The Forgotten Girls of Sierra Leone:

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The Forgotten Girls of Sierra Leone:

The impact of stigmatisation on the community

reintegration of girls associated with fighting forces

and armed groups in the aftermath of the Sierra

Leonean War

Niamh Foley

December 2016

University of Groningen

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Acknowledgements

There are a number of people to whom I would like to say thanks. Firstly, to Relinde Reiffers, my supervisor, NOHA Anthropology teacher and project coordinator for War Trauma Foundation who readily offered guidance and support during my thesis and who always did so with a smile. To Walt Kilroy, Associate Director, Institute for International Conflict Resolution and Reconstruction at Dublin City University, who let me bounce my ideas off him and gave me direction for my research based on his experience in Sierra Leone. To my mother, Caroline Whelan, for being my number one supporter and proof reader and for regularly sending me useful articles. To my family for their love and support even in my most stressed of times. Lastly, to the former CAFFAGs whose war time experiences I tried to document and highlight through this work. Their strength and resilience is inspiring and I hope I have accurately conveyed your history, struggles and future prospects.

Declaration

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Abbreviations

AFRC Armed Forces Revolutionary Council AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

CAFFAG Children Associated with Fighting Forces and Armed Groups

CDF Civil Defence Force

CREPS Complementary Rapid Education for Primary Schools DDR Disarmament Demobilization and Reintegration

DRC Democratic Republic of Congo

ECOMOG Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group FGM Female Genital Mutilation

GDP Gross Domestic Product

GNI Gross National Income

HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus

HRW Human Rights Watch

ICC Interim Care Centre

INGO International Non-Governmental Organization

MSF Médicins Sans Frontières

NGO Non-Governmental Organization PTSD Post Traumatic Stress Disorder

RREP Rapid Response Education Programme RUF Revolutionary United Front

SLA Sierra Leonean Army

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TRC Truth and Reconciliation Commission

UN United Nations

UNDP United Nation Development Programme UNFPA United Nations Population Fund

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Abstract

Girls associated with fighting forces and armed groups are often forgotten in the aftermath of the conflict. Despite the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme (DDR) in Sierra Leona being hailed as a success, girls were under-represented in the process. This meant that they could not access the same benefits during and after the programme ended that registered combatants could. Aside from this, they were less likely than boys, who shared a similar war experience, to re-adjust successfully back into society. However, they did encounter a higher level of stigmatisation than their male peers due to their rebel status, their perceived sexual promiscuity and their rejection of the traditional expectations of girls in Sierra Leonean society.

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1. Introduction

The first chapter details the background of this research piece. It explores the issue in question as well as the aims and objectives of this thesis document. Continuing on from this, the theory is detailed along with its applicability for this study. The specific research question and hypothesis are then outlined, followed by the limitations of this work. Lastly, the methodology for how this research will be achieved is discussed.

a. The Issue

Following the lengthy and bloody recent history of Sierra Leone, the country entered a period of reconciliation with strong support from the global community. This nationwide healing was predominantly pursued through the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration programmes, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions. Internationally, Sierra Leone’s transition from conflict to peace has been referred to as a success story. This praise is particularly centred on the Disarmament and Demobilisation elements of the DDR programmes which were carried out by UNAMSIL in conjunction with the World Bank, the UNDP and the Sierra Leonean government (Solomon & Ginifer, 2008, p. 2).

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9 one element of a rehabilitation project but in such a fragile state the exclusion of a significant proportion of the population is likely to have lasting serious implications for the country. What’s more, it is commonly stated that child fighters, particularly girls, were overlooked by all major actors during the DDR procedures (UNICEF, 2004, p. 28) (Mazurana & Carlson, 2004, p. 2). This implies that of the inadequate efforts that were in place to aid reintegration generally, female former combatants received only a fraction of this. They were marginalised during the DDR processes and not supported in their recovery to or in building resilience to adjust to the new reality they faced.

Many girls who were captured spent years with their abductors, in some cases marrying and bearing children for them, surrounded by violence on a daily basis. As they were a relatively small group who were not seen as a security threat, their needs were overlooked during internationally-implemented rehabilitation efforts. Moreover, the cultural norms and traditional roles within Sierra Leonean society saw young girls treated as less important than boys. These factors meant that young females were faced with more stigma and barriers to reintegration than their male counterparts. It also demonstrates that since rehabilitation is not solely within their control, there must be acceptance from the family and community in order for them to fully reintegrate back into society. Much emphasis has been placed on the role of education and economic sustainability for former child soldiers and this is undoubtedly a vital part of individuals re-assimilating. Having said this, the need for societal acceptance and non-discrimination should not be understated either as it is essential in order for social and economic stability to return to the country. This is needed for children to access education and other programmes.

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b. Aims and Objectives

The primary aim of this investigation is to first ascertain why girls associated with armed groups did not engage in formal DDR programming. Following this, the role and types of stigma will be assessed and its impact on community acceptance and social cohesion will be discussed. Next, the obstacles that girls face which directly impact their potential to realign with the larger society and overall re-assimilation will be examined. Afterwards, programmes which have mitigated stigma will be explored to assess their potential transferability to other post-conflict situations. This can involve projects from the grassroots to an international level of implementation. Finally, a summary of findings and recommendations will be made for future reintegration programmes for former female child soldiers.

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11 Ch ro n o sy st em

c. Ecological Systems of Development Theory

The barriers analysed within this research will be developed based on those described by CAFFAGs themselves, data from the humanitarian and development community as well as academic studies. These will be viewed through the lens of the Ecological Systems of Theory which emphasises the importance of holistic reintegration opportunities for CAFFAGs. Created by Urie Bronfenbrenner, this concept centres on the hypothesis that an individual’s development is manipulated and shaped by the environment around them. The theory focuses on key areas within a child’s personal context and how interactions within these environments impact their personal growth. A person interacts with five different systems namely; the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, the macrosystem and the chronosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1981, p. 22). For clarity purposes, the diagram below details these systems pictorially.

Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory of Development. Sourced from (Pysch 2015, 2015)

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12 The microsystem is the structure with which the individual interacts most directly. Most importantly, it is the system with which the person has direct contact in settings such as home, school or playground. Here, the child develops interpersonal bi-directional relationships with parents, siblings, teachers and friends in which both parties can directly affect the behaviour of the other. It is within this system that a child develops self-confidence and looks for safety and emotional support.

