used alongside Swedish as a vehicular language in lessons. Also, schools can also offer the teaching of heritage languages as regular lessons of the curriculum in primary and secondary school (skolans val), and some of them have bilingual staff who speak Swedish and a migrant language. As for the subsidization of heritage language lessons, it is the school which is in charge of it if it is taught as a curricular lesson, whereas it is the city council which is in charge of it if the lessons are extracurricular. Regarding the acquisition of Swedish, migrant children attend special lessons to learn it as L2 (Fidalgo 2009).

Nevertheless, Fidalgo (2009) observes that there are some aspects that could be improved, such as the heterogeneity of groups, which does not take into account the language proficiency or age of the students. Also, the fact that lessons are extracurricular implies that it is extra load of work for those children, who might prefer to do other leisure activities.

2.6 - Proposals for a more inclusive society

Marí (2006) suggests that the Quebecois model of intercultural policies should be applied in Catalonia, which would prevent it from becoming a melting pot or a society with many ghettoized fragmented groups. Interculturalism promotes the incorporation of newcomers to the host society while maintaining their own or heritage language, culture or religion, since diversity is regarded as an enriching value for society (Climent-Ferrando & Solé-Sanosa 2015).

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(Rodríguez-García 2012). Nonetheless, it is necessary that not only official institutions but also the civil society learn to appreciate multilingualism and multiculturalism. Racism and prejudices against multilingualism and immigration do exist and they can be found in people’s daily life, such as teachers recommending migrant parents not to speak their own language to the children to “prevent confusion”, or people glowering at newcomers because they use their language in public. These are attitudes that need to be avoided since people’s daily interactions also affect newcomers’ perceptions and feelings.

For this reason, initiatives such as Xarxa Antirumors (Anti-Gossip Network) are very necessary. This project, which has been used in other countries because of its success, is a network of individuals, associations and institutions (among which Barcelona City Council) that work together with campaigns and events to dispel rumors and racist discrimination. Also, Linguapax (2015) suggests that more intercultural mediation should be provided since it improves the understanding between newcomers and institutions. Moreover, organizing more talks, training events and workshops about interculturality intended for social workers, civil servants and the population in general would probably have positive effects.

In addition, it is necessary not only to fight racism and promote multilingualism, but also to apply social policies which offer better job and living conditions. Linguistic diversity cannot be dealt as an isolated issue, since there are many other issues, such as housing and job opportunities, that are part of people’s daily concerns. For this reason, policies which promote social equality are a sine qua non, as there will be no cohesion until all citizens have the same rights and opportunities.

2.6.1 - Proposals for Catalan

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the effect of multilingualism on it will largely depend on how diversity and ideologies are managed.

Juarros-Daussà & Lanz (2009) point out that Catalan needs language policies to become more economically, socially and culturally attractive; but it must be kept in mind that, despite the perception that Catalan is at stake due to immigration, the linguistic behavior that Catalan speakers have will play a very important role in its survival. As Spolsky (2004) argues, the potential success of language policies relies on the congruity between the measures to be implemented and language practices. This is why campaigns such as the aforementioned “Dóna corda al català” are fundamental, because Catalan speakers need to understand that they can, and should, use their language with newcomers as well. Otherwise, all efforts to offer more Catalan courses or more media in Catalan will be useless if newcomers are never given the chance to speak it.

In addition, if Catalan is to be preserved, the judgement of quality based on language purity needs to change. Ideas of being a real member of the community only if the language is pure and uninfluenced, i.e. without interferences, must be eradicated. Due to these concepts, new speakers, who have hybrid identities and have multilingual practices, are not regarded as real members of the community (O'Rourke, Pujolar&Ramallo 2015). However, all languages change over time, and interferences and new accents should be regarded as something natural, above all in communities where a minoritized language is spoken, since they need new speakers for the survival of their languages. Therefore, it is necessary to accept the fact that Catalan, as a minoritized language, will be spoken with interferences and different accents or it will simply go silent little by little.

