The Education and Psychosocial Support Programmes in Zaatari Refugee Camp

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The Education and Psychosocial Support Programmes

in Zaatari Refugee Camp

An Analysis of the Effectivity of

Education and Psychosocial Support

Programmes in

Zaatari Refugee Camp in Northern Jordan, in Precluduing

a Lost Syrian Generation

By

Rachel Safadi

Februaury 2018

Thesis Supervisors: Joost Herman, University of Groningen

and

Sulagna Maitra, University College Dublin

This thesis is submitted for obtaining the Joint Master’s Degree in International Humanitarian Action. By submitting the thesis, the author certifies that the text is from his own hand, does not include the work of someone else unless clearly indicated, and that the thesis has been produced in

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LIST OF ABREVIATIONS

3RP Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan CBOs Community-Based Organizations

CFS Child Friendly Spaces

ECHO European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations ESWG Education Sector Working Group

FCA Finn Church Aid

FPD Family Protection Department GBV Gender-Based Violence

HEART Healing and Education Through the Arts IATF Inter-Agency Task Force

ICDL International Computer Driving License IMC International Medical Corps

INGOs International Non-Governmental Organizations LWF Lutheran World Federation

M&E Monitoring and Evaluation

MC Mercy Corps

MDM Médecins du Monde

MEAL Monitoring and Evaluation, Accountability, and Learning Team MHPSS Mental Health and Psychosocial Support

MoE Ministry of Education

NGOs Non-Governmental Organisations NRC Norwegian Refugee Council

PTA Parent Teachers Association Meetings PTSD Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder

RAIS Refugee Assistance Information System RI Relief International

SC Save The Children

SGBV Sexual and Gender Based Violence

UN United Nations

UNFPA United Nations Population Fund

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UNICEF The United Nations Children's Fund VAF Vulnerability Assessment Framework

WASSS WHO–UNHCR Assessment Schedule of Serious Symptoms in Humanitarian Settings

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ABSTRACT

The widespread and rising education and child protection needs of refugee children in Zaatari refugee camp remain partially addressed. There are numerous education, mental health and psychosocial support programmes designed and implemented to handle the needs of children and youth in Zaatari refugee camp. Nonetheless, the problem remains with the level of effectivity of these programmes. If the available programmes are not effective or partially effective, this will cause an irreversible ripple of lasting and damaging effects resulting in a lost Syrian generation. The purpose of this study was to investigate the effectivity of the education and psychosocial support programmes in precluding the birth of a lost Syrian generation in Zaatari Refugee camp. This study explored how well these programmes are designed, implemented, evaluated and monitored by providing a more comprehensive assessment of the education and psychosocial support programmes in Zaatari camp. Hence, these findings are going to contribute to the enhancement of the provisions of education and psychosocial support services targeting children and youth residing in Zaatari refugee camp. This research is also going to offer an overall assessment regarding the future Syrian generations, if they are going to end up as lost generations, or whether these programmes can help reverse the impact of the Syrian civil war and save them from becoming uneducated, suffering generations. This study was based on a methodological triangulation that utilized qualitative methods of research. The research approach included the following research methods; a literature analysis, secondary data analysis of reports and documents, as well as semi-structured interviews. The findings of this research showed a wide range of gaps in the education and child protection sectors. Results implied that the majority of the humanitarian organizational representatives agreed that the degree to which there would be a resultant lost Syrian generation would remain undetermined. All

respondents also agreed that children and youth are going to be saved, but not entirely, as a portion of the interventions are effective, however, all in all, they will not measure up to the full prevention of the appearance of a lost Syrian generation. These findings are significant, as the future outputs and outcomes of these programmes remain unclear, and this study gives more clarity on their impact, as well as general recommendations for humanitarian organizations operating in Zaatari refugee camp.

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1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background and Problem Statement

The Syrian civil war has rolled back the development gains established in Syria before the war started. This acts as a threat to the peace, stability and prosperity of the children and youth affected by this crisis (UNHCR, 2017d). It is a recognised fact that war and conflict bring about damaging effects, reflected on children and youth’s well-being and education (Abdel Jabbar & Ibrahim Zaza, 2014). Before the civil war started, Syria had a well-established education system. The enrolment rates were one of the highest in the Arab world, with the lowest illiteracy rates in the Middle East (Christophersen, 2015). It comes as no surprise that the Syrian war has reversed the significant achievements in the Syrian education system; with more than half of all school-aged children and youth in Syria not attending any form of schooling (UNRWA, UNDP, 2015; Save the Children, 2015).

UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) in partnership with the Jordanian government has registered 605, 719 Syrian refugees in Jordan to date (UNHCR, 2017a). Despite the considerable efforts of the Jordanian government to provide education to all Syrian refugees, roughly 40 percent of school-aged Syrian children in Jordan are not receiving any form of education (UNICEF, REACH, 2014). The latest figures indicate that almost 80,000 Syrian refugees are registered in Zaatari refugee camp (UNHCR, 2017b). It is estimated that 52% of the 80,000 Syrian refugees in Zaatari camp are between the ages of 0-17 years (van der Veen et al., 2015).

According to the Jordanian Ministry of Education, around 18, 780 children are enrolled in schools in Zaatari camp (UNICEF, REACH, 2014). Pre-war figures indicate that 97% of school-aged children were attending school back in Syria. On the other hand, 48.4% of school-aged children in Zaatari camp are not receiving any form of education, whether it was formal or informal schooling. Statistics also show that 28.3% of these children have never attended any type of education in Zaatari camp (UNICEF, REACH, 2014). These staggering figures illustrate the imminent threat on the future of Syrian children and youth, as the lack of education results in severe societal and individual consequences (Beste, 2015). The children who missed out on education as a result of conflict and displacement face many challenges trying to regain what they lost

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(Christophersen, 2015). Syrian refugee children in Zaatari camp face an uncertain future, with a bleak educational present (Human Rights Watch, 2016).

At the same time, the education crisis leads to direct adverse effects on the well-being and mental health status of children and youth (R. Sirin & Rogers-Sirin, 2015). The civil war has affected Syrian boys and girls physically, psychologically, and socially (UNHCR, 2013b). These school-aged children are constantly suffering from the profound and long-lasting psychological impact of the war (Abdel Jabbar & Ibrahim Zaza, 2014). The psychosocial needs of the children are salient, but they remain unaddressed to a large extent (van der Veen et al., 2015).