The mesosystem represents the interactions of those in the child’s microsystem and are connected through this person but doesn’t directly affect individual (Bronfenbrenner, 1986, p. 723). This can include connections between teachers and parents, or siblings and the child’s friends. During development, the parent(s) will control those institutions and persons who will be included within the mesosystem.

The exosystem is the next outer layer which is composed of social elements which impact on institutions or people who directly interact with the child in question. These interactions are outside of the control of the central person but the decisions affect them in some manner.

The penultimate system, the macrosystem is best described as the cultural structure, which is composed of social norms, ethnicity and ideology entwined with federal and local laws. This provides a framing for the context of the other systems and is also a key component of each of them.

Lastly, the chronosystem focuses on the fluidity of movement regarding the elements contained within each of the systems as time passes. For example, as the child grows, those within their microsystem may change or disappear meaning that all other systems are also affected by this.

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13 and economic opportunities but also addressing the wider community and social norms which can impact such programmes.

The Bronfenbrenner framework demonstrates the areas which need to be tackled to achieve reintegration for all ex-combatants broadly but here specifically for girl CAFFAGs. By working through this model, there is a structure to determining and comprehending the challenges which face these young people which originate from microsystems and reach to the macrosystem level. As the obstacles and systems are not encountered in isolation but instead intersect and overlap with other avenues and realms of the person’s life. This model is suitable for understanding the wide range of elements which can influence re-assimilation. It can enhance knowledge for CAFFAG reintegration and improve programming to become more holistic and comprehensive. This is the method in which reintegration can be optimised. As a result, social cohesion and national security are then also enhanced.

Note: It is important to acknowledge that the Ecological Model of Child Development is a Western concept and was not designed with a specific developing country perspective. However, it was not constructed specifically with the Global North in mind either. The levels and components within are broad enough that they are applicable to a multitude of differing situations and global contexts.

d. The Research Question and Hypothesis

For the purpose of this work the research question is as follows:

What reasons did many girl CAFFAGs not engage in DDR when compared with boys?

The sub-questions are:

What types of stigma did they encounter and what effect did it have on reintegration?

How was stigma mitigated?

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14 What can be learned from the case study of Sierra Leone and utilised for future reconciliation efforts in other post-conflict contexts?

I hypothesise that communities discriminated against former girl CAFFAGs due to their perception of girls as soldiers and this stigmatisation was more severe than that which boys faced because of the gender stereotypes and cultural expectations regarding girls. I further postulate that the shaming of girls negatively impacted on their ability overcome obstacles they faced to successful community reintegration and therefore on larger societal cohesion.

This research will focus its analysis on the impact of the conflict on those girls under the age of 15 who were involuntarily recruited to the forces. These were arguably the most vulnerable demographic that were recruited to fight and neglected in the aftermath of the conflict. Given their young age, they were still developing emotionally and physically as per Bronfenbrenner’s model. Thus, it is more likely that these children’s behaviour and attitudes were influenced by their experiences during the conflict There is relatively limited information on girls’ involvement during the war or on their inclusion in re-assimilation afterwards. Humanitarians always strive to protect those who are the most vulnerable in a situation, and in this instance I believe that girl former CAFFAGs are that group.

e. Justification and Rationale

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15 rightly or wrongly, in post-conflict settings as the criminals. The stability of the country moving forward relies on the ability for victims and wrongdoers to coexist together following the conflict and its atrocities. The tragic fact that children are being forced to fight in conflicts means it is pertinent to ensure that the methods being employed in the aftermath of conflicts for reconciliation are efficient in the short and long term and are beneficiary-centred. It is not enough to simply remove the weaponry. A well-rounded investment in the future of these individuals and communities is required to foster social cohesion and prevent history from repeating itself. Moreover, the humanitarian world is constantly moving forward, reacting to the ever-emerging crises that develop and flare up. It is important that as we look to the future that we bring the lessons that have been learned from history with us.

Given the time lapse since the conclusion of the war and DDR programmes, it is appropriate to evaluate the community acceptance of girl CAFFAGs and the role that stigma played retrospectively in Sierra Leone on reintegration. Additionally, as the country is no longer experiencing an emergency, it would be good to get an insight into the current situation of the subjects of this research project. The period of time also allows for the exit of International Non-Governmental Organisations (INGOs) and peacekeeping organisations. When workers and soldiers entered Sierra Leone it is inconceivable that they exist in a bubble, without impacting on the country’s economic and social sectors among others. To give one example, the increase in prostitution has been well documented whenever peacekeeping missions are present. It is a survival method for many in current or post war situations as for some it is the only resource that they have (Martin, 2005, p. 1). Therefore, the time lapse of 14 years (2002-2016) will provide a more accurate assessment of life in Sierra Leone conflict and post-international intervention. However, this may be challenged by the recent outbreak of Ebola in the country.

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16 Nations Convention on the Rights of a Child, girls could not consent to joining government troops while under the age of 15 or to any non-state actor groups until they were 18 years of age. The girls can be broadly categorised as those who were known to have been involved with armed groups and those who kept their role in the conflict a secret from others.

f. Methodology

Initially, this investigation was to be comprised of both primary and secondary research via key informant interviews and previously written literature, respectively. This was to be done as to maximise the factual overarching elements of this topic with personable, anecdotal experiences of those who interact with the female former CAFFAGs. It was hoped that this would give a well-rounded perspective on the issue and address the topic from different angles. With this concept in mind, it was hoped that the data could be obtained in person in Sierra Leone. However, due to financial constraints this was not possible and the research had to be conducted outside of the country which impacted the methodology and limitations of the study.

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17 years previously would call the results into question. Memories fade over time and it would not be scientifically sound to base evidence and research on recalled accounts from so long ago. In some instances, women may choose to recount stories that reflect more positively on themselves or omit incriminating details for a variety of reasons. This method was deemed not to be sufficiently scientific enough and would not be overly beneficial for the research.

Instead it was decided that the best way forward would be to contact international, national and local agencies who had been active during the immediate post-conflict period and/or in the years succeeding the end of the war. These organisations would be able to give a more comprehensive explanation of their work and mandates while also using their personal experiences from dealing with a multitude of individuals.