2.6.2 - Proposals for migrant languages

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subjects in the regular curriculum (Vila-Moreno 2010). In 1990, it was established by a Spanish education law (LOGSE) that the foreign languages which could be studied in state schools are English, French, German and Italian, but the demography has changed since then and it would be advisable to question why these four languages should be the only ones offered in the education system.

In addition, more official data about the languages spoken and transmitted in Catalonia are also absolutely necessary, as Climent-Ferrando & Solé-Sanosa (2015) observe. The Department of Education of the Generalitat registers the languages spoken by the children who attend welcome classrooms. Nonetheless, it only reaches a part of the population, namely those people whose children attend these welcome classrooms, and it must be kept in mind that those children born in Catalonia or those born to a mixed couple, with one of their parents speaking Spanish or Catalan, do not attend welcome classrooms. Therefore, more research is needed, since the lack of accurate data about multilingualism in Catalonia does not facilitate its management and promotion in education and administration, among other domains.

Regarding multilingual services, Catalan official institutions also need to regulate translation and offer more multilingual welcome services, like Canada does (see section 2.4.1). Websites offering information about basic topics (health care, education, housing, etc.) in several languages, and more bilingual materials as well as interpreters would make migrant people feel more welcome. Linguapax (2015) found that newcomers are more satisfied when they can have materials (booklets, letters, etc.) in their own language, since they can understand it better and feel appreciated. Moreover, it would be a good initiative to provide libraries with book collections in many languages, as migrant people can then find and have access to literature and culture in their languages, as can anyone interested in learning about those languages and cultures. Queens Library in New York, for instance, is known for its multilingual book collections, multilingual workshops with information services and artistic events from many cultures.

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3. Methodology

3.1 Research Questions

The goal of this study is to gain an in-depth understanding of how newcomers in Barcelona perceive language policies in Catalonia and what their feelings about their linguistic rights are. It is important to give a voice to those who are unprivileged and unheard in a process in which the consequences affect them. The same way it should be unconceivable, for instance, to devise female health care policies without consulting women, policies about migrant languages should not be devised without the collaboration of migrant people in order to find out about their concerns and linguistic needs instead of assuming them. For this reason, qualitative research has been conducted with interviews as the method to gather data, since informants are given the opportunity to express and elaborate their ideas to complex questions in their own terms (Codó 2008). The data gathered in the interviews has allowed me to think of a new approach to language policies and integration which continue to promote Catalan without neglecting migrant languages by taking newcomers’ opinions into account.

3.2 Procedures

In order to recruit interviewees, a research on the Internet was done to see which newcomers’ associations there are in Barcelona. The sample consists of eleven interviews; nine with individuals belonging to the migrant community, who spoke as representatives of a newcomers’ associations; and two with representatives of Catalan institutions, one of them speaking on behalf of the Generalitat, i.e. the official voice, and the other one a member of Plataforma per la Llengua, a civic movement which promotes Catalan.

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informants. Regarding the language used during the interviews, most informants spoke Catalan, but some of them preferred Spanish or English.

All informants were interviewed once, individually; only the interview with Plataforma per la Llengua was partially with two informants, in which a second informant answered the two questions in the section “Legal recognition” since the first informant was not sure how to answer them. The interviews took place between March and April 2017, but all informants had been contacted beforehand, and in most cases there was a meeting between the interviewer and the interviewee some weeks before the interview took place in order to get to know each other and build trust.