It is also important to note that children suffering from war trauma develop learning difficulties (van der Veen et al., 2015). Child trauma tends to affect the emotional, social and cognitive development of children and youth, and by that raising their

academic challenges (R. Sirin & Rogers-Sirin, 2015). The negative psychosocial impact of the war increases the vulnerability of children and youth; diminishing their well-being, health, and compromises their education. Children victimised by the

consequences of the conflict can be referred to as ‘Syria’s Lost Generation’, as the psychosocial impact of the war will persist due to the protracted nature of the crisis and the long-lasting effects of the emergency (Panlilio, 2017). If the widespread and

growing mental health needs of refugee children remain unaddressed, this will impair their development process into adulthood, creating a lost generation in the process (R. Sirin & Rogers-Sirin, 2015). There is a need to reorient the humanitarian scheme targeting refugee children and youth for it to incorporate long-term development goals, and not only focus on short-term humanitarian response (Christophersen, 2015). This reorientation calls for providing effective education and psychosocial support

interventions for the children.

If the Jordanian government, local and international NGOs operating at Zaatari camp do not provide effective education and psychosocial support programmes to the Syrian children and youth, this will produce future generations of uneducated, traumatised, and suffering Syrians. If the available programmes are not effective or are partially

effective, this will cause an irreversible ripple of lasting and damaging effects. There are numerous education and psychosocial support programmes developed to handle the

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needs of children and youth in Zaatari camp. Nevertheless, the problem remains with the level of effectivity of these programmes. Therefore, it is of utmost importance to monitor and evaluate the available education and psychosocial programmes and develop effective programmes to address the needs of refugee children and youth in Zaatari camp.

1.2 Research Question

This research has the following guiding question:

How effective are the education and psychosocial support programmes in precluding the birth of a lost Syrian generation in Zaatari refugee camp North of Jordan?

1.3 Aim and Research Objectives

There are numerous education and mental health and psychosocial support programmes developed to handle the needs of the children and youth in Zaatari refugee camp. However, the problem remains with the level of effectivity of these programmes. This research aims to determine whether the future Syrian generations will be considered as ‘lost generations’ or the opposite, by examining the effectivity of different operational programmes in Zaatari refugee camp.

The objectives of this research are listed below as follows:

I. Examine the situation of the Syrian children in Zaatari refugee camp and how they might become a ‘lost generation’ due to the infectivity or partial effectivity of the education and psychosocial support programmes

II. Get an in depth understanding of the educational setting and an overview of the education programmes in Zaatari refugee camp

III. Develop comprehensive knowledge of the mental health and psychosocial support conditions and programmes in Zaatari refugee camp

IV. Review and analyze these education, and mental health and psychosocial support programmes, to evaluate their effectivity, and give an indication if Syrian refugee children in Zaatari camp will end up as a ‘lost generation’ in the upcoming future

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1.4 Utility

The issue of providing effective education and psychosocial support programmes to prevent refugee children and youth from becoming lost generations is a matter to be addressed for all of the world’s refugee children and youth. This issue is affecting all of the Syrian school-aged generations displaced in different countries around the world, not only in Jordan, and not only in Zaatari refugee camp. Therefore, the results of this research can be helpful in determining some of the gaps in such programmes, and help provide a set of proposed general recommendations, which can also be applied to other different contexts.

This research is significant as the future outputs and outcomes of these programmes remain unclear, and more research needs to be done on this topic to give more clarity on what the impact of these programmes will be on the Syrian children and youth who took refuge in Jordan’s Zaatari refugee camp. This research will contribute to the overall knowledge and research pool available on the effectivity of the education and

psychosocial support programmes at Za’atari refugee camp. It is going to give a general indication for how well these programmes are designed, implemented, evaluated and monitored by providing a more comprehensive assessment of the education and psychosocial support operational programmes in Zaatari refugee camp.

The findings of this study can point out to what these programmes are lacking regarding their effectivity, and by that showing where improvements can be made to enhance their effectivity. Hence, these findings can contribute to the enhancement of the provisions of education and psychosocial support services targeting the children and youth of Zaatari refugee camp. This report is also going to give general recommendations to the

organisations operating in Zaatari camp on how to improve the effectivity of their programmes, by highlighting why some of these programmes are being ineffective, or partially effective. This report can also give an overall idea about the future Syrian generations, if they are going to end up as lost generations, or whether these

programmes can help reverse the impact of the Syrian civil war on the Syrian children and youth and save them from becoming uneducated, suffering generations.

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1.5 Research Methodology

This research is going to utilize qualitative methods of research. According to Alan Bryman, qualitative research involves the collection of qualitative data, followed by qualitative analysis. Bryman also points out to the increase in popularity of qualitative method approaches in social research (Bryman, 2012). The research approach for this Master’s thesis included the following research methods; a literature analysis, secondary data analysis of reports and documents, as well as semi-structured interviews. Data gathered by the different research methods have been analyzed, and this has resulted in the research findings and conclusions (Bryman, 2012).

The literature analyzed has been retrieved from data search engines such as Google Scholar, ReliefWeb, Refworld, UNHCR and SmartCat; which is the library search engine for the University of Groningen. Some of the sources used for data collection include academic literature from academic journals, reports, and books. This research also involved gathering and analyzing published reports, documents and texts about education and psychosocial support provisions in the Zaatari camp, in Northern Jordan.

This study is based on methodological triangulation and it is designed to collect

information about the effectivity of education and psychosocial support programmes in Za’atari refugee camp. Hence, this research used qualitative semi-structured interviews developed to provide an in depth insight from local and international NGO staff

members running education and psychosocial support programmes at Zaatari camp (Bryman, 2012). This research conducted interviews with NGO representatives who are experts in the fields of education and child protection, working in the following

international humanitarian organisations: NRC (Norwegian Refugee Council), UNICEF (The United Nations Children's Fund), MC (Mercy Corps), LWF (Lutheran World Federation), SC (Save The Children), RI (Relief International), and FCA (Finn Church Aid).

The interviewees were given a consent form, along with an interview guide that contained a section for the purpose of the interview, a summary and points of

clarification for some of the information listed in the consent form, as well as a list of 12 guiding questions. These 12 questions have ten open-ended questions, and one

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likert-scale question and they were formulated in a way that corresponds to answering the central research question (Bryman, 2012). These interviews were conducted face-to-face, by telephone, or Skype, depending on the preference of the interviewee. It is important to note that these interviews were about thirty minutes long. Interviewees were audio recorded, and the interviews were transcribed afterwards. The information provided by the interviewees was dealt with in complete confidentiality; participants in this research were referred to as respondents, and not by their names. Data retrieved from these interviews were analyzed to produce and add to the research findings (Bryman, 2012).

To be able to conduct these interviews, it was essential to get ethical clearance from the ethics committee at the University of Groningen, which granted this research

permission to commence with conducting interviews. It was also important to make sure that interviewees understand the terms and conditions of this interview, agree to participate in this study, and sign the consent form before the interview takes place (Bryman, 2012).