However, despite many attempts to contact a range of agencies and individuals regarding this subject for their personal and professional opinions no responses were received. This was surprising given the large volume of emails sent but may be due to the time lag since the end of the war as well as the fact that there are no longer reports of child soldiers being used in Sierra Leone. This development impacted heavily on the methodology of the paper which then has to rely solely on compiling secondary research.

The sources used during this investigation were mainly drawn from online search engines from the University of Groningen, the University of Warsaw and the University of the Western Cape. This information was composed of journal articles, documented field research, interviews, historical accounts and theoretical books. Additionally, documentaries and off-record discussions with experts provided some guidance and insight into the topic as well. The material was drawn from a range of subjects such as psychology, development studies, post-conflict resolution and history to maintain the comprehensive look into the rehabilitation of girl former child soldiers.

g. Limitations

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18 available information is vital to understanding the history and opinions of the time but are generally focused on a particular aspect of the child soldier involvement and very few engage solely with girls and their challenges. Additionally, all of the research was desk-based and conducted outside of Sierra Leone, the country in question.

The issue obtaining responses for interviews also meant that the pool of potential data sources was depleted. Approximately 30 experts and agencies were contacted but none agreed to be interviewed, most did not respond. Informal conversations with a number of unnamed experts in different contexts provided some useful information which mitigated this problem to some degree.

The lack of information on girl CAFFAGs, both in the direct aftermath of the conflict and in long term recovery efforts, meant that it was challenging to discover their experiences with formal reintegration programmes or reasons for avoiding them. Most of the information on CAFFAGs centres on boys as they made up the majority of children active in armed groups while girls were generally seen as camp followers. This, along with the stigma which silenced many girls from revealing their fighting past, means that there is much less data available regarding female minors.

The Ebola crisis which hit Sierra Leone in 2014 has also overshadowed and impacted the attention and focus on the long-term integration of former combatants. I speculate that this partially contributed to my failure to obtain any interviews as it is a more pressing emergency. The seemingly endless rise of conflicts throughout the world, accompanied by a rapidly reacting crisis response, results in the constant shifting of focus from one disaster to another with cases like Sierra Leone quickly being forgotten or no longer seen as relevant.

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2. Background

This chapter provides an outline of the internal conflict which broke out in Sierra Leone in the early 1990s and its impacts. It looks at the direct aftermath of the war and the challenges that the country then faced. Lastly, it highlights the three-pronged national strategy that was put in place to foster national reconciliation and bring justice to those who orchestrated grave crimes. These were as follows; the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Special Court of Sierra Leone, and the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme.

a. Civil War Overview

The civil war in Sierra Leone began in late March of 1991 and raged through the country for almost eleven years before a peace treaty finally declared the end of the conflict in January 2002. The lengthy battle was tumultuous on all accounts and led to the death of somewhere between 25,000 and 70,000 people (Ramgoolie, 2001, p. 147), the displacement of over half of the country’s 4.5 million population and the brutal maiming of many others. Everyone in Sierra Leone was impacted in some way by this conflict. Some estimates put the number of children recruited during the war at 48,000, of which 12,000 were girls (Wessells, 2006, p. 165). Estimates of half these numbers have also been suggested by other sources (UNICEF, 2004, p. 15). It is difficult to have a completely precise account of the figures due to the absence of documentation, reluctance in identifying as a soldier and the length of the war. Having said this, regardless of whether there were 48,000 recruited or “only” 20,000 any number above zero still represents too many children.

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20 corruption, nepotism and neglect of the poor, became quickly devolved into a campaign of inhumane violence, amputation and rape (HRW, 1999). However, this was not a conflict of just two parties. Both were supported by international and indigenous bodies; the government by the Civil Defence Forces (CDF), Guinea, Nigeria and Britain as well as the Executive Outcomes, a South African mercenary group. The RUF had support from Libya, Liberia and a faction of the Sierra Leonean army known as the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) (Sesay et al., 2009, p. 5).

The RUF are largely seen today as being the enemy of Sierra Leone, an organisation who tried to destroy the country. However, the RUF was not alone in committing atrocities. There were reports of violence from all sides including the police, the Sierra Leonean Army (SLA) and the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), a peacekeeping body. Low pay and a perceived contentment from the general population fuelled the increase in attacks by the SLA on those they were supposed to protect. These actions only led to further isolation and mistrust of the forces and even encouraged some civilians to join the RUF in order to defend themselves or seek vengeance (Mitton, 2015, p. 7). Others chose to align themselves with local defence groups known as the Kamajors who were successful in many instances at limiting the advancement of the RUF. Though, they themselves also became implicated in the spread of fear and the perpetration of crimes (Mitton, 2015, p. 6). It must be said however, that a sundry of documents still implicates the RUF on a much larger scale (HRW, 1999) in these acts; mutilating civilians, ransacking villages and abducting people. The group were particularly notorious for their sexual violence (HRW, 2003, p. 3). Many of the attacks on all sides appeared to have little strategic importance. Instead these crimes such as torture, rape and even cannibalism were committed because those who committed them had the power to do so (Mitton, 2015, p. 5). This demonstrates the sheer bloodiness and chaos that took place in Sierra Leone during this time as well as the dangerous lack of control over those individuals involved. It also gives an insight into the traumatic incidents which girls and boys had to witness and sometimes carry out as well.

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21 end of the war. These events resulted in Sierra Leone being flooded with British and Guinean military forces as well as the largest UN peacekeeping force at that time (Bellows & Miguel 2009, p. 1147). These efforts, along with other factors, synergised to finally end the conflict in early 2002 with the signing of the Abuja Ceasefire Agreement. A bitter taste was left for many following the concession of amnesty in exchange for rebels to lay down their weapons but it was seen as a necessary step in bringing peace to the country. The signing of peace accords could not wipe the past eleven years of brutality from the minds of Sierra Leoneans.

b. Aftermath of Conflict

Shortly after the conclusion of the war, the RUF transformed from a rebel force into a political party ahead of the national elections in mid-2002. The government, under President Kabbah, was re-elected in a landslide victory (Times, 2002) but burdened with rebuilding a country that had been shattered by war. A large portion of Sierra Leone’s structural and social infrastructure had been devastated by the eleven-year war and hospitals, schools, roads and shops which had been destroyed (WHO, 2010) needed to be cleared and restored and doctors, teachers and workers to be replaced. Traditional communities and families were ripped apart and those that remained were not saved from the trauma of the conflict (Solomon & Ginifer, 2008, pp. 5,6).