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4 - Interviews

4.1 - Informants

A brief description of each association interviewed is given based on the information the interviewees gave during the interviews, with the details of each informant being shown in the following table:

Table 5. Details of the interviewees (name of the association, year of foundation, country of origin, language promoted and code)

Informant Foundation Country of origin Language

promoted Code

Associació de Treballadors Pakistanesos

2001 Pakistan Urdu &

Punjabi PA1

Associació Romanesa de Catalunya (ASOCROM)

1999 Romania Romanian RO2

Associació Txervona

Kalyna 2007 Ukraine Ukrainian UK3

Casa Amaziga de

Catalunya 2008 Morocco Amazigh AM4

Centre Rimasun

Barcelona 2013 Peru Quechua PE5

Comunitat Sikh de

Catalunya 1992 India Punjabi IN6

Dahiratoul

Moutahabina Filahi 2008 Senegal

Arabic &

Wolof SE7 Dones Marroquines a

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UK, Australia, etc.)

English EN9

Plataforma per la

Llengua 1993 Catalonia Catalan PL10

Generalitat - Catalonia Catalan GE11

4.1.1 - Associació de Treballadors Pakistanesos

The association was founded in 2001 to help Pakistani people living in Catalonia with social issues. Courses on surfing the Internet are organized and since 2007 Pakistani people have the chance to take Catalan lessons there; Urdu lessons for non-native adults are also given; Punjabi, which is the language of most of its members, is not taught for the moment, but it is being considered. In addition, cultural events and talks are organized. The association collaborated with the Plataforma per la Llengua by editing a bilingual Urdu-Catalan booklet, Salam al català, in order to bring the Urdu speaking community closer to Catalonia and the Catalan language. Furthermore, in 2015 the association was one of the three finalists in the Martí Gasull Price (see section 4.1.10). Regarding Spanish, the association does not promote it because everyone can speak it and Catalan is regarded as Catalonia’s own native language.

Most Pakistani people who live in Catalonia speak Punjabi, which is an Indo-Aryan language with about 85 million speakers (60 of whom live in Pakistan). Despite being the most widely spoken language in the country, with 45% of the Pakistani population speaking it, it is not official and it is in a subordinate diglossic position regarding Urdu (Gràcia & Mayans 2014).

Urdu is the first language of about 8% of the population in Pakistan, but it is official alongside English and it is taught in schools. It has about 12 million speakers in Pakistan and 52 in India, where it is known as Hindi (Fidalgo 2015).

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4.1.2 - Associació Romanesa de Catalunya (ASOCROM)

The association was founded in 1999 to assess Romanian migrants with social issues. Nowadays ASOCROM organizes cultural activities and keeps offering assessment. Moreover, its president is involved in the Barcelona Municipal Immigration Council’s Work Plan. Romanian courses for children are offered; Catalan or Spanish courses are not offered, but the association provides information about where these languages can be studied. A bilingual Romanian-Catalan booklet, Bună al català, was edited in collaboration with the Plataforma per la Llengua in order to bring the Romanian speaking community closer to Catalonia and the Catalan language.

Romanian is a Romance language with about 24 million speakers, most of whom live in Romania and Moldova, where it is official; there are also some minorities in Ukraine, Serbia, Hungary and Bulgaria who speak it (Gràcia & Mayans 2014; Simons & Fennings 2017).

4.1.3 - Associació Txervona Kalyna

The association was founded in 2007, although the Ukrainian courses started in 2006. While children learn about Ukrainian language, culture and history, some parents take part in a programme called “Xerrem” organized by CAL (Coordinadora d’Associacions per la Llengua Catalana), in which they can practice Catalan with native or fluent speakers. Apart from the language lessons, the association also organizes cultural activities, takes part in local celebrations and has a choir. Spanish is not promoted since everyone can speak it and thus the association believes it is not necessary.

Ukrainian is a Balto-Slavic language spoken by about 36 million people, mostly in Ukraine, but there are also speakers in Russia, Moldova, Poland, Belarus, Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hungary and Croatia. In 1991 Ukraine became independent from the Soviet Union and since then Ukrainian is the only official language in the country, which has somewhat slowed down its Russification (Gràcia & Mayans 2014).