1.6 Research Limitations

This research is relying on the trustworthiness of NGO staff members who are being interviewed, disregarding personal and organizational biases. While conducting these interviews, some of the organizational representatives were replying to the guiding questions of the interview in a manner, as if they cannot share all the information they have, even though they knew that their identities will remain anonymous and that they are being interviewed for academic research purposes. It is important to note that a huge number of NGO staff members from all organisations working on education and

psychosocial support in Zaatari refugee camp were contacted. However, due to the limited feedback received from these organisations and staff members, as well as time restrictions, only 10 interviews were conducted. Moreover, there are numerous

programmes in Zaatari refugee camp, but this study will only examine some of these programmes.

In addition to the interviews, this research used organizational reports to assess the effectivity of the operational programmes at Zaatari refugee camp, to understand if

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Syrian children are going to be saved from becoming a lost generation or not. The use of organizational reports for research analysis purposes is not recommended, but due to the few number of available scholarly studies and research related to Za’atari refugee camp, it was necessary. Additionally, because of difficulty in getting access to the refugee camp, conducting interviews or focus group discussions with beneficiaries was not possible, and this limits the extent to which the leading research question can be answered. Furthermore, the real impact of these programmes is hard to measure accurately, and the answer to this research question cannot be conclusive; it can only give a hypothetical answer for what is expected to happen to the Syrian refugee children in Zaatari refugee camp in the future.

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2 BACKGROUND & LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter will provide a better understanding of the Syrian conflict, the context of Jordan, and Zaatari refugee camp. It will also give an overview of the range of different education and psychosocial support aspects of the present humanitarian system. Lastly, the chapter will examine the meaning of the term lost generations; explore the concept and its application in the context of Jordan, specifically in Zaatari refugee camp.

2.1 The Syrian Conflict

In 2011, between the months of January and March, prodemocracy protests were held in Syria. March 6, 2011, marks the day that the Syrian civil war erupted. On that day, some teenagers were arrested and tortured in a city called Dara’a in the south of Syria. The Syrian army detained the teenagers because of the spray painting protests they started; revolutionary symbols were sprayed on a school defying the rule of the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. This phrase was used to challenge Bashar al-Assad, who is also a trained ophthalmologist: “The people want the regime to fall. It’s your turn, doctor” (Selo, Marrouch, &Carberry, 2012). The Syrian army responded with armed reprisal that led to an extremely vicious civil war fought by the secret services, regime-loyal militias and the Syrian army against anti-regime fighters and uncoordinated groups (Beck, Jung & Seeberg, 2016). Therefore, March 6, 2011, dates the beginning of the Arab Spring in Syria and the commencement of the civil war (Selo, Marrouch, &Carberry, 2012).

The Syrian population became the victims of organised crime, militia warfare, brutal regime repression, and the diverging interests of international powers and interests of regional states (Beck, Jung & Seeberg, 2016). In 2013, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres affirmed the frightening rate of Syrian refugee outflow, something that the world has not witnessed since the Rwandan genocide, twenty years before that (UNHCR, 2013a). Three years later, the civil war was still ongoing, and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi stated that: “Syria is the biggest humanitarian and refugee crisis of our time” (UNHCR, 2016b).

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According to Amnesty International, 2016, the Syrian conflict resulted in approximately 250,000 casualties and the displacement of 13.5 million people inside of Syria. The civil war drove about 11 million inhabitants out of their homes. Around 4.81 million of the 11 million people have fled the country (Syria Regional Refugee Response, 2017). The civil war led to the displacement of Syrian refugees mostly into neighboring countries such as the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Lebanese Republic, the Republic of Turkey, the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Republic of Iraq (3RP Regional Refugee & Resilience Plan, 2017).

The massive influx of refugees to neighboring countries has strained the resources and capacity of the UNHCR and host governments to respond to the humanitarian crisis, leaving Syrian refugees vulnerable and impoverished (Barnhart et al., 2015). Children under the age of eighteen compose more than half of the Syrian population. Hence, the displaced Syrians are mostly very young, and the populations of registered Syrian refugees in the neighboring countries also have this age structure (Syria Regional Refugee Response, 2017). In 2013, the calculated number of Syrian children who became refugees was over one million (UNHCR, 2013b). These figures kept on increasing and are still increasing, as the conflict is ongoing up to this day. The

implications of the Syrian war are apparent in all age groups, but due to a large number of children and youth in the Syrian population, this increases the numbers of girls and boys exposed to war impacts. Youth, low education and low mental health status for the majority of the population characterize the Syrian refugee population (UNICEF, 2016b; Barnhart et al., 2015).

2.2 The Context of Jordan

The Syrian conflict broke out in 2011, leading to a massive humanitarian impact. In 2013, the estimated number of Syrians who took refuge in neighbouring Jordan was about 600,000 people. This humanitarian crisis generated a large-scale humanitarian response aiming to meet the escalating needs of the Syrian refugees (Healy & Tiller, 2013). The biggest portion of Syrian refugees in Jordan, about thirty-five percent came from Southern Deraa governate (Healy & Tiller, 2013). The latest update for UNHCR, Jordan, was published on the 6th of August 2017, showing that the total number of registered Syrian refugees in Jordan is 660,582 refugee (UNHCR, 2017b). The Syrian

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refugee populations in Jordan make up ten percent of the whole Jordanian population, although the total number of refugees residing in the country is thought to be much higher, as not all refugees register with the Jordanian authorities and UNHCR

(Christophersen, 2015). Statistics also show that Jordan hosts eighty-nine refugees per 1000 inhabitants, this makes it the second highest refugee host country in the world (UNHCR, 2017b).

Jordan is known for its generous humanitarian hospitality, offering protection to refugees coming inside the country seeking refuge (Christophersen, 2015) The government of Jordan leads the humanitarian refugee response in collaboration with UNHCR and IATF (Inter-Agency Task Force). This humanitarian intervention also involves different UN agencies, the donor community, national and international NGOs (Non-Governmental Organisations), CBOs (Community-Based Organizations), host communities and refugees (UNHCR, 2017b). Seventy percent of the total Syrian refugees who fled to Jordan live in host communities, outside of refugee camps, although the majority of the refugees living in host communities have passed through refugee camps before moving to host communities around Jordan (Margesson &

Chesser, 2013). The Government of Jordan collaborated with UNHCR to establish three refugee camps in Jordan; Zaatari camp, Azraq camp, and ECJ camp, which is also known as the Emirati Jordanian Camp. The Zaatari Camp is the largest, hosting the majority of the Syrians living in refugee camps (UNICEF & Save The Children, 2014; Jalbout, 2015).

The vast majority of the Syrian refugee population in Jordan is characterized by being children, women and elderly. While over half of this population is below the age of eighteen, and this characterizes the high level of vulnerability for the Syrian refugee population residing in Jordan (UNICEF & Save The Children, 2014). The Syrian crisis left the Syrian refugees in a state of turmoil, as they had to abandon their families, friends, homes and possessions and flee the country. These are only some of the factors leading to the profound stress that the refugees are facing due to the conflict that erupted back in their country of origin (UNICEF & Save The Children, 2014). Ninety-three percent of Syrian refugees in Jordan living in host communities and refugee camps are considered to be living under the poverty line, making them even more vulnerable (UNHCR, 2017b). Long-term humanitarian assistance for this refugee group is

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mandatory; including education and psychosocial support (Christophersen, 2015).