Death and infrastructural damage were not the only scars of the conflict that needed to be healed. The economy post-war was heavily dependent on the UNAMSIL troops in the country and donor funds which were external and unreliable source of finances (UNAMSIL, 2007). Over half of the population lived on U.S. $1 per day and unemployment and corruption infiltrated every aspect of society. From an analysis of 162 countries globally, Sierra Leone was ranked last in terms of life expectancy at birth, adult literacy, education enrolment and GDP per capita (HRW, 2003, p. 15) following the conflict. Sierra Leone had not been a prosperous nation for its people before the war and in the aftermath climate, conditions were even worse.

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22 peace. All parties in Sierra Leone would need to unite as a means of survival. Unlike the international organisations there was no exit strategy for the population; reconciliation and reintegration were the only solutions for a future without war. It was important not only for the fighters themselves but also the country as a whole for those individuals to return productively to society. However, it was not as simple as ex-combatants wanting to return to life pre-war; everyone knew someone who had be abducted, murdered, maimed or terrorised. For girls and young women in particular, there were many challenges and issues for them that had to be addressed if they were to have any hope of shedding their combatant label.

The challenges differed based on the demographics of the ex-combatants and their perception in society. There is little literature available on girls who find themselves in this position as they are not thought to be a threat to the sustainability of peace long-term in the way that boys and men are perceived to be. They were prioritised by both governments and aid agencies meaning that other demographics are marginalised (Coulter, 2009, p. 217).

c. National Approaches to Reconciliation

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i. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission

The establishment of the TRC was to “address impunity, to respond to the needs of the victims, to promote healing and reconciliation and to prevent a repetition of the violations and abuses suffered” (Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2004, p. Vol. I Ch I Section 6 (1)). The impact of this was to be three-fold; to give individual Sierra Leoneans and communities a forum in which to tell their stories and begin personal healing, to foster national reconciliation, and to document the events that occurred so that the world would not forget (Coulter, 2009, p. 168). For many, the TRC and SLSC did not mean the past could be forgotten and those who were not tried in court for their crimes were not smoothly reintegrated into the communities they once terrorised.

The non-traditional international TRC did not bode well in rural Sierra Leone where communities saw these activities as culturally insensitive for involving females, both adult and child. Coulter discovered that only after investing copious amounts of time in private with these women did they express their feelings and discuss their experiences, often in metaphors and non-specific terms. She surmised that, to an extent, it was more socially acceptable to describe the crimes that were perpetrated against them but not those they had executed. Most did not acknowledge their harmful actions. Females were discouraged from telling their stories by their families and the wider society as to do so would confirm their past as combatants during the war (Coulter, 2009, pp. 21,22, 215).

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was ill-fitted to the Sierra Leonean model of accountability as culturally the host country has a range of other methods to healing and reconciliation1_{. Thus, there was a low turnout at most of the public hearings (Sesay et}

al., 2009, p. 34). It did, however, aid in mapping the stories and events of the conflict but much of the effects did not extend outside of the major districts (Fambul Tok, 2016).

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ii. The Special Court of Sierra Leone

The SCSL was developed in response to a request of the Sierra Leonean government to try those accused as being responsible for gross violations of human rights during the internal conflict. Former Liberian President Charles Taylor is the most infamous of those to be convicted for his part in the civil war in 2012. To date, 22 individuals have been indicted for a variety of crimes and 14 found guilty by the Court.

The negative perception of the Special Court meant that some child CAFFAGs avoided the TRC and DDR programme which they saw as a trap to hold them for prosecution for their crimes. Amnesty was granted in the case of certain charges but genocide and crimes against humanity was not exempt from prosecution (Bakiner, 2014, p. 28). Many women and girls who were involved with armed groups were unaware of or did not trust this fact. Indeed, one survey of 176 ex-combatants demonstrated that almost 1 in 2 of them did not feel that they understood the TRC’s purpose (PRIDE, 2002). They were fearful of punishment for their actions and this resulted in silence and a resistance to official disarmament (Coulter, 2009, p. 171). The SCSL organised practical workshops to particularly target females associated with armed groups in order to counteract any beliefs that the Court would pursue a case against all former fighters (Sesay et al., 2009, p. 19).

iii. Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme

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3. Child Associated with Armed Groups and Fighting Forces

Here, the extent to which children are used in modern day conflicts will be discussed. This demonstrates the applicability of these research findings to current day wars and the need to design comprehensive responses to such emergencies. Subsequently, the presence of active children in the Sierra Leonean war will be detailed and the importance of their type of recruitment analysed. Finally, the specific roles that girls played as members of armed groups will be explored to gain an insight into their experiences and the impact that these may have had on them.

a. General Overview

The term child soldier appears, at least from the outset, to be a self-explanatory one. It is a person under the age of 18 whom, either voluntarily or forcibly, is directly engaged in armed conflict. However, the phrase is far more reaching than that. According to the Cape Town Principles, a child soldier is “any person under 18 years of age who is part of any kind of regular or irregular armed force or armed group in any capacity, including but not limited to cooks, porters, messengers and anyone accompanying such groups, other than family members. The definition includes girls recruited for sexual purposes and for forced marriage. It does not, therefore, only refer to a child who is carrying or has carried arms” (UNICEF, 1997, p. 8). This chapter aims to outline the extent of the issue of recruiting children to armed groups in conflicts around the world today before narrowing to focus on the situation in Sierra Leone during the 11 years of war. Following this, the details of the abduction of children and the roles that girls played will be explored as to initiate the exploration into why female minors were stigmatised in the aftermath of the warfare. Finally, the fundamental criteria that are needed in order to aid girls in reintegration will be identified.

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26 purpose of this research, the term “children associated with fighting forces and armed groups” (CAFFAGs) will be used in reference to these girls and boys as to remain neutral on their status.