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4.1.4 - Casa Amaziga de Catalunya

The association was founded in 2008, but courses of Amazigh are offered since 2005. The Moroccan government does not subsidize these lessons, but the Generalitat signed an agreement with Assemblea Amaziga de Catalunya in 2005 and, as an exceptional case, Amazigh lessons are subsidized by the Generalitat (Fidalgo 2015). The association assesses newcomers and promotes the Amazigh language and culture by organizing cultural activities, talks and Amazigh lessons for native as well as non-native adults and children, and by publishing material such as a Catalan-Amazigh dictionary. Besides, Casa Amaziga organizes courses to practice oral Catalan and informs people about where they can follow other courses. Casa Amaziga does not promote Spanish because they believe people need to learn Catalan and there are other places where one can learn Spanish.

Amazigh, which is the language of a great part of Moroccans who live in Catalonia, belongs to the Afroasiatic family, but it is a Berber language, unlike Arabic, which is Semitic. It has about 20 million speakers, most of them in Morocco, where 40% of the population speak it, and in Algeria, where 25% of the population speak it, but there are also speakers in Egypt, Tunisia, Mauritania, Libya, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria and Mali (Gràcia & Mayans 2014). It is official in Morocco since 2011.

4.1.5 - Centre Rimasun Barcelona

Centre Rimasun was founded in 2013 to promote and preserve Quechua. Its aim is to promote Quechua by giving talks, organizing projects and cultural activities, and offering language lessons for children, and sporadically for adults as well. Furthermore, the association collaborates with other entities and takes part in local cultural events, such as bilingual poetry recitals Quechua-Catalan on Mother Tongue Day (22nd February) or Sant Jordi Day (23rd April).

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Quechua, which is spoken by about 13% of the population, is co-official alongside Aymara and other indigenous languages (INEI 2007; Mosterín 1993).

4.1.6 - Comunitat Sikh de Catalunya

The Sikh temple (Gurudwara) in Barcelona was founded in 1992. Punjabi lessons for Sikh children are organized, as well as classes to learn how to play traditional music instruments; Catalan lessons will be offered soon. The Gurudwara is open to everybody and people can meditate and eat there with no charge; besides, religious ceremonies and festivities are held. A bilingual booklet in Punjabi and Catalan, Gi Aya Nu al català, was edited in collaboration with the Plataforma per la Llengua in order to bring the Sikh community closer to Catalan society. Comunitat Sikh de Catalunya won the Martí Gasull Price in 2017 (see section 4.1.10). The community does not promote Spanish because they believe it is not necessary and nobody encourages them to do so.

About 25 of the 85 million Punjabi speakers live in India, where it is the official language of the Indian state Punjab and it is taught in schools and media. Nonetheless, in the 20th century Punjabis had to fight for their linguistic rights so that their language became official, which Hindi speakers did not support (Gràcia & Mayans 2014; Singh 1997).

4.1.7 - Dahiratoul Moutahabina Filahi

It was founded in 2008 and most of its members are from Senegal, but a few of them are from other countries such as Mauritania. Lessons for children to learn Arabic and the Quran are organized, and it is considering teaching Wolof as well. In addition, the association assesses newcomers, organizes religious ceremonies and prayers and takes part in local celebrations. The Plataforma per la Llengua published a bilingual booklet with Dahiratoul Moutahabina Filahi, Dalal Jam al català, in Wolof and Catalan in order to bring the Wolof-speaking Muslim community closer to Catalan society. Regarding Spanish, the association does not offer courses, but it is the language they normally use in their events when there are people who do not understand Wolof or Arabic.

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has about 7 million speakers and it is the hegemonic language since it acts as lingua franca, thus it is the de facto national language; it is also spoken in Gambia and in Mauritania (Gràcia & Mayans 2014; Orozco & Roca 2006). Regarding religion, Islam is the religion of most of the population.

4.1.8 - Dones Marroquines a Catalunya

The association was founded in 2016 and all members, mostly women, are from Morocco. Its goal is to contribute to the social inclusion of women into Catalan society. Cuisine courses are offered, as well as Catalan and Spanish courses for adults, and Arabic for children and adults. Furthermore, the association organizes religious celebrations such as Ramadan, and takes part in cultural events.

Arabic is a Semitic language which belongs to the Afroasiatic family, with a great dialectal variation, the dialects being sometimes mutually unintelligible. The Moroccan dialect is called Darija, but in the religious domain classic Arabic is used. It is official in 25 countries such as Algeria, Chad, Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Lebanon, Mauritania, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Sudan or Syria, among others. (Gràcia & Mayans 2016). It has about 290 million speakers (Simons & Fennings 2017).

4.1.9 - English Language Association of Catalunya

It was founded in 2010 with the aim of promoting the rights of children who speak English as a heritage language and improving the integration of English in Catalan schools. Most of their members come from English speaking countries, such as Canada, the UK and the USA, but there are also people from other countries such as the Netherlands, Italy or Catalonia.

English is a Germanic language, spoken by about 400 million people as L1 and by about another 400 million people as L2. It is official in more than 50 states in all continents (Crystal 2006).

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4.1.10 - Plataforma per la Llengua

The Plataforma per la Llengua is an NGO founded in 1993 which promotes the Catalan language as a social cohesion tool. It works in several domains such as education, administration and newcomers, the latter being of special interest for this research. In their campaigns and materials, the importance of mother tongue and linguistic diversity is highlighted, with Catalan being the common language and backbone in a diverse society. Every year the NGO awards an entity that promotes the Catalan language with the Martí Gasull Price.

4.1.11 - The Generalitat

The Spanish state is divided into 17 autonomous communities, each of which has a certain degree of political and administrative autonomy, for instance concerning the management of education and culture. The government of the autonomous community can establish the school curriculum, integrating the core subjects defined by the state government; and those autonomous communities with a co-official language can regulate the promotion and teaching of its regional language (Mur 2011).

The Generalitat, which is the government of the autonomous community of Catalonia, has been governed by Junts pel Sí since January 2016, a coalition of independents and politicians who belong to different political parties, ranging from center-right wing to center left-wing. Junts pel Sí supports the independence of Catalonia from Spain and has set the date for a referendum (October 1, 2017) to decide whether or not Catalonia should become independent. Regarding the city council of Catalonia’s capital, it has been governed by Bacelona en Comú, a left-wing political party, since May 2015.

4.2 - Interview guides

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fortunate immigrants, tend to have a different profile from the others since they did not migrate out of necessity for survival but rather by taking an opportunity of a scholarship or a job offer (Lindenfeld & Varro 2008). Moreover, fortunate immigrants are generally more welcome in the host society since they come from wealthy countries or within the EU. Due to this, in general these newcomers do not go through the same social difficulties and process of integration as those who are less privileged, which is the reason why there are two different interview guides for newcomers.

4.2.1 - Newcomers guide interview

The interview for newcomers (appendices I and II), can be divided into five parts which deal with five different issues, namely:

1. Brief background of the association, with questions about its foundation and goals.

2. Heritage language, with questions about what it represents for them and if and how they promote it.

3. Linguistic diversity, with questions about the management of linguistic diversity in Catalonia.

4. Language policies regarding Catalan, with questions about the promotion of Catalan.

5. Catalan and Spanish, with questions about if and how they promote these languages.

4.2.2 - Plataforma per la Llengua guide interview

The interview for Plataforma per la Llengua (appendix III) can be divided into four sections, as can be seen next:

1. Linguistic diversity in Catalonia, with questions about the NGO’s approach towards migrant languages.

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3. Education, with questions about the role that languages other than Catalan and Spanish should have in education.

4. Integration, with questions about the NGO’s approach towards integration and linguistic diversity.

4.2.3 - Generalitat guide interview

The interview for the Generalitat (appendix IV) can be divided into four sections, specifically:

1. General language policies, with questions about language policies in Catalonia regarding Catalan, Spanish, Aranese and migrant languages.

2. Multilingualism at school, with questions about the school system, heritage languages and their teaching.

3. Multilingualism in public services, with questions regarding the use of languages other than Catalan in public domains.

4. Catalan, with questions about Catalan and its relationship with linguistic diversity.

4.3 - Analysis of the interviews with newcomers

In this section, the issues brought up in the interviews which provided interesting data will be described and analyzed.

4.3.1 - Solidarity among minoritized languages

Speaking a minoritized language has proved to be a factor that contributes to being sympathetic towards Catalan and identifying with it. In this study, the mirror effect was found in some informants, who expressed a clear identification with Catalan. These informants had forged an emotional alliance with Catalan because of the similarity of its sociolinguistic situation and that of their own language, as can be seen in the quotes below:

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sacrificed a lot [for our language], you know? (...) It [Punjabi] is our own language. (…) If we give up it’s like we forgot our roots, right? (IN6) (Q1)

We are India’s Catalans. (IN6) (Q2)

You need to defend your own language. Because (…) the weakest language (…) simply disappears. (...) People are sympathetic [with Catalan], this problem [linguistic minoritization] happened to us with Russian. (UK3) (Q3)

We defend our language (…), the own language here has the right to be claimed and promoted. (PE5) (Q4)

In the case of Ukrainian and Punjabi, these are languages with many more speakers than Catalan, but these languages have gone through minoritization and subordination in their original countries, which creates solidarity and sympathy towards Catalan, as illustrated with Q1, Q2 and Q3. AM4, as a representative of a community which speaks Amazigh, a minoritized language, also showed sympathy towards Catalan. The other informants’ attitudes towards Catalan were also positive, but they did not explicitly mention identification with Catalan.

4.3.2 - Maintenance of the heritage language

All informants accorded importance to the maintenance of home languages for several reasons. Some of them, like AM4, PE5 and IN6, who are speakers of minoritized languages (Amazigh, Quechua and Punjabi respectively), highlighted the emotional value of the own language as part of their identity:

This [the transmission of the mother tongue] is essential. It’s essential because through the mother tongue / A language is a worldview, it’s the transmission of specific values, of a culture. (AM4) (Q5)

In this world where we are led towards linguistic unification […], maintaining our own language is essential, it means keeping existing. (AM4) (Q6)

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Language is a very important vehicle, […] it’s the most important element in a culture. A nation without language […] is forgetting their roots. (PE5) (Q7)

If we don’t speak [Punjabi] any more, we lose our identity, we’re no longer what we are. (IN6) (Q8)

Language, like gender or ethnicity, can be a strong marker of identity, especially if the individuals are unprivileged and oppressed because of their condition (speaking a minoritized language or a stigmatized dialect, being a woman, not being cisgender1_or

white, etc.). This is the case of these informants, who expressed strong identification with their language by emphasizing the role of their language as part of their being:

It's good to integrate, not to assimilate. (UK3) (Q9)

You can integrate in a society without renouncing to your identity, like myself, you know? I’m a Sikh, and without losing my identity, I’m also Catalan. (...) You can be both things. (IN6) (Q10)

Informants express their will to adapt to the host society without having to renounce their home culture, i.e. refusing assimilation. They believe it is possible to have multiple identities and embrace more than one culture and speak several languages.

UK3 highlighted the importance of accepting and knowing the heritage language and culture well since it helps integration. The informant explained that those who are ashamed of their origins and have no respect for it have more trouble to integrate:

It’s very important that they [children] speak their heritage language. (…) A kid who (…) knows about their culture can better integrate here. (UK3) (Q11)

Maintaining the bond with the parents’ country or keeping in touch with the family were other reasons that informants gave for transmitting their own language:

Rethinking Language Policies in Catalonia: Taking Migrant Languages into Account