The Government of Jordan is bound by international and national commitments to safeguard the right to education for all refugees residing within its borders. Since 2012, the Jordanian government and the Jordanian Ministry of Education, in particular, have worked with national and international organisations to secure this right to education in Jordan (UNICEF, INEE, Ministry Of Education, 2015). Large percentages of Syrian refugee children in Jordan remain out of school despite the efforts of the Jordanian government, donors, UN agencies and partners (UNHCR, 2013b).

Education is considered to pose particular challenges in the context of the Syrian emergency response in Jordan. The Jordanian government opened school doors to Syrian refugees, but this created numerous problems relating to quality and access. In areas like Mafraq, where Zaatari refugee camp is located, a huge number of Syrian refugees are based, and they create an enormous burden on the educational facilities already in place in Mafraq, as well as the facilities established to accommodate the Syrian refugee influx. This massive flow of refugees led to overcrowding, which in turn diminished the quality of education being offered to the affected Syrian population (UNICEF & Save The Children, 2014). Multiple factors play a role in the low

attendance rates of refugees in Jordan. Some of the factors include the cost of schooling, schools capacity to accommodate students, transportation and distance to school

facilities, bullying and violence in schools, curriculum and language, and other

priorities such as for children to work. Syrian children are risking their future by being disengaged from learning and education (UNHCR, 2013b).

After the arrival of Syrian families to Jordan, family members including children have suffered from numerous stresses (UK Aid, UNICEF, IMC, 2014). The mental health and psychosocial services provided for refugees in Jordan remain inadequate (IMC, SIGI-JO. 2015). WHO has identified Jordan as a country with a flawed mental health system. Even without the pressure of the Syrian refugee influx, Jordan is still in need of substantial support to reform and develop the MHPSS services of the country (IMC, SIGI-JO, 2015; World Health Organization, 2015). The protracted nature of the Syrian conflict is negatively impacting the state of well-being, development, education and health of Syrian children in Jordan. According to UNICEF, Syrian children in Jordan

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have been significantly affected by their state of emergency. They are displaying many psychological symptoms, having high levels of mental illnesses, and suffering from disrupted levels of psychological well-being. These are all the results of the physical, mental and social impact of the crisis (UNICEF, 2014b).

2.3 The Za’atari Refugee Camp

On July 28, 2012, the Zaatari Refugee Camp opened in response to the flow of Syrian refugees into Jordan. It is located close to the Syrian border, southeast of Mafraq Governorate, in Northern Jordan (Chulov, 2013b; Doraï, 2017). It is considered as the most known Syrian refugee camp in Jordan (Doraï, 2017). The camp was established by the collaboration of UNHCR with the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. As for the Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization, it has worked along UNHCR to develop the camp on land owned by the Jordanian armed forces (UNHCR, 2014a; JHCO, 2014).

In the first nine months of 2012, Zaatari camp had a massive refugee influx of about 150,000 registered Syrian refugees (Healy & Tiller, 2013). This makes Zaatari camp the largest refugee camp in Jordan (Rawlings, 2014). The refugee camp grew out in a semi-arid area in the middle of the Jordanian desert to become the world’s second largest refugee camp, after Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya (Doraï, 2017; Doucet 2013; Würger, 2013). In April 2013, the population of the camp peaked at over 200,000 registered refugee inhabitants. Due to its proximity to the Syrian border, it was the point of destination for approximately 3,000 to 4,000 refugees every night (Human Rights Watch, 2014).

As reported by UNHCR, an estimate of one-third of Syrian refugees in Jordan live in camps, and the majority of these refugees live in Zaatari camp (Crisp et al., 2017). Around 461,701 Syrian refugees have passed through the camp since its establishment in 2012 (UNHCR, 2016a). The latest statistics by UNHCR show that almost 80,000 refugees live in this Syrian settlement (UNHCR, 2017a). Fifty-seven percent of the camp inhabitants are youth, while nineteen percent are under five years old. It is also important to note that the average number of births per week is eighty births (UNHCR, 2016a).

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The non-governmental organisations that partner with the Jordanian government entities make up almost a hundred and thirty-nine participating organisations. They collectively handle all the different humanitarian sectors, including child protection and education (Ledwith & Smith, 2014). These organisations are omnipresent in Zaatari camp. This indicates the vulnerability and the significant level of needs for the Syrian inhabitants of the camp who fled the civil war in their home country (Doraï, 2017)

The UN organizations, the government of Jordan and partner organisations pay up to U.S. $500,000 in costs per day to keep the Zaatari camp operational (Ledwith & Smith, 2014). These costs cover the basic needs of the refugee population registered by

UNHCR and hold the aid documentation. Eighty-five percent of refugees in the camp are registered, holding aid documentations and are therefore entitled to receive

assistance. This includes the distributed food vouchers, staple foodstuff, water, blankets, shelter, cash, and other camp services (Healy & Tiller, 2013).

Humanitarian organisations presence in the camp is ubiquitous, and so is the assistance, but this does not change the fact that support services are not sufficient in breadth and depth. A previous needs assessment conducted in the camp revealed that sixty-two percent of the refugees are living in unacceptable conditions regarding education, shelter, health, income and non-food items (Healy & Tiller, 2013). The government of Jordan depends on the international community for funding of the humanitarian response in the camp, and the co-management of the UNHCR (Healy & Tiller, 2013).

The Jordanian government does not want Zaatari camp to develop into a permanent settlement for the Syrian refugees (Wilson, 2013). In reality, the camp is not a waiting area, but a place where Syrian refugees are moving on with their lives, as they are reconstructing their society outside of Syria (Doraï, 2017). According to UNHCR’s database, Zaatari camp has eleven schools allocated for the 20,771 children enrolled in them (UNHCR, 2017a). The camp also has twenty-seven community centres that provide recreational activities, child protection case management, and psychosocial support (UNHCR, 2017a). Donor countries and organisations are accountable for the physical construction of schools and community centres in Zaatari (Healy & Tiller, 2013). The electricity supply to these schools and centres is often unreliable, as many refugees tend to steal power for their private residences (Chulov 2013b).