As of December 2015, the UN Secretary General report on Children and Armed Conflict shows that child soldiers are currently being recruited in at least 20 countries ranging from Thailand to Colombia to Yemen, amounting to thousands of youths just within the past year (Secretary-General, 2016). The use of children as combatants in conflict is a global issue, not limited to one region or one country. Fortunately, Sierra Leone no longer features on this list as the civil war has concluded, but in the past year Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo are among those states in which child protection during armed conflict is being challenged. In Afghanistan, 116 children (1 girl) were reportedly recruited to both state and non-state actors while the UN verified that 488 children (26 girls) joined armed groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo. 30% of the latter were under the age of 15 (Secretary-General, 2016, pp. 5, 9). Furthermore, abductions of children continue to be executed on a large scale by groups such as the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda, Chad and others, Al-Shabaab in South Sudan and Yemen, and the Islamic state in Iraq and the Levant in a number of countries (Secretary-General, 2016, p. 2). The continuous usage of minors even in today’s society in conflict demonstrates the urgent need to address this war crime.

First and foremost, the onus is on the State to protect their children. Every nation bar the United States of America and South Sudan has ratified the Convention on the Rights of a Child and utilising minors in war violates this agreement. The treaty took effect in Sierra Leone on September 2nd_{1990, just six months prior to the commencement of the}

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b. Use of Children in the Sierra Leonean Civil War

The civil war that broke out in 1991 engulfed the entire country over the 11 years in which it occurred. During this time, all sides carried out atrocities against one another and innocent civilians, including abducting children for their cause. The youth were impacted in many ways by the conflict; murdered, mutilated, displaced, raped, and recruited to the armed forces. It has also been postulated that young soldiers were more likely to be killed in the field as they were seen as dispensable, tended to be less fearful than adults, and were often equipped with substandard supplies (Zack-Williams, 2007, p. 80). It is difficult to determine how many children were enrolled into armed groups especially given the lengthy duration of the war as estimates range widely. One report states that up to 80% of RUF fighters were between 7 and 14 years of age (Ramgoolie, 2001, p. 147) while the figure below suggests that the numbers were closer to 50%. In one sense, this disparity of numbers is irrelevant as any usage of children during war paints a very dark picture of Sierra Leone at the time. It is thought that thousands of girls and women were captured during raids and attacks by a number of groups and subjected to physical and sexual abuse (Coulter, 2009, p. 3).

Figure 1. One estimate of the number of girls recruited during the Sierra Leonean war. Sourced from Combat to Community: Women and Girls of Sierra Leone (Mazurana & Carlson, 2004, p. 12)

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28 it demonstrates just how starkly life was for these children pre-abduction. Each of the five environments that were previously experienced were ripped up and replaced by a much more dangerous context. Fighting forces were aware that children were still developing through these stages and this made them prime targets for recruitment. During raids and looting the RUF purposefully targeted children to induct into their ranks (Ramgoolie, 2001, p. 148). The Sierra Leonean war is infamous for the sizeable active presence of children and the unanticipated violence of their actions. They were recruited preferentially above adults because they were vulnerable and obedient. Recruited children have often not yet solidified their morals or world perspectives which make them easy to manipulate into committing horrific crimes (Vautravers, 2008). Without guiding role models and societal norms, children look to soldiers and their peers in their microsystems for support and direction. Their need to be loved and appreciated by their commander and friends in the absence of a parental figure also means that they are willing to commit ruthless acts. Further, it diminishes the likelihood of children revolting against their leader (Goodwin, 1999).

For a good number of minors, the armed group acted as a surrogate family who gave them a purpose and a means of providing for themselves during the conflict. Some of these children suffered from Stockholm syndrome, eventually bonding with their captors and even referring to those who abducted and beat them as family even after the end of the conflict (Ramgoolie, 2001, p. 148), (Denov, 2005, p. 5). This is unsurprising when Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Development model is considered.

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c. Importance of Recruitment Process

It is relevant to explore the different means by which young people became associated with armed groups. This distinction is important in order to determine the type of induction methods used to gain an insight into their experiences and the likelihood of their reintegration post-conflict (UNICEF, 2004, pp. 14,15). Some CAFFAGs spoke of how their capture being witnessed by community members meant that they were not stigmatised upon their return (Save the Children, 2004, p. 20). Different factors such as this could impact the prospect of encountering stigma and rejection upon return home. Sierra Leonean children became entwined with armed forces for a variety of reasons.

Some young people, as mentioned above, were forced by the RUF, the SLA and the

Kamajors during village invasions and abductions. In some instances, youths were forced

to “wash” - to kill or maim their own family or community members (UNICEF, 2004, p. 15). This severed any bonds or ties to the society that the children had and forced them to become dependent on the armed forces who had stolen them (Betancourt et al., 2009, p. 18). Their communities then saw them as rebel soldiers rather than victims and the children fear retribution or death if they return home. As one child put it, “Now I am nobody. I belong nowhere. All the people in my community know I was a rebel. Everyone knows what atrocities I have done … I was forced. It isn’t fair. I’m just a child … They [the rebels] stole my future.” (Goodwin, 1999).

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30 the government forces generally did not face the same opposition as those for the rebel forces. In fact, they were rarely discriminated against or shamed and instead held in high esteem by their communities (Goodwin, 1999).

For those who were abducted, they were repeatedly drugged, given alcohol and viciously attacked by their fellow soldiers and commanders. In some cases, people were more afraid of these child soldiers than grown adults (Coulter, 2009, p. 109). Many still bear scars from where commanders cut them and rubbed cocaine into the wounds to induce a rabid state within the children and lower their inhibitions (Ramgoolie, 2001, p. 148). The TRC found that at a minimum 50% of those who were forcibly drugged were under 13 years of age (UNICEF, 2004, p. 15). Others were branded with scars of the group which had taken them. By doing this, the children were bound to remain with the group as if they escaped and were captured by another group they would be killed instantly. In the aftermath of the war the markings on their bodies isolated them from their communities and prevented some from returning home. The distress and shame that they felt was only met with increasing hostility and fear from the people that they had once terrorised once the war ended.

d. Girls’ Roles in the Conflict and Daily Life

Generally, children were not assigned one specific task during their time with the forces but rather a multitude of duties depending on their age, gender, physical strength, current needs and their length of time with the armed group. As defined above, the term child soldier did not always pertain specifically to combative roles. Girls were generally assigned to traditional tasks such household chores as well as being used for sexual slavery. Having said this, there are many reports of female children who claim to have been in aggressive roles such as frontline fighting, spying and carrying weapons or ammunition (Denov, 2005, p. 4). A majority of these young abductees were also forced into marriage with another soldier or commander and became a so-called “bush wife” (Coulter, 2009, p. 3).

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31 wounded combatants and caring for younger members of the troops as well as cooking and cleaning. Despite the seemingly menial nature of these responsibilities during war time, failure to complete these errands regularly resulted in strict disciplinary actions and even death in some cases (Denov, 2005, pp. 3-4).

Girls were also served as sexual objects during the decade-long conflict. Physicians for Human Rights estimated that up to 64,000 females may have been victim to sexual violence in this time period (Physicians for Human Rights, 2002, p. 3). Plenty of women and girls, both civilians and child soldiers, attest to the brutal rapes to which they were subjected when insurgents attacked their villages and during their time with armed militaries. Females were frequently rounded up and taken to rebel centres to be systematically raped and attacked. Indeed, not one interview analysed during this research was absent of some form of sexual assault committed against the female interviewees. The details of many accounts were harrowing and traumatic, even to read. The use of rape as a weapon of war is not limited to Sierra Leone and was widespread during the civil war. Culturally in many African nations women are seen as the property of their fathers or husbands, there is an ownership of a wife by a man. Thus, to attack and sexually violate a woman is viewed as an assault on the man and his manliness. It brings shame upon him and is a means degrading the man (Marshall, 2004). This will be discussed further later on.

Girls between the ages of 14 and 18 were particularly vulnerable as combatants would often specifically seek out virgins (HRW, 1999). Some were even grotesquely penetrated vaginally or anally with foreign objects. In certain cases, girls and women reported being unable to walk for weeks following the abuses or being infected with sexually transmitted infections or diseases. Reports indicate that girls as young as eight years old were raped by rebels and those who survived the attacks often succumbed to infection or exsanguination (Ramgoolie, 2001, pp. 6-7) (UNICEF, 2004, p. 17). Those who did survive these attacks were left with psychological and physical scars and sometimes pregnancy. These females were seen purely as sexual objects by their captors.

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32 as a “bush wife”, “war bride” or “rebel wife” (Solomon & Ginifer, 2008, p. 20). The wife was responsible for carrying her husband’s possessions, household chores and sexual satisfaction. Regularly she would suffer the brunt of his anger, his insults and demands but the risks associated with trying to flee kept many of those from even trying to escape. Girls who became pregnant were often beaten or raped to the point of miscarriage while others gave birth to children while they themselves were still children (UNICEF, 2004, p. 16).

However, in certain instances becoming a “bush wife” was a good form of protection and gave rise to power and influence for these individuals. These females were saved from gang rapes whereas others would be passed around between the men and other boy fighters for sexual gratification and were not forced to go fight during attacks. “Rebel wives” also had a regular supply of food, a luxury which cannot be overstated during wartime. When the husband was absent their compound was controlled by the “war bride” who had the authority to send troops on attacks and raids. She determined how the spoils were divided and was armed herself, with bodyguards constantly by her side for protection and to prevent her escape (Solomon & Ginifer, 2008, pp. 20, 21). Coulter found that during interviews, her informants generally found it was much easier to survive during war if married versus being single. The latter was seen as synonymous with being a sex slave (Coulter, 2009, pp. 110, 111).

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4. Fostering Social Cohesion

This chapter looks at the need for family and community reintegration in order to foster social cohesion generally and provide stability for the child and her future and the process by which this occurs. Bronfenbrenner’s model emphasises the importance of a stable and cohesive microsystem and mesosystem for positive child development. Therefore, social unity within the community is important for the minor to resettle back home. However, despite the advantages that formal reintegration offered, the majority of CAFFAG girls did not attend DDR or other programmes. The reasons for this are explored here.

Undoubtedly, most ex-combatants faced challenges to reintegrating into Sierra Leonean society. These individuals are often hold dual status as both perpetrators and victims. Most were not punished for their wrongdoings in the Special Court as this judicial procedure was reserved for the gravest of crimes. Thus, they needed to be supported through their transition from soldiers to citizens and had to learn to adapt and move forward in Sierra Leone as ordinary individuals in normal everyday life. The DDR programme was designed to help with this challenging process. This reunification was vital for combatants but also for those who were victimised by the war. For some, they hoped for the return of family members while others wanted acknowledgement of their and justice for themselves and others. In order for the country to move towards sustainable peace, national healing had to take place. This required the reconstruction of communities and villages, structurally and socially. For many CAFFAGs involved in the conflict, this meant returning home and rebuilding their lives.

a. Importance of family and community reintegration

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34 Bronfenbrenner theory as it was a time- and generation-specific influence on the development of the children. This means that the conflict impacted on all of the five systems in varying degrees and shaped the behaviours and attitudes of many minors who were recruited to fight.

During their time with armed forces, commanders and other young combatants became those within the children’s microsystem, even a surrogate family to some. As mentioned, this system has the greatest influence on a girl’s cognitive, social and physical development, much of the experiences that the CAFFAG girls had with these individuals during the war may have moulded their beliefs or behaviour. For lots of the children, they faced regular abuse and lived in fear of punishment and death rather than support and nurture from their family. The impact that the systems surrounding a child has on shaping its personal development, particularly the microsystem, demonstrate the importance of returning a CAFFAG to her family to be nurtured and to grow in the aftermath of a conflict. The girl’s nuclear relatives can provide care and stability to the child’s life especially following the trauma of experiencing conflict in everyday life. On top of this, many minors expressed wishes to return home to their families in the aftermath of the war.

b. Process for facilitating CAFFAG family and community reintegration

Having the opportunity to return home to their families and communities is an important factor in reintegrating children post-war and creating stability in their lives. It also had the aim of re-establishing social cohesion. Some in Sierra Leone chose not to go home for a variety of reasons but many desired to return to their villages and towns. Family and community acceptance is a key component to ensure that minors re-assimilate to society and do not return to “the bush” or become re-recruited for other conflicts.

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35 have close personal support (Betancourt et al, 2010, p. 1078).Children as young as 5 years old were used by armed groups (Steel, 2008) but even these youngsters would have memories of home. Returning minors to their families also reduces their vulnerability to being manipulated by others who can easily take advantage of a young and destitute single girl. Support from NGOs and others is often needed facilitating a CAFFAG’s return home. In Sierra Leone, this was accomplished through children first registering for DDR. The journey from DDR camp to Interim Care Centre (ICC) through to their return home is shown in the diagram below.