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Refugees in Zaatari camp face a lot of problems, and crime is one of them. Theft, smuggling, armed forces recruiting, gender-based violence and sexual violence are all found in Zaatari camp (Ledwith & Smith, 2014). As for formal employment

opportunities inside the camp, this is considered scarce. This scarcity gives way to refugees to monetize what they have and what is available for them, this includes possessions, labor, supplied aid and sometimes their bodies (Ledwith & Smith, 2014). Zaatari camp contains 680 shops, and all of them employ children (UNHCR, 2013b). Child labor is common in Zaatari camp (Ledwith & Smith, 2014). Child labor is becoming more and more visible in in the camp, where working children became the normal feature of the camp environment (UNICEF & Save The Children, 2014). Data by UNICEF and Save The Children show that there are roughly 3,946 children involved in income generating activities (UNICEF & Save The Children, 2014).

Child Marriage is another prevalent issue in Zaatari camp (Chulov 2013a). The age of marriage eligibility for the Syrians is between thirteen and seventeen years old for girls and fifteen and eighteen years old for boys. Early marriage of Syrian girls to older foreign men is a common concern in Zaatari camp (Ledwith & Smith, 2014)

Young girls in the camp are always being asked about their availability for marriage, and this jeopardizes their chances of getting an education and staying in school. A large number of Syrian girls residing in the camp left school and chose to get married to old wealthy Saudi men as a way of securing their future. For many girls, their marriage only lasts a couple of days to a month. This form of exploitation leaves girls who got married at an early stage with emotional scars and mental health conditions (Ledwith & Smith, 2014).

Children residing in Zaatari suffer from various mental health conditions; it is no surprise that mental health is a major concern for camp residents. Psychological trauma is common in both adults and children in the camp (UNHCR, 2013b). Children tend to be more vulnerable than adults, and their mental health is linked to their learning capacities (Ledwith & Smith, 2014).

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Nelson Mandela says: “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world” (NUHA Foundation, 2017). The Syrian crisis has affected the

education of Syrian children and youth and has impacted the Jordanian education sector significantly (Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation, 2015). The Syrian civil war led to the degeneration of the societal developments made in Syria before the start of the war, including education. The lack of education will have negative effects on the reconstruction process of Syria after the war ceases; furthermore education is

essential for development, poverty reduction, and economic growth (Christophersen, 2015).

Data shows that more than 80,000 registered Syrian refugees are not receiving

education in Jordan, in defiance of the Jordanian government’s efforts to offer education for the Syrian refugee population (Christophersen, 2015). Moreover, according to the Education Sector Working Group, statistics indicate that approximately 32 percent of Syrian school-aged children and youth who took refuge in Jordan are not receiving any form of education (Education Sector Working Group, 2015). It is also approximated that 30,000 of these Syrian children and youth in Jordan live in Zaatari refugee camp, in Northern Jordan. While 48 percent of them are not obtaining formal education

(Education Sector Working Group, 2014).

Studies show that the experiences and the education that Syrian children and youth get in Jordan will significantly impact their state of well-being, as well as determine the direction of their futures, and where they will be heading in life. If inadequate or no education is given to these refugees, then these populations will suffer from long-term consequences (UNICEF, REACH, 2014). Strengthening the resilience of the Syrian children and youth requires providing education while ensuring it is of adequate quality. Education is a powerful tool that can promote social inclusion while providing

psychological and physical protection (van Cooten, de Roos, van der Wal & Hanson, 2016).

However, the education sector faces numerous challenges in the context of the Syrian crisis in Jordan, in Zaatari refugee camp. A great deal of these issues is related to access, and providing quality education. The Jordanian government and NGOs are bearing the burden of providing education for these Syrian children and youth (REACH,

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2014). It is important to note that providing education to the Syrian refugees in Jordan will contribute to the overall development and stability of the country (Christophersen, 2015). This chapter will look at the education sector, its provisions, and explore the barriers to education in Zaatari refugee camp.

2.4.1 Formal General Education in Zaatari Refugee Camp

Formal education is the traditional structured education system guided by a formally recognised credential, a curriculum, and found in primary and secondary schools

(Deane, 2016). It is also defined as the highly institutionalized, hierarchically structured system, chronologically graded ranging from the primary level up to the highest level of university (Coombs, P. H. & Manzoor, A., 1980). According to the Jordanian Ministry of Education, formal education is the attested and accredited education programmes and services, from pre-school (KG-2, kindergarten-2) to grade 12, provided by the Jordanian government (UNICEF, INEE, Ministry Of Education, 2015). School-aged children and youth in Jordan are between the ages of six and seventeen years old (UNHCR, 2015a). It is important to note that this thesis will be examining primary and secondary

education, and not higher education.

Pre-civil war figures revealed that 97% of primary aged children and 67% of secondary age children and youth were attending formal schools in Syria. According to an

assessment performed by UNICEF and REACH, 48.8% of all school-aged children and young people living in Zaatari refugee camp are out-of-school. While 38.6% of these children and youth are not receiving any form of education at Zaatari refugee camp, formal or informal, and 28.3% of them have never attended any type of education in the camp (UNICEF, REACH, 2014).

The attendance rate for all school-aged children and youth in Zaatari refugee camp is 51.6%, it is higher for girls than boys, with participation rates 59.1%: 44.1%

respectively. Data also demonstrate that only 33.2% of boys between the ages 12 and 17 attend formal education, compared to 54.5% of girls between the ages 12 and 17. As for boys between the ages 6 and 11, the attendance rates are 52.7%, while it is 62.7% for girls in the same age group (UNICEF, REACH, 2014).

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The Ministry of Education in Jordan is responsible for providing primary and secondary education, to Jordanians and refugees (Christophersen, 2015). Schooling is divided into two years of pre-primary education, ten years of primary education, which leads to two years of secondary education (Human Rights Watch, 2016). The primary school targets children between the ages five and fifteen years old; in public schools, it is offered free of charge, and it is considered compulsory (Christophersen, 2015). As for secondary education, finishing ten years of primary schooling and passing the 10th-grade exam is a prerequisite for entering further two years of secondary education. The 10th-grade exam results of the student determine whether they can enter the academic track, choosing either the humanities learning stream, or the scientific learning stream, or go into professional or vocational training (Human Rights Watch, 2016). Students who choose the academic track will have to take the ‘Tawjihi’ national exam at the end of these two years; this review determines their eligibility to attend a private or public university or community college, and their eligibility for individual academic programmes (Christophersen, 2015; Human Rights Watch, 2016). Regarding the vocational training courses, they result in an apprenticeship that offer students specialized vocational certificates (Christophersen, 2015).

Refugee children and youth who fled from Syria to Jordan and found refuge in Zaatari camp have to take a placement test conducted by the Ministry of Education to assess their educational level and eligibility for enrollment in the formal education system. Students who lack official school documents with the latest grades from Syria also have to take this placement test. This assessment contains the curricula and primary materials that students should master at each of the different stages of education, to place them in the right class, depending on their educational level (UNICEF, INEE, Ministry Of Education, 2015).