Stages of DDR for children active in the conflict. Sourced from (Brooks, 2005, p. 10)

According to UNICEF and other assessments of child demobilisation and reintegration, there are at least six different elements which assist in the transition back to normal society (Williamson & Cripe, 2002, p. xv). These are conducted sequentially and are as follows:

1. Community sensitisation

2. Demobilisation and a period of transition to civilian life 3. Tracing and family mediation

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36 6. School or vocational training

The services were headed out by UNICEF in Sierra Leone but involved collaboration from different international, national and local agencies. Community sensitisation proved to be effective in many regions and was one of the primary methods utilised to enable children to successfully return to their hometowns (Williamson, 2006, p. 190). Often, the child would be treated with suspicion or ostracised from society for their past. To avoid this, NGOs would engage with local people and leaders to explain the impact of the conflict on CAFFAGs and the importance of social healing for peace.

The demobilisation process and a period of transition to civilian life was included as part of the DDR programme in order to be certain that the child was no longer in contact with any armed group and were adjusting to the post-conflict environment.

Tracing and family mediation took place once children were transferred from the Demobilisation Centre to the ICC in preparation for reintegration activities. Of the 6,977 minors who entered the centres, over 98% were reintroduced to family members (Brooks, 2005, p. 25).

Continuing on from this, providing that the previous contact has been successful, the return of the child to the family and community was facilitated. The placement was then later followed up on to assess the reunification procedure and to offer any further support to the child or family that was needed.

Traditional cleansing ceremonies allowed communities to engage in the reintegration of children in their local area. By undergoing the ritual, the CAFFAG demonstrates commitment to transitioning from combatant to citizen and their families and community showed solidarity and support in helping them to achieve this. Often, the locals themselves took the initiative to purify the CAFFAGs which was hugely beneficial in fostering understanding and social cohesion (Solomon & Ginifer, 2008, p. 39).

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37 These six methods appear to be straight forward actions but in practise they are much more challenging to carry out. There are many barriers to sustainable reintegration for girls such as socio-psycho and financial challenges. Additionally, there are other elements which can impact or interplay with the reintegration process and re-establishing social unity. Those being explored here are the external and internal stigmatisation of former combatants, and personal resilience. Furthermore, these services were only utilised by girls who registered for DDR. This study looks at both the girls who attended DDR or were known to have been associated with armed groups and those who kept their status a secret from their families and communities.

Those who did not engage with the formal reintegration opportunities were unable to avail of the benefits that the programmes provided outlined above. Yet of the total number of children who registered for DDR, only 8% of these were girls. It is thought that 3,000 of them avoided the programme altogether (Gislesen, 2006, p. 15). What was/were the reasons for this, given that there were many positive aspects to gain from enrolling in the process?

c. Elements which impacted negatively on reintegration

Stigmatisation was a recurring factor in studies and interviews with former CAFFAGs, particularly girls. Whether it comes from an external source such as communities, parents or peers or within due to self-stigmatisation, shame can have a lasting impact on reintegration. It is difficult to imagine a comprehensive and holistic plan for optimising former CAFFAG re-assimilation without considering the role that stigma has in this process. Stigma played a prominent role in why so many girls did not enrol in DDR and appears to have been the main cause of why they avoided the programme. They also did not register out of fear of meeting those who abused them during the conflict, because they thought that DDR would be used as a trap to prosecute them for their actions or because they were forbidden by their commanders to do so.

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38 to looting of homes” (Betancourt, 2008, p. 139). The major difference during the war was that young females were significantly more likely to have been sexually violated or raped. In the aftermath of the conflict, they had a higher prospect of being stigmatised against and being negatively viewed by their community. Additionally, females were afraid of the different forms of external stigmatisations, namely being seen as a rebel, and behaving outside the normal cultural realms. Explicitly, there was the threat of attacks or retribution if these young ladies identified themselves with DDR as this would be synonymous with calling one’s self a rebel. Females associated with rebel groups were viewed with much scepticism after the war. They were mistreated by society but this was commonly thought to be justified because of their immoral ways. As a result, girls did not disarm for fear of “people’s mouths” or were prevented from doing so by their families and husbands. They were often ashamed or anxious of retribution against the girl or themselves for being associated with a rebel of the war (Coulter, 2009, pp. 212, 215). Discrimination of girls prevented many of them from registering for DDR or revealing their experiences during the conflict and negatively impacted on developing social cohesion. Some were also unable to enrol as they were seen as camp dependents rather than soldiers in their own right.

By not entering the DDR programme, girls could then not access all of the benefits associated with it such as vocational training and community reintegration projects. This was also partially due to a lack of accurate information about the role and scope of the process, the risk of being exposed to violence in the camps and the stigma associated with girl CAFFAGs. Both of these opportunities aided in countering discrimination from locals. Girls became caught in a cycle of abstaining from potentially useful prospects due to stigma which could then help to offset this type of behaviour towards these minors.

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39 were not viewed as much of a risk to national security as men and thus not a priority group to be targeted (MacKenzie, 2009, pp. 243, 245). Their over-classification as dependents, bush wives and sex slaves resulted in an improper response to the actual lived experiences that girls and women had through with armed groups (Mazurana & Carlson, 2004). More focus should have been placed on the actual roles of the minors and their resulting needs. This is something that should be considered for future DDR programmes.

Having briefly outlined the potential for discrimination by not registering for DDR, it may seem to be contradictory to also state the seemingly contradictory side as well that the presence of discrimination for enrolling in DDR also existed. This was not specific to girls but included them within the parameters as well. By attending the DDR process, some citizens within the Sierra Leonean society who were ineligible for the project were unhappy with what they saw. Those outside the transition process saw combatants receiving special treatment, almost like a reward, after they had perpetrated crimes and terrorised the country. In the post-war setting, there was nationwide poverty, limited availability of basic goods and services and a persistent risk of lawlessness. Yet, adult combatants were given food and vocational training during DDR as well as a staggered payment of $600 to help them readjust to society peacefully. Children were given access to psychological support, education, reunification opportunities and other non-cash benefits (Gislesen, 2006, p. 18). While there were comprehensive efforts directed at communities and non-combatants, there were disgruntled individuals and groups who were unhappy with the treatment that these “criminals” received. This then could mean that a person who registered for DDR had the risk of being ostracised or isolated from their community.