The Ministry of Education created an accredited formal education system for refugees in camps that involves a modified curriculum, derived from the Jordanian curriculum (Human Rights Watch, 2016). The curriculum taught in Zaatari refugee camp comprises of the main elements of the Jordanian curriculum; that’s Arabic, Maths, English, Islamic studies, Science, and national and social education (Education Sector Working Group, 2013). In 2017, The Education Sector meeting reported that the total number of education complexes in Zaatari refugee camp is thirteen compounds; one of them is a

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new complex currently being constructed. Within these already built schools, there are 29 school shifts (Education Sector Working Group, 2017). These complexes are run by the Ministry of Education and supported by UNICEF (Education Sector Working Group, 2013).

The main reason for school attendance for children between the ages 6 and 11 in Zaatari refugee camp is because they want to learn and gain knowledge. As for children

between the ages 12 and 17, learning was of a lower priority; they are interested in the certification, and not the education itself (UNICEF, REACH, 2014). It is worth mentioning that some children in Zaatari refugee camp attend formal school sporadically and not on regular basis (Syrian Refugees Education, 2013).

2.4.2 Non-formal Education in Zaatari Refugee Camp

Systematic and organised educational activities taking place outside of the formal education system to deliver particular types of learning to specific groups of students in the targeted population are referred to as non-formal education (Deane, 2016; Coombs, P. H. & Manzoor, A., 1980). In Jordan, non-formal education programmes support students in reintegrating them in the formal education system (Christophersen, 2015). These programmes include dropout education, evening studies, home schooling, adult education, summer studies and literacy programmes (UNICEF, INEE, Ministry Of Education, 2015).

Non-formal education programmes provide an alternative pathway for accessing or reentering the formal education system for children who are out of school (Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation, 2015). These programmes offer children who missed one or two years of school an opportunity to catch up with their peers by providing them with comprehensive catch-up courses (Christophersen, 2015). These programmes target the children and youth who remain out of school due to various reasons, including challenges in access, eligibility, and also the ones who struggle with the curriculum. There is a standard accepted curriculum for the non-formal programmes that children need to complete to enable them to enroll in the public schools providing formal education in Zaatari refugee camp, and by that receive an opportunity to attain an accredited diploma (UNHCR, 2013b). These non-formal education programmes

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bridge the gap between the out-of-school children and their peers in the same age group attending school, by equipping them with necessary basic education skills including Maths and Arabic language (Inkheili, 2017). Some of these courses are offered during the summer to help prepare children for a new school year (UNHCR, 2013b).

2.4.3 Informal Education in Zaatari Refugee Camp

Informal education can be understood as educational activities that focus on a broad range of educational life skills; they range from recreational activities to basic learning skills like literacy and numeracy, and post-basic learning skills (UNICEF, REACH, 2014; UNICEF, INEE, Ministry Of Education, 2015). These educational activities are not bound to a particular target group or age category. They are also not accredited by the Jordanian Ministry of Education (UNICEF, REACH, 2014). Students who are no longer eligible to re-enroll in the formal education system, or have no interest in enrolling in schools are eligible to enroll in informal education programmes

(Christophersen, 2015). As for religious education, it is an important form of informal education in Zaatari refugee camp and was added to a separate category for informal education (UNICEF, REACH, 2014).

The informal education programmes operate without a fixed formal curriculum (Deane, 2016). They run in informal education centers in Zaatari refugee camp and are seen as child-friendly safe spaces, allowing children and youth to seek guidance and advice. These programmes give children a chance to engage in community life, bond with other children, develop friendships and take part in recreational activities like sport, art, play, drama, music and other numerous activities. Other functions of these centers involve providing homework and academic support, and a place where children can gain confidence and life skills. These centers also operate as places of healing from war trauma, where counseling is offered to overcome grief and mental health disorders (UNICEF, REACH, 2014; Deane, 2016; Inkheili, 2017).

School-aged girls and boys in Zaatari refugee camp are interested in different types of courses and training. Boys who dropped out of formal education are interested in Arabic literacy courses, and training as a mason and as a barber. As for the boys who never attended formal education in Zaatari refugee camp, they are most interested in religious

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education, Arabic literacy classes, carpentry and metal work. Regarding the girls who dropped out at Zaatari refugee camp, they are interested in sewing, tailoring, cooking, cosmetics and make-up training and computer. About the girls who never attended formal education in Zaatari camp, they usually show interest in joining health-related classes, classes about life in Jordan, art classes, computer classes, first aid training, Arabic classes, specifically Arabic grammar classes, and English classes (Education Sector Working Group, 2013).

The different vocational training programmes offered at Zaatari refugee camp have been accused of having programme designs that target specific genders, creating stereotypical gender community roles. For example, young men tend to attend training courses in welding, cell phone repair, and carpentry, while young women usually attend vocational training courses in sewing, beautician and hair styling. This is problematic for the demand and supply system in Zaatari camp; for example, the Zaatari camp refugee community only needs a certain number of hairdressers (Christophersen, 2015; UNICEF, REACH, 2014).

The most frequently attended form of informal education is religious education, after that comes basic learning, which includes Maths and literacy classes, followed by post-basic education technical skills, also known as vocational training, and lastly

recreational activities (UNICEF, REACH, 2014). Children and youth at Zaatari camp are mainly motivated by religious reasons to attend informal education programmes (UNICEF & ESWG, 2015). Children and youth receive monetary incentives to join the religious educational programmes offered at the camp; Quranic schools in Zaatari camp offer attendants 15 Jordanian Dinars to attend. These schools also offer additional monetary prizes for memorizing and reciting Quran (UNICEF, REACH, 2014).

Therefore, it is no surprise that the most commonly attended form of informal education in the Zaatari refugee camp is religious education.

A UNICEF and REACH report claims that according to parents of out-of-school children in Zaatari refugee camp, around 25% of the children in the camp have never attended any form of informal education. At the same time, 14-23% of the children were attending informal education programmes at Zaatari camp (UNICEF, REACH,

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2014). This report also stated that the overall number of children in the Zaatari camp to attend only informal education was around 9.8% (UNICEF, REACH, 2014).

A large number of children and youth in Zaatari refugee camp prefer attending informal education programmes to enrolling in the formal school system. They are more

interested in informal education programmes as the schedules are more flexible, teachers treat children in a better manner, and these programmes offer a broad range of activities to the children (UNICEF & ESWG, 2015). In 2017, Inkheili adds that the informal education programmes must not be considered as a replacement for the formal education system, but provide an alternative way to educate children and youth in Zaatari refugee camp. As these programmes remain non-accredited by the Ministry of Education, efforts to ensure the regulation, accreditation, and breakthroughs regarding certification of informal programmes are in progress and will continue at the policy level in Jordan (3RP Regional Refugee & Resilience Plan, 2017).

2.4.4 Laws and Rights of Syrian Refugee Children in Zaatari Refugee Camp

Education is essential for the development of society, enabling growth of individuals by providing the necessary tools for reaching their potential. In 1948, the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights acknowledged education as a human right in the United Nations General Assembly, and in 1989, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child also declared education as a human right (United Nations General

Assembly,1990). The Jordanian legal frameworks recognize that everyone in Jordan has the right to education, including the Syrian refugees who fled to Jordan (UNICEF, INEE, Ministry Of Education, 2015). According to the codified legal principles of the conventions on children’s rights; on economic, social and cultural rights; and on the elimination of discrimination, providing Syrian refugee children in Jordan with non-discriminatory, free and accessible primary and secondary education is recognised as an obligation to the country (Human Rights Watch, 2016).

Since Jordan is a party member of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), it is: “bound to provide education to not only children in normal or development

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orphaned children (Article 9 and 20), children in emergencies (Article 38 and 39), and children subject to violence (Article 19) and discrimination (Article 2 and 30)”

(UNICEF, INEE, Ministry Of Education, 2015). The Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (“the 1951 Refugee Convention”) also refers to these obligations that Jordan has towards its refugees, and sets down its customary law (UNICEF, INEE, Ministry Of Education, 2015). Jordan is a non-signatory member of the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, and the 1967 protocol that succeeded. Jordan has granted substantial temporary protection for its refugees, showing generous humanitarian hospitality. Jordanian law offers ten years of free compulsory education for children between the ages 6 and 15 (Human Rights Watch, 2016). However, since Jordan has never signed the Geneva Convention, or the 1967 protocol, this makes the status of refugees in Jordan equivocal (Christophersen, 2015). Non-signatory countries like Jordan use the non-signatory status to restrict the scope of their provision (Tan, 2015).

Certain legal Jordanian policies are preventing Syrian refugee children from going to school. One adopted policy requires refugee children to attain identification documents, also known as service cards for them to be able to enroll in Jordanian public schools, this policy prevented thousands of Syrian children from entering the formal education system (Human Rights Watch, 2016). To obtain these service cards, birth certificates must be presented while applying for such documents, and the lack of birth certificates within the Syrian refugee population in Jordan is highly prevalent, posing another hurdle for accessing education (Human Rights Watch, 2016).

The Syrian crisis and the process of life transition for Syrian refugees led to a large number of Syrian children missing months or years of school (UNHCR, 2013b).

According to the legal framework in Jordan, children who missed more than three years of school lose their right for enrolling in the formal education system (UNHCR, 2013b). This law is known as the three-year rule; it creates significant impediments and restricts the enrollment of the Syrian refugee children in schools (Christophersen, 2015).

According to Jordanian authorities, this rule was set in place to sustain the quality level of classrooms in Jordan. Nonetheless, this regulation leads to the exclusion of a large

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number of Syrian children in Jordan from receiving a formal education (Human Rights Watch, 2016).

2.4.5 Challenges to Education in Zaatari Refugee Camp

2.4.5.1 Economic Challenges and Education

The education challenges that Syrian refugee children are facing in Jordan require the intervention of all actors involved; this includes the state, the government,

policymakers, civil society organisations, and educators. These different actors need to collectively collaborate to solve the complex set of problems that this sector is facing to save the Syrian children and provide a better future for them (M. Dallal, 2016). Access to education is a fundamental human right that extends to all children around the world, including the Syrian refugee children who took refuge in Zaatari camp, in Northern Jordan. The Syrian children have the right to attend school free of charge, and the Jordanian Ministry of Education has waived tuition fees for the Syrian children and are offering free education for children in Zaatari refugee camp. Students who finish two years of secondary education are eligible to take the national secondary school exam, however, they have to pay the necessary registration fees for this exam (Syrian Refugees Education, 2013).

Some of the economic challenges that hinder the children’s access to schools, or hinders their attendance levels involve the high levels of poverty and job insecurity that Syrians face in Jordan (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). Despite the efforts of the Jordanian Ministry of Education and the international community to provide free education for Syrian children in Jordan, the costs related to going to public schools prohibit some children from attending school (UNHCR, 2013b). The families of these Syrian children need to bear the indirect, auxiliary costs related to schooling; these include books, stationery, clothing or uniforms, transportation, pocket money and education materials (UNICEF & ESWG, 2015; UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014; Christophersen, 2015). Most of Syrians living in Zaatari refugee camp suffer from economic challenges. The difficulty in getting work permits, the costs related to this process, as well as limited employment opportunities available in the camp are all contributing factors to the

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economic challenges that the Syrian refugee population is suffering from (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014).

2.4.5.2 Child Labor and Education

Child labor is a phenomenon that appeared in all countries hosting Syrian refugees and not only in Jordan (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). This form of negative coping mechanism is used by Syrian refugees as a way for them to adapt to their new lives and try to overcome the economic insecurity they suffer from in Jordan. Child labor is becoming more and more visible in Jordan, and it is widely spread in Zaatari refugee camp (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). According to the Jordanian Department of Statistics, child labor is defined as any work conducted by children under the age of 12, for more than 14 hours of work per week by children aged between 12 and 15 years, or hazardous work undertaken by youth below the age of 18 (Meltem Dayioglu, 2009).

The minimum legal age for work under the Jordanian law is 16, while the minimum legal age for hazardous work is 18. Nevertheless, children aged 13, and even younger are working full-time in Zaatari refugee camp (Human Rights Watch, 2016). Zaatari refugee camp is full of children gathering on a daily basis in the marketplace, trying to push wheelbarrows loaded with merchandise to people's houses, and draw customers into the small shops at the camp (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). Children have a lot of spare time on their hands, that working, due to limited school hours is a way for them to fill their free time (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). Child labor is often associated with out-of-school children who are working to provide or partially

contribute to their household incomes (Christophersen, 2015). Children have numerous different reasons pushing them to work, but the most obvious reason is the household economic insecurity (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014).

A large number of children in Zaatari refugee camp are deprived of their fundamental human right to receive education, to help improve their own and their families quality of life, and economic status (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). Barriers to education and hindrances for school-aged boys and girls involve the pressures of earning a living to support their family (Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation, 2015).

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education provided at school and this has adverse effects on their social and personal growth as individuals, leading to further future repercussions (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014).

Syrian children did suffer from child labor even before the Syrian war erupted. However, the percentage of child labor has increased post Syrian civil war for Syrian refugee children (Human Rights Watch, 2016). Child labor percentage among Syrian refugee children living in Jordan is about four times higher than it was in Syria before the war started in 2011. It is estimated that Syrian children are the breadwinners for more than a quarter of Syrian households in Jordan (Human Rights Watch, 2016).

The actual numbers of child labor in Zaatari refugee camp is thought to be much higher than what is reported; many children tend to pick up short-term jobs, sometimes varying from day to day (UNHCR, 2013b). According to a study conducted by Fafo, three percent of Syrian children between the ages nine and fifteen are working inside of Jordan, while 0.8 percent of the Syrian children in Zaatari refugee camp are employed. In comparison, 0.5 percent of Jordanian children are employed in Jordan

(Christophersen, 2015). Studies show that about 31.3 percent of Syrian children in Zaatari refugee camp are involved in income generating activities (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014).

The overwhelming majority of the Syrian refugee children in Zaatari refugee camp indicated that they have never been involved in any form of child labor back in Syria, although a large number of Syrian children are working in Zaatari refugee camp. The difference between the two contexts has to do with the lifestyle, circumstances and the camp environment, and these have changed the life dynamic of the children and pushed them towards working rather than pursuing an education (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). Children in Zaatari refugee camp appear to be most active at age 14 (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). It is important to note that boys are more involved in child labor in Zaatari refugee camp than girls (UNHCR, 2013b). Both girls and boys are engaged in a wide range of child labor jobs, but for girls in the camp, they are usually involved in domestic work or agriculture (UNHCR, 2013b).

As for the Jordanian employment laws placed on Syrian refugees, these laws make it difficult for Syrians to attain legal work permits. Low wages or even no wages for those

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who work informally also increases the pressures placed on children and encourage them to drop out of school to find work to support their households (Human Rights Watch, 2016). Syrians need to pay the cost of the annual fees for the work permits and find an employer to sponsor them, for them to be able to work legally in the country. It is difficult trying to meet the requirements for getting the work permits; this acts as another hurdle to work lawfully in Jordan, this includes Syrian refugees trying to find legal work in Zaatari refugee camp (Human Rights Watch, 2016). These policies increase the challenges for children’s parents to find work and make it easier for

children to look for informal work, and if children are caught working illegally, they do not have to suffer from the same ramifications as illegal adult workers (Christophersen, 2015). Many children have lost their breadwinners due to psychological or physical injuries, and some families’ breadwinners were left behind in Syria, giving the children no option but to go out of their households searching for a way to provide a living for their families (Christophersen, 2015).

It is mostly considered culturally unacceptable for women, especially mothers to find work outside of their home. Hence, more children are pushed towards finding work and become the breadwinners of their families, especially if their fathers are not present in Zaatari refugee camp (Christophersen, 2015). About 680 shops are present in Zaatari refugee camp, they all offer employment for children (UNHCR, 2013b). Children in the camp are sometimes encouraged by their caregivers to go out and look for work, as they believe that the education provided in the camp is not of good quality in comparison to the education the children were receiving back in Syria (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014).

Studies have indicated that children are willing to work, and in fact, they mostly enjoy working in Zaatari refugee camp, but this damages their lives and future development by having an impact on their natural physical, emotional and mental development (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). Around 75 percent of working children in Zaatari camp have reported various health problems that include poor health, injury, and illness (Human Rights Watch, 2016). Most of child laborers in Zaatari refugee camp do not go to school, and approximately 26% of child laborers in the camp combine work and school (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). Regarding the children who chose to combine school with work, they are harming their school experience; there are

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numerous negative impacts associated with blending work and school on children’s learning and education. Although, combining school and work remains a better alternative for children than to drop out of school (Human Rights Watch, 2016). Improving employment opportunities and livelihoods of heads of households in the camp would create the appropriate settings to reduce child labor, and by that, a higher percentage of children will enroll in schools (Christophersen, 2015). This proposition provides a solution for this widely spread phenomenon in Zaatari refugee camp. While different actors are aware that child labor is highly present in Zaatari refugee camp, these actors are becoming more tolerant of it while ignoring the enormous magnitude of its repercussions, and with time, this problem might stop being seen as a problem, but as a normal coping mechanism in the camp (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014). Reducing child labor in Zaatari refugee camp requires the recognition of the enormity of the problem while working on long-term interventions (UNICEF, Save the Children, 2014).

2.4.5.3 Early and Forced Marriage and Education

According to Jordanian laws, the minimum age for legal marriage in the country is set for 18, although some Sharia court judges make exceptions at times, allowing girls as young as 15 to get married (Human Rights Watch, 2016). Before the Syrian conflict, 13 percent of marriages in Syria were accounted as child marriages. In 2011, 12 percent of the registered Syrian marriages in Jordan were recognised as child marriages. Between the year 2011 and 2014, the rates of Syrian child marriages in Jordan have increased to reach 32 percent (Human Rights Watch, 2016). It is important to note that before the Syrian crisis, child marriage was an acceptable phenomenon in Syria, although the rates of this practice have dramatically increased due to increased strains upon Syrian

families, this also happens to be the case for Syrian child marriage rates in Jordan (Sahbani, Al-Khateeb and Hikmat, 2016).

In 2016, statistics indicated that more than half of married Syrian women in Jordan were married before reaching the age of 18. Also, almost half of married Syrian girls were married off to men who are more than ten years older than them (Human Rights Watch, 2016). Child marriage statistics for Zaatari refugee camp are not available. However,

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according to a report titled as “Too Young to Wed,” published in 2014 by Save The Children, child marriage among Syrian refugees in Zaatari camp has doubled since the establishment of the camp. As for the rates of deliveries in Zaatari camp among girls under the age of 18, it has increased from 5% in 2013, to reach 8.5% in 2014 (Sahbani, Al-Khateeb and Hikmat, 2016).

Syrian parents of refugee children who marry off their daughters under the age of 18 look at child marriage as a coping mechanism, a way to alleviate poverty and financial insecurity. In parent’s point of view, child marriage offers protection (sutra) for the girls, as it is considered a way to maintain cultural traditions. Although, this practice increases the danger of exploitation and domestic abuse that girls might be subjected to (Human Rights Watch, 2016). Child marriage and pregnancy increase the vulnerability of girls by increasing their social instability, emotional stress, SGBV (sexual and gender-based violence), and putting them at high risk of maternal morbidity and mortality (Sahbani, Al-Khateeb and Hikmat, 2016).

Early marriage and pregnancy in Zaatari refugee camp deny a large number of girls to access the education system and attend school, as married girls in the camp are mostly occupied with domestic chores (Christophersen, 2015). Refugee parents and partners of married girls consider education unnecessary and secondary from a traditional

perspective; they reason that educating married girls is futile (Inkheili, 2017). Child marriage is one of the most significant factors that lead girls between the ages 12 and 17 to drop out of school (UNICEF, REACH, 2014). Reducing child marriage and early pregnancy phenomenon in Zaatari refugee camp can lead to an increase in girl’s school enrolment and attendance rates (Deane, 2016). A small percentage of girls in the camp chose to or can continue their education after getting married (Human Rights Watch, 2016).

Discussing reproductive and sexual health is prohibited practice because it remains a taboo topic, especially for girls. Child marriage phenomenon is being addressed by

The Education and Psychosocial Support Programmes in Zaatari Refugee Camp