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5. Stigma

This chapter analyses the impact that stigma had on the reintegration of girl CAFFAGs in the post-conflict society. It starts by defining the term, then examines the perception of these children by their home communities and what it meant for the girls who experienced stigmatisation. Lastly, the differing reasons that these minors were subjected to shaming are explored.

a. What is it?

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, stigma is defined as “A mark of disgrace associated with a particular circumstance, quality, or person” (Oxford English Dictionary, 2016). Studies show that long-term psychosocial adjustment is not only dependent on previous wartime factors but also by post-conflict experiences (Betancourt et al., 2009, p. 18). This demonstrates that in order to facilitate sustainable development for ex-combatants, stigma and other needs must be included in the response.

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b. Viewed as perpetrators, not victims

It is easy to view girls who were captured by armed groups as being vulnerable and helpless to their situation. Particularly as many were abducted at quite a young age, they were frightened and exposed to violence and horrors that no child should have to witness. Some were raped and others were forced to kill their own family members. It is difficult to fathom the trauma that many experienced and quite easy to view them solely as victims of the war from an outsider’s perspective. However, for those who were attacked by and were fearful of these children, it is difficult to understand how they were unwilling perpetrators of brutal crimes. Even if the violence was not committed by girls known to the community, they were tarred with the same brush. Additionally, there was a widespread belief that under-aged females, particularly bush wives, gained from the war at the expense of civilians. Compounding this, they were seen to benefit themselves directly and indirectly from the post-conflict programmes to which ordinary individuals did not have access (Brooks, 2005, p. 18). To some, it appeared as if these females were being rewarded for their actions during the conflict. This perception fed into the stigmatisation of girls who were active with the war and the subsequent rejection and resentment by others.

These explanations contribute to understanding why communities held this perspective. However, in this author’s opinion and that of many experts, it is not simply that all CAFFAGs are victims or perpetrators. Instead, they share a dual status jointly. It is important that both parties, the child and the community, recognise this and the importance for everyone that reintegration projects are successful.

c. Girls returning home

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42 mental health of a person. Children who were strongly rejected by their communities had greater levels of emotional distress and were three times more likely to display unacceptable social behaviour (Betancourt et al., 2009, p. 19). Furthermore, the feelings of shame and disgrace felt by girls may have internal and external effects which impact further on their lives.

As has been discussed previously, girls faced the largest brunt of ex-combatant stigma despite being the smallest cohort of those who had been associated with fighting forces. For a young girl who was trying to adjust to a “foreign” society, in some cases where her world view had been flipped and her social power had disappeared, her psychological self was already vulnerable. A lack of acceptance could push a young person to leave her home, potentially returning to a bush husband or commander, or trying to survive independently. Stigmatising a girl may also mean that she can access fewer positive opportunities to move on from the past. Thus, she remains a rebel, reinforcing the perception of being a burden and being “double-victimised” as a result.

Compounding this, reviling a female for her sexual experiences can mean that she is less inclined to report the perpetrator. The culprit can then continue to commit further sexual assaults and/or rapes without impunity. Due to the pressure for girls to remain sexually inactive until marriage, they were not always forthcoming about the sexual violence to which they were subjected. Many did not want their communities to become aware of the traumatic experiences they had while others were discouraged by their husbands or family from disclosing their experiences. To do so could bring shame upon the girl and those around her (Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2004, pp. Vol. 3B, Ch3, Art. 284). Unfortunately, this meant that perpetrators went unpunished and, in some cases, would have continued to sexually attack and abuse others.

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43 enduring suspicion that the girls and women had been tainted from their time with the rebel groups. They were perceived as being prone to wild and uncontrollable episodes of violence (Coulter, 2009, p. 215). Stigmatisation of these children led to their “double victimisation”, the initial being from their capture by rebels and, then later, by the communities to which they returned (Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2004, pp. Vol. 3B, Ch 3, Art. 411). Of course, it is not correct to state that all girls experienced one universally negative reception. This varied but it appears that the majority suffered family and community rejection due to their rebel affiliation (Denov, 2005, p. 9)

Many of those children associated with armed groups were eventually successfully reunited with their loved ones after the war which is a great achievement on its own. However, these families were sometimes wary of the child who came home. Parents, siblings and others within the microsystems had issues accepting these girls back, despite the fact that CAFFAGs were captured and forced to fight. One child recounted how a friend of his was beaten for spending time with him, a rebel. Another told of how his mother’s initial acceptance of him dissipated after she learned of his crimes (Denov, 2010, pp. 798-799). These accounts demonstrate the difficulties that occurred within the microsystems of the child. Even in cases where families accepted their daughter back, the girl had to also show those around her; her neighbours, teachers, elders, that she was no longer to be perceived as a threat.

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44 versus boys upon their return. They were particularly shamed, as were girls in Sierra Leone for their sexual experiences where boys were not (Betancourt, 2008, p. 139).

The families, parents and husbands of such females were not always exempt from shame and discrimination either. Particularly in relation to sexual activity, this was seen as a slur on the integrity of the mother and father. Within Sierra Leonean culture, a girls’ sexual status reflected on her upbringing and her parents social standing. This will be discussed more in-depth in the next section.

It is important that the communities in question here should not be viewed as being completely wrongful in their behaviour in this situation. The events surrounding the Sierra Leonean war are complex and intricate as are the effects on those who were impacted by it. It is not fair to view the communities as the “bad guys” in this situation and that is not the intention here. Nonetheless, in order to reintegrate girls, the feelings and concerns of their neighbours, friends and family need to be acknowledged and understood. Given the vicious events which happened at the hands of the rebels, it is to be expected that people from the CAFFAGs’ villages would be suspicious of those who returned, even children. Accounts from the war spoke of how the rebel youth were often more violent than the adults and were drugged to make them wild. Some children had been with the rebels for so long that they referred to the RUF and others as their surrogate family. This research is not attempting to assign blame but takes the viewpoint of the girl CAFF. As the TRC pointed out, there is a sad irony in that the larger society which left children vulnerable to abduction in the first place now re-victimised them for this in the post-conflict setting (Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2004, pp. Vol. 3B, Ch. 4, art. 380).

d. Types of stigmatisation

The Forgotten Girls of Sierra Leone: