The chaîne
opératoire of
Meillacoid
ceramics from El
Carril, Dominican
Republic (c. AD
900-1400).
Victoria Davies S18308482
The chaîne opératoire of Meillacoid ceramics from El Carril, Dominican Republic
Victoria Davies S1830848
Course and course code 1083VTHESY Supervisor : Prof. Hofman
Co-supervisor: Simone Casale, MA
University of Leiden, Faculty of Archaeology 28th July 2020, final version
3 Contents
Contents ... 3
1. Introduction ... 5
1.1 Background ... 5
1.2. Objectives and research questions ... 7
1.3. Approach ... 8
1.4. Chapter outline: ... 9
2. Historical context ... 10
2.1. Caribbean context ... 10
2.2. Meillacoid society ... 11
2.2.1. Migration to the Bahamas and Turks and Caicos ... 11
2.2.2. Social organisation ... 12
2.2.3. Ceramics and Irving Rouse ... 12
2.3. Evidence of continuity ... 13
3. El Carril ... 14
3.1. Mounds ... 14
3.2.The levelled areas ... 16
3.3. Materials ... 16
4. Chaîne opératoire ... 19
4.1. Why use it ? ... 19
4.1.1 Anthropological interpretation ... 20
4.2 The manufacturing processes ... 22
4.2.1. Roughing-Out ... 22
4.2.2. Preforming ... 24
4.2.3. Finishing ... 25
4.2.4. Surface Treatment ... 26
4.2.5. Decoration ... 27
4.3. Micro and macro traces ... 28
4.3.1. Macro traces ... 28 4.3.2. Micro-Traces ... 30 5. Methodology ... 34 6. Results ... 35 6.1 Description of sherds ... 35 7. Discussion ... 51
7.1. The typical chaîne opératoire of Meillacoid ceramics at El Carril ... 51
7.2. The different chaînes opératoires observed ... 53
4
8. Conclusions ... 55
8.1 Areas of and suggestions for further research ... 55
8.2 Final Thoughts ... 56
9. Abstract ... 57
Bibliography ... 58
List of figures ... 63
5
1. Introduction
1.1 Background
The Caribbean has been extensively studied over the past decades for its history of colonisation and migration as well as the extensive trade networks that existed between islands in pre-colonial times (Hofman et al. 2011; Keegan and Hofman 2017). Because of the lack of written records and monumental archaeology other than the bateys (Keegan 2013, 77; Curet and Torres 2010), there is no record of the history of the Caribbean written by the people who lived there before European colonisation. Indigenous cultures were rapidly silenced by slavery and smallpox. Our understanding of pre-colonial groups is therefore based either on (1) material culture, predominantly ceramics (Keegan 2000, 135) or (2) accounts written by the European colonisers, and all the bias that entails (Curet 2014, 469). The early European colonisers could not help but interpret the cultures they encountered through the prism of their prevailing notions of race, religion, property relations, economic power, and their sense of superiority.
The development of ceramics in the Caribbean is complex. It begins with the early ceramic age and the Saladoid series, which developed into a range of sub-series and local styles (Rouse 1992).
The origin of Meillacoid1 ceramics has been highly debated (Rouse 1951; 1986; 1992; Veloz Maggiolo 1981; Jean 2010, 104; Ross et al. 2020). The decoration present on Meillacoid ceramics cannot be traced back to any Saladoid sub-series and the patterns seen are reminiscent of carving on stone bowls by the Archaic people (Rouse 1992 in Keegan 2000, 150). It is now believed that Meillacoid ceramics came about when Ostionoid ceramic bearing people; the descendants of the Saladoid; interacted with Archaic people in the Cibao valley in the Dominican Republic and introduced ceramic technology (Keegan 2000, 150), creating the Meillacoid style.
1 [A note on terminology: throughout this thesis references to “The Meillacoid” should be interpreted as shorthand, used only for the sake of brevity and simplicity, for “The people(s) using Meillacoid-style ceramics”: it is far from being established if the Meillacoid were, or would have self-identified as, one people in any linguistic, cultural, economic, political or any other sense recognisable to 21st century ideas of identity. Similarly, references to “Saladoid” “Chicoid” or “Ostionoid” should be interpreted likewise].
6
The study of Meillacoid ceramics is important because it can shed light on a number of issues related to pre-Columbian Caribbean history. That ceramics of this style have been found in parts of the several islands of the Greater Antilles as well as in the Bahamas and Turks and Caicos is vitally important because it speaks to contact between the people living in those areas. It suggests exploration, trade, and seafaring. As such the spread of Meillacoid ceramics reflects a geographical limitation to the region in which the people who used these ceramics interacted with each other
In the past, the emphasis of research (Rouse 1960; Peret et al. 2013, 247) had focussed on the morpho-stylistic taxonomy of ceramics found in the region. However, the extent to which this view offers an accurate representation of the boundaries and links between different social groups is now questioned (Keegan 2000, 136; Peret et al. 2013, 247).
The essential problem with relying simply on a stylistic approach is that it then becomes too easy to assume that people using a particular style of ceramics would have other characteristics in common and that they would form a “culture”. Such a stylistic approach does not fully account for technological practices, neither does it address any questions relating to the social organisation required to execute those technological practices. It remains possible that ceramic vessels of one particular style could have been produced in different places and at different times using methods which were not uniform, and which reflected different technological traditions. It is also possible that any developments and evolution of technical capabilities would not be reflected in any stylistic change. Similarly, the interaction between technology and social organisation is not addressed by this stylistic approach.
In 2012, the Nexus 1492 project was created by Leiden University, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, and University of Konstanz. with the goal to examine the transformation of indigenous cultures in the Caribbean through time, to research human mobility, exchanges of materials and networks and how they have changed through time (Hofman et al. 2018, 200-216; Hofman and Ulloa Hung 2019, 95-115; Rojas, Perez Iglesias, and Guarch Rodriguez 2019, 83-89; Nexus1942.eu website accessed 2020).
In this context I was given the opportunity to spend two months with the Leiden University excavation of the El Carril archaeological site in the Dominican Republic in 2018 (Veloz Maggiolo 1972; Veloz Maggiollo et al. 1981; Hofman et al. 2017; 2018; 2019.). The site yielded large quantities of Meillacoid ceramic sherds (Hofman et al. 2018, 19; 2019, 20) which provided an opportunity to look beyond mere style and morphology and conduct a technological study on a sample of these sherds. Thirteen were retained for this thesis. The ceramic sherds chosen were selected based on two factors: (1) that they were ostensibly
7
Meillacoid in style and all of them were sufficiently large to be studied; and (2) they were taken from vessels with decorated parts.
1.2. Objectives and research questions
This thesis aims therefore at looking through the lens of the chaîne opératoire of pottery manufacture.
The chaîne(s) opératoire(s) of Meillacoid sherds of El Carril has/have not previously been established. Until now it has not been possible to state whether or not the production of the ceramics, sherds of which were found at El Carril, followed one or several different chaînes opératoires and this, in turn, impacts on our understanding of how the population of El Carril was organised and to what extent the population of El Carril was in contact with other population groups and with other cultures.
The chaîne opératoire approach is necessarily collaborative and this thesis represents just one piece of a wider puzzle. It would be necessary to conduct similar studies at other sites and covering different timelines to map the evolution and development of technological practices from a macro-regional perspective. At the end of the thesis more specific suggestions will be made for further research which could complement this work.
1. What is the chaîne opératoire of the Meillacoid ceramics of El Carril ? As a first step it is necessary to determine what the chaîne opératoire was for each individual sherd. This will involve examining each sherd for evidence suggestive of each stage of the manufacturing process and the order in which those processes were executed.
2. Are there any different chaînes opératoires? By comparing each of the sherds with each other it may then be possible to establish whether there was a predominant or majority chaîne opératoire in common use. In other words, were significant numbers of artisans essentially producing ceramics in the same manner over a period of time? Such a comparison would also enable an identification of any different chaînes opératoires that may also be present and in what manner those different chaînes opératoires differ both from the majority chaîne opératoire and from each other.
8
1.3. Approach
“Chaîne opératoire” is French for “operational chain” or “operational sequence”. It functions as a methodological tool for analysing the technical processes and social acts involved in the step-by-step production (Roux 2015,101; Roux and Courty 2016, 15), involved in the manufacturing of archaeological artefacts such as stone tools (Tixier 1967) and, in this case, ceramics. The term is used in two senses: both to describe the methodological approach to studying artefacts and as a noun to describe the manufacturing process in one particular case (Roux and Courty 2016, 16). This concept of technology as the science of human activities involves examining artefacts to determine each step in the process of how they were made and, once this process is established, to interpret the implications in terms of how people and societies may have organised themselves to carry out each of the production steps (Roux 2015, 102-103; Roux and Courty 2016). This enables a better understanding of the evolution of technological processes and the consequent development of culture and lifestyle in ancient societies. A particularly important aspect is the spread - and extent of spread - of social groups who are identified through their technical traditions
Two different population groups can have similar material culture but different technical traditions, which chaîne opératoire strives to identify. For example, two vessels might appear identical in form and decoration, but the techniques used to make them vary wildly (Gelbert 2003; Roux and Courty 2016, 22). This can occur in instances where a certain style is in demand by different groups. Likewise, two vessels with different appearance might have the same chaîne opératoire. (Gelbert 2003) For example, this can be the case with vessels with different functions. A change in stylistic appearance does not necessitate a radically new chaîne opératoire.
The concept of chaîne opératoire may offer a different perspective, allowing for some refinements to the current understanding of Pre-Columbian Caribbean populations (Roux 2015, 103). Indeed, the anthropological interpretation that results from this field can lead to a better understanding of social groupings, migration, exchange networks and technical abilities on both the micro- and macro- regional level.
9
1.4.Chapter outline:
Chapter 2 will provide a brief description of the historical context of the Caribbean looking in particular at Meillacoid ceramic culture, the extent of its spread, as indicated by finds of ceramics of ostensibly Meillacoid style around the region.
There will also be some mention of the Meillacoid relationship with other contemporary cultures, as well as its effect, in terms of cultural continuity, on the ‘Taino’ culture which encountered the first Europeans.
Chapter 3 will provide a description and overview of the site of El Carril, its excavation history and stratigraphy, its geographical relation to neighbouring sites, as well as a short description of its components and materials found. One particular aspect of the site is the presence of anthropogenic mounds. This chapter will look at their construction and make-up and the variety of uses which they had.
Chapter 4 will describe the theoretical principles of chaîne opératoire – looking at the various potential manufacturing techniques; an explanation of the variety of micro and macro traces that may be observed in ceramic sherds and what these traces provide in terms of evidence of the manufacturing processes. It will also, from an anthropological and cultural perspective, discuss what the chaîne opératoire can potentially indicate about the people and social organisation.
Chapter 5 will describe the methodology used to study the sherds, from their selection, through the individual steps taken during the analysis.
Chapter 6 will present a description and analysis of each sherd accompanied by photographs and microscopic photographs and the results of the analysis of the sherds. Mention will be made of each type of micro or macro trace recorded.
Chapter 7 will discuss some tentative conclusions about the typical or majority chaîne opératoire of ceramics from El Carril and discuss the results. It will also refer to those sherds whose chaîne opératoire appear to be different.
Chapter 8 will conclude and suggest a number of areas where further research could be executed.
As a general observation, it can be stated that this research raises more questions than it provides definitive answers. Much of the evidence is “indicative” or “suggestive” rather than “proof” and needs to be tested along the lines indicated in the section on further research.
10
2. Historical context
2.1. Caribbean context
The first Europeans to have contact with Caribbean peoples identified two distinct groups: the Carib and the Taino. The Taino inhabited the area of the Dominican Republic under study. This identification was based on the Eurocentric biases of the time and is subject to considerable debate today (Hulme 1986; Deagan 2003; Curet 2006; Hofman et al. 2008, 18; Curet 2014; Anderson-Cordova 2017). Indeed, the very name “Taino” is problematic. The site of El Carril was no longer populated when Columbus arrived but the process by which the people of El Carril were supplanted by the people who had first contact with Europeans is however, unclear and it is not known with certitude if it was a history of conquest or one of evolution and assimilation.
It is known, however, that migration was a fundamental aspect of the Caribbean’s history. It is accepted that waves of migration occurred as people came from different parts of continental America. The first wave was of the Archaic people, a pre-ceramic culture, who came from Central America and settled Puerto Rico and Hispaniola (Ulloa Hung 2013).
Around 2500 BP, the Saladoid migrated from the Orinoco Delta, using the islands of the Lesser Antilles as steppingstones and areas of settlement, before eventually moving to the Greater Antilles and the Bahamas archipelago (Wilson 2007; Fitzpatrick 2015).
Through time, the Saladoid series developed into different sub-series of ceramics, some of which gradually evolved into the Ostionoid series (Hofman 1993; Keegan 2000) and other contemporary series, one of which would eventually develop into the Chicoid style of ceramic. The Meillacoid series seems to be more closely related to the Archaic people who were already well established in Hispaniola and Cuba (Veloz Maggiolo, 1991; Rouse, 1992; Keegan 1994). Indeed, the decoration they used has been associated with marks associated with basketry and other Archaic traditions (Rouse 1951; 1992; Wilson 2007).
Recent studies (Hofman et al. 2001; Fitzpatrick 2015, 324) on mobility and exchange in the Caribbean suggest that El Carril was by no means isolated. Its people certainly had contact with the nearby El Flaco and with coastal settlements. That ceramics of Chicoid and Ostionoid origin were discovered at El Carril in 2018 (Hofman et al. 2018, 10) confirms direct contact, if not formal trade, with other neighbouring groups and suggests indirect contact with groups further afield. It is thought that contacts were established throughout the region by small-scale
11
groups of explorers exchanging goods and ideas rather than by large-scale migrations of people.
2.2. Meillacoid society
2.2.1. Migration to the Bahamas and Turks and Caicos
The Meillacoid originated in Haiti and the North-Eastern part of the Dominican Republic (Rouse 1939; Veloz Maggiolo et al. 1981 in Sinelli 2013, 221) and are named after the type- site of Meillac in northern Haiti.
At its greatest extent, the Meillacoid world covered not only the homeland in Hispaniola but reached the Bahamas, Turks and Caicos, Jamaica, and parts of Cuba. Meillacoid ceramics have been found in both Cuba and Jamaica (Sinelli 2013, 222). Other Hispaniolan products were also found such as certain sub-species of hutias (LeFebvre et al.2018, 4).
Migration of the people bearing Meillacoid ceramics started around the 9th century (Ross et al.2019). By the mid-12th century, migration to the Bahamas and the Turk and Caicos had exploded. It is theorised that people migrated to these archipelagos to exploit the marine resources available. In some coastal sites found in the Turks and Caicos archipelago, some shell middens, primarily of conch, are over 40 meters long, indicating that the maritime resources were exploited and processed there on a large scale (Veloz Maggiolo et al. 1981 in Sinelli 2013, 228) to be exported to Hispaniola (Keegan et al. 2008; Sinelli 2013, 228). There is also other evidence that the people who migrated to the Bahamas remained in contact with the population on Hispaniola (Sinelli 2001, 2010, 2013). Some Meillacoid ceramics found in the Bahamas (Keegan 2000, 150; Keegan et al. 2008, 648) appear to be from Hispaniola as their raw materials are only found there. Some of the earliest Meillacoid sites in these archipelagos are believed to have been seasonal sites, that people occupied while they gathered and processed maritime resources before taking them back to Hispaniola (Keegan et al. 2008; Sinelli 2013, 228)
The Meillacoid use of mounds for agricultural purposes (Hofman et al. 2018, 209; Pagan Jiménez et al. 2020) may have caused the population to grow exponentially (Sinelli 2013, 224) but in the mid-11th century particularly, there was a period of unreliable and colder weather in the Caribbean therefore creating some push and pull factors as it became necessary to feed the extensive population (Sinelli 2013, 228).
12
2.2.2. Social organisation
The migrations are evidence of a certain level of social stratification. Both migration and the construction of mounds point to the presence of some form of authority (Sinelli 2013, 227). Indeed, these projects are time consuming and must be carefully planned and executed. There is evidence of the existence of chieftains, as some houses contained far more materials. Migration may also have led to the creation of a sea-fearing elite.
2.2.3. Ceramics and Irving Rouse
The Meillacoid ceramics were first described by Irving Rouse in the 1930’s, who named the series after the Meillac site in Haiti where it was first found. Rouse classified it as an offshoot of the Ostionoid style and culture. Meillac is near the Dominican border and lies approximately 70km from El Carril.
Rouse had developed a framework for looking at the development of Caribbean culture based on the geographic distribution and dating of different styles of ceramics (Rouse 1944; Peret et al. 2013, 247). His model remains influential, but it largely ignores the methods by which ceramics were produced – the chaîne opératoire. Looking at the chaîne opératoire could provide as much information about cultural development as simply looking at the style of ceramics produced.
Much of the criticism of Rouse’s model is that it is based in the cultural history framework (Peret et al. 2013, 244). This archaeological movement has not seen much use since the development of processual archaeology. It is based on categorising cultures rather than examining how cultures have evolved and offers a simplistic view of past cultures (Card 2013, 4) and the geographical areas where they were present (Pestle et al. 2013, 255). Furthermore, viewing archaeological cultures through that lens can lead to a neo-evolutionary perspective of the past (Peret et al. 2013, 255).
The Meillacoid style was considered to be a subseries of the Ostionoid style (Curet 2014, 236). However, new evidence and research has put into question the links that have been established between Meillacoid ceramics and other styles linked to the Saladoid. Indeed, research on the stylistic and manufacturing aspects of Meillacoid ceramics found little evidence of a link between Meillacoid ceramics and the ceramic styles associated with the Saladoid and Ostionoid series (Wilson 2007, 100; Sinelli 2013, 3). The form of the ceramics did not match, and the type of decoration matched in neither style nor execution. Decorated
13
Meillacoid ceramics are characterised by thin incisions made whilst the paste is wet (Rouse 1941). These decorations are sometimes present in the form of crosshatch (Rouse 1941) similar to Archaic decorations of stone bowls (Sinelli 2013, 222). This is very much in line with most of the ceramics that will be discussed in this thesis.
2.3. Evidence of continuity
There are several schools of thought regarding the origins of the Taino, and which cultures influenced them. The prevalent thinking is that the Chicoid migrated to Meillacoid regions and absorbed or supplanted the Meillacoid, as Chicoid ceramics are often found in association with Meillacoid ceramic in the ‘Taino’ region (Sinelli 2013, 223; Curet 2014, 480). This is due to the Rouse classification of ceramics, established in the 1930’s, which asserts that Taino ceramics were based exclusively on Chicoid ceramic styles which supplanted Meillacoid styles and techniques.
However, this belief has been put into question over recent years. Indeed, there is mounting evidence of cultural continuity between the Meillacoid and the Taino, the most significant being the Taino’s organisation of their ‘villages’ which followed Meillacoid patterns in constructing circular dwellings and using mounds for agricultural practices (Sinelli 2013, 229).
It is difficult to draw definite conclusions about social organisation of the Meillacoid from the archaeological record other than some evidence of social stratification (Sinelli 2013, 226) but we know from historical records the Taino had defined social classes (Wilson 2007, 110), so an evolution of the social stratification might have occurred.
It is suggested that certain Archaic influences remained in the Taino which would appear to confirm some continuity of Archaic influences passing through the Meillacoid (Sinelli 2013, 224). El Carril dates from the twelfth century and a small number of Chicoid ceramics were also found at the site which suggests that there was already contact with the other cultures which would eventually create the Taino (Sinelli 2013, 229).
The changes ostensibly visible in the archaeological record are the introduction of the Chicoid style of ceramic (Sinelli 2013, 229), some stone tools and the introductions of ball courts, called bateys (Wilson 2007, 120). Of course, there is also a possibility of radical changes in the belief systems or cultural traditions (Oliver 2009), but these changes would be hard to spot in the archaeological remains.
14
3. El Carril
El Carril is a Meillacoid site in Valverde Province, in the north of the Dominican Republic. It lies in the Cibao valley in the foothills on the southern side of the Northern Cordillera at an elevation of 415m above sea level. It is approximately 25km from the north coast but reaching the coast would require 6- to 7-hour trek over the cordillera. The site was excavated in 2017, 2018 and 2019 by Leiden University for the ERC-synergy Nexus 1492 project (Hofman et al. 2018, 200-216 ; Hofman. and Ulloa Hung 2019, 95-115; Rojas, Perez Iglesias and Guarch Rodriguez 2019, 83-89). The site covers 13.3ha and is 2 kilometres from El Flaco, another site excavated by Leiden University in 2015 and 2016 (Hoffman et al. 2018, 8). Another site, La Luperona, is also nearby.
Charcoal was found and sampled in different parts of the site which when subject to C14 dating, indicated that the site had been inhabited between the 10th and 14th centuries, with a main occupation from around AD 1100 to 1300 (Hofman et al. 2018, 27).
The site was first surveyed in the 1950’s by Emile de Boyrie Moya . This initial survey identified 40 burial mounds (Hofman et al. 2016, 20) The site was explored further in the 70’s by Marcio Veloz Maggiolo, Elpídio Ortega, Angel Caba Fuentes (Hofman et al. 2016, 20). They estimated the site to be 53,000m2. The aerial photographs they produced showed levelled areas surrounded with 125 anthropogenic mounds (Hoffman et al. 2018, 10). However, a pedestrian survey conducted by Leiden University found only 102 mounds (Hoffman et al. 2018, 16). This suggests that either the original photographs were misinterpreted and/or that mounds had been destroyed in the interim – perhaps by agricultural land use.
The stratigraphy of the site was established through one excavation unit on one of the mounds (Veloz Maggiolo et al. 1981). They found a layer of seashell and soil 10cm thick, on top of a layer of ash, with a limestone layer which overlapped the ash. Under it, a layer, 30cm thick, of soil was found. Finally, a layer of limestone rock was found. The majority of ceramic finds in the test unit were Meillacoid sherds, with some Chicoid finds in the upper layers and Ostionoid sherds at the bottom (Veloz Maggiolo et al. 1981).
15
During the excavation seasons mentioned, the site was surveyed with drone imagery, and subject to an extensive pedestrian survey. The mounds were measured and mapped using GPS (van Dijk 2019). 25 mounds were excavated in 2017 and 15 more in 2018 (Hofman et al. 2018, 15). Excavations continued in 2019, and 18 units were excavated on the mounds (Hofman et al. 2019, 15).The mounds were excavated in units of 2x2 meters. All layers were mapped and drawn, and the stratigraphy of the mounds was studied. Core samples were also taken from those mounds that were not excavated to examine their stratigraphy (Hofman et al. 2018, 15). Some of the mounds were more than 2m high.
During the excavation of the mounds, it became apparent that whilst some mounds were full of archaeological artefacts and traces, others only contained a few artefacts. Hearths were found in several mounds within the levelled area, all between the 3rd and 5th layers. The ash is indicative of short-term stoves situated on the mounds’ embankments. (Hofman et al. 2018, 25). Large sherds of griddle (Hofman et al. 2018, 19) were found in association with some of the hearths excavated, demonstrating that the mounds had a cooking function and possibly suggestive they were also used for firing ceramics. There were large quantities of ash.
The mounds appear to have had a wider range of uses, from trash or compost heaps, to cooking areas. It has also been theorised that they could have had a defensive quality. Many of the mounds seem to have had an agricultural function as they increased the surface area available for cultivation and, being comprised in large part of ash and composted organic materials, they would have been nutrient-rich.
Paleo-botanic research on samples taken from a wide range of places such as in the soil surrounding the hearths, ceramic and griddle sherds and on core samples from the mounds was conducted to analyse the phytoliths present within them. Phytolith analysis of samples revealed traces of maize (cobs and leaves), palm, squash and plants related to arrowroot (tubers) and provided an indication of the type of plants being grown and managed by the indigenous population of El Carril, such as cassava, maize, squash, chili peppers and cacao (Pagan-Jimenez et al. 2020,). Not all food plants would have been cultivated, however, as they could be gathered in the wild.
This allowed for a differentiation to be made between agricultural mounds and other types of mounds.
Seashells (mussels, oysters, crab) coral and fish bones were also found in the mounds (Hofman et al. 2018, 25) and are indicative of these pre-Colombian Caribbean people’s connection with the sea. Either they would make the trip to the coast themselves which would be an arduous trek of at least 6 hours over the mountain, or they had an exchange network with the people living closer to the coast (Hofman et al. 2018, 25). The existence of shells and bones indicate that seafood and fish formed an important part of the diet in El Carril and
16
suggests they had mastered some preservation techniques - for example salting, drying, smoking or a combination of these - allowing the seafood to arrive at El Carril unspoiled. Animal bones were also found including those of fish, reptiles, and amphibians – notably iguanas and turtles, birds, and small mammals such as huitas, a cavy-like rodent (Hofman et al. 2018, 46;), which supplemented the diet.
Human inhumations were also found at the site. In 2018, 4 individuals were found, three of whom were found in a large mound close to the modern-day cemetery used by people of the region (Hofman et al. 2018, 18), and 6 more were found in that same sector in 2019 (Hofman et al. 2019, 2). The individuals were interred in varied positions, and there is significant evidence of post-inhumation modifications of the remains. Indeed, in multiple cases the skulls were removed, and long bones were moved (Hofman et al. 2019, 21).
The burials in the mounds, as well as the modifications of the remains show that some of the mounds had a ritual purpose and were probably connected to a complex form of ancestor worship (Hofman et al. 2019, 21).
The presence of mounds is indicative of large-scale manipulation of the environment. This level of landscape management is indicative of a complex society.
3.2.The levelled areas
The levelled areas of the site were also excavated in units of various sizes, ranging from 4x4m to 10mx14m. These areas were excavated to the level of the bedrock – invariably 40cm in depth - which revealed the imprints of postholes. Some of the larger ones held stones which would have secured the wooden posts. These postholes are indicative of circular housing structures (Hofman et al. 2018, 21). The sheer number of postholes as well as their placement indicates that the buildings remained in the same area for an extended period, even if they were sometimes rebuilt or renovated (Hofman et al. 2018, 21). The excavation was carried out in squares of 1m2 and arbitrary layers of 10 centimetres. As the name indicates, it is believed that the levelled area was manually created, to create an area better suited to the construction of dwellings and other buildings (Hofman et al. 2019, 14).
3.3. Materials
The excavations revealed a wide range of materials. Ceramic and griddles, retouched stone tools, seashells, animal bone of various types as well as coral. Over 300kg of ceramics were found in 2018 (Hofman et al. 2018, 19). Similar amounts of ceramics were found in El Flaco
17
(Hofman et al. 2016, 11) and in El Carril in 2017 and 2019 (Hofman et al. 2017, 22; Hofman et al. 2019, 28)
Most of the decorated ceramics found at the site are consistent with the Meillacoid style but some sherds of the Ostionoid and Chicoid series were also found. It is known that ceramic sherds with both Ostionoid and Chicoid characteristics were found at El Carril (Hofman et al. 2018, 10). It is impossible to tell if this means there was direct, or merely indirect, contact with the people who produced the Ostionoid and/or Chicoid ceramics. There were also some ceramics (1736/2, 1773/7) which displayed signs of a Meillacoid/Chicoid hybridisation at the stylistic level (Ting et al. 2016, 378) . The provenance of these hybrid forms, and the chaîne opératoire associated with them, is not yet known. Several possibilities exist: either the Ostionoid- and Chicoid-style ceramics were produced elsewhere and were the object of trade or the container in which other goods were traded; or people making Ostionoid and Chicoid ceramics moved to El Carril and produced ceramics there (itinerant craftspeople or larger migration is a matter for speculation at this point); or local producers attempted to imitate Ostionoid and Chicoid styles (Silliman 2013, 488; Sinelli 2013, 223). In the first case it would be likely that the raw materials would have been sourced from far away; in the second case it is probable that local clay were used but that the chaîne opératoire would be different and in the third there would be indications that an essentially Meillacoid chaîne opératoire had been used to produce stylistically different vessels.
Many of the decorated ceramics could not be fitted neatly in these categories and are considered to be hybridised forms of the different styles of ceramic present in the Caribbean before the arrival of Christopher Columbus (Hofman et al. 2018, 21).
One of the more interesting aspect of Caribbean ceramics is the presence of adornos, small lumps of clay modelled in the shape of animals such as, among others, turtles, and bats, which were attached to vessels (Hofman et al. 2018, 86). They usually come in pairs and could function as lugs or have a purely decorative function. Many of them were found at the site, including some that showed evidence of being reworked after the vessel to which they had first been attached had broken.
Given that El Carril was significantly larger than El Flaco (Hofman et al. 2017; 2018; 2019) it may have been a site visited by people from the wider area for any number of purposes including trade. It is possible that within the Meillacoid culture local variations in the chaîne opératoire existed even if they produced stylistically similar vessels but against this is the notion that the manufacture of ceramics would be learned within a community, passed from one generation to another, and therefore subject to local traditions which could be strong.
18
Would the people of El Carril adopt new more efficient techniques or would they be resistant to change?
Petrofabric analysis (and complementary chaîne opératoire analysis) would also help determine the type of assemblage present at El Carril (Ting et al. 2016). Indeed, depending on if there is a wide range of petrofabric groups or not, it would help determine if the assemblage is heterogenous or homogenous, simple or complex (Roux and Courty 2016, 290-296). This could offer some answers about the role of El Carril in the wider region, especially if contrasted to the petrofabric groups of sites like La Luperona or El Flaco and sites further away. For example if the assemblage is found to be complex heterogenous, it could mean that El Carril was a site significant enough to be used as a gathering location (Roux and Courty 2016, 294); If it is complex homogenous, it could indicate that different social groups lived in El Carril (Roux and Courty 2016, 292).
19
4. Chaîne opératoire
4.1. Why use it ?
The idea of studying the chaîne opératoire of archaeological artefacts dates to the 1950’s. It was first used on lithic artefacts from the Palaeolithic by French archaeologists and anthropologists. It became more popular in the 1970’s (Roux and Courty 2016, 15; Delage 2017, 158) and is now widely used by pre-historians.
It is based on the idea that the use of techniques is the result of a learning process and that instruction of new potters was accomplished by experienced potters from within the same social group. As such, new potters would replicate the techniques used by their instructor, which includes everything, from how the clay is first processed, to the gestures and tools used, as well as how the vessels are decorated and fired (Roux and Courty 2016, 19; Manem 2020). “Social group” may refer to a wide variety of possible groups: a family, a tribe, an ethnicity, an ethno-linguistic group, a professional group, etc. (Roux 2015, 102; Roux and Courty 2016, 20). Because technical traditions are learned from generation to generation, they are likely to remain static for longer periods of time, and will only evolve if new techniques are introduced, as a result of migration or invasion, or the invention of new, more efficient techniques (Roux and Courty 2016, 348). Whereas a stylistic approach to ceramics helps archaeologists understand trends and demands for ceramic vessels, the study of chaîne opératoire gives clues to the social organisation of the group (Roux 2015, 103; Roux and Courty 2016, 20; Manem 2020).
Furthermore, it can also help us identify ceramics, which are stylistically similar, or even identical, but were made by different social groups (Manem 2020), and this can be useful in establishing the geographical limits of social groups. In that regard, it can also be of use, when trying to map ancient networks, as well as identifying sites which were a meeting point of different social groups (Roux and Courty 2016, 362).
It is based on the study and identification of micro and macro-traces resulting from the manufacturing process to identify the pre-forming, forming, surface finishing and decoration methods used (Roux and Courty 2016, 21).
20
Micro-traces may be compared to existing databases of traces, usually resulting from experimental archaeology. If a sherd presents one or more traces that are diagnostic of a certain technique, then it can be assumed that that technique was used (Roux and Courty 2016, 167). Once the techniques are identified, a chaîne opératoire can be mapped.
4.1.1 Anthropological interpretation
Assemblages
Ceramic assemblages can be classified as being heterogeneous or homogeneous, both categories having their own subdivisions.
Heterogeneous assemblages are characterised by different chaînes opératoires being present at the same site. Depending on the variability of the chaîne opératoire (Roux 2015, 109; Roux and Courty 2016, 293), these heterogeneous assemblages can be considered simple or complex. Simple heterogenous assemblages are characterised by having a low variability of chaînes opératoires which are not correlated to different vessel function and of different petrographic groups (Roux and Courty 2016, 293). Complex heterogenous assemblages are characterised as having a high variability of chaîne opératoire which are not correlated to different vessel function and of different petrographic groups (Roux and Courty 2016, 294). These types of assemblages are indicative of exchange between people of the site and of the wider regional area that surrounds the site. This type of assemblage can be the result of the site being used as a gathering place, a marketplace, or a ceremonial centre (Roux 2015, 109; Roux and Courty 2016, 294).
Simple homogenous assemblages are characterised by having a single chaîne opératoire and a low variability of petrographic groups. Any differences of chaîne opératoire in the assemblages can be attributed to different vessel function (Roux and Courty 2016, 290). They are indicative of homogenous social groups (Manem 2008). Complex homogenous assemblages are characterised by different chaînes opératoires being used at a site, with variants of said chaînes opératoires being the result of different function attributed to the vessels(Roux and Courty 2016, 292). The petrographic groups are homogenous but can exhibit some variability (Roux and Courty 2016, 292). This suggest that the ceramics found at one site, were made by different social groups with their own technical traditions, who nevertheless, lived in close enough proximity to each other and they used the same clay sources (Roux and Courty 2016, 292).
21 Diffusion
Roux attempts to provide a theoretical framework for the anthropological interpretation of chaînes opératoires by thinking in terms of zones which she describes as “central”, “peripheral” and “distanced”.
The “central” zone refers to a geographical area in which ceramics are produced and used following a local tradition, and using local sources of clay, often at the level of domestic units (Roux and Courty 2016, 334). She points to four cases of central zone production. In the first case, there is little evidence to support the notion that there is a distinction between producers and consumers of ceramics who are essentially the same people. Roux suggests that the production of ceramics in such a zone would be widely practiced within the community, local raw materials would be used, the chaîne opératoire and the functional and stylistic range of the vessels would belong to the locality (Roux and Courty 2016, 334).
Roux goes on to suggest that a second type of production within a central zone might be characterised by the emergence of a specialist minority of potters who might be expected to produce more specialist and “prestigious” articles which, whilst still using local materials, would have different forms, a more sophisticated chaîne opératoire and a more restricted market for special events such as marriages (Roux and Courty 2016, 334).
A third type of production suggested is characterised by local materials but a chaîne opératoire and a functional and stylistic range which come from elsewhere. Roux suggests that this could result from artisans relocating from one area to another and working alongside, but separately, from local producers (Roux and Courty 2016, 334).
The fourth case would be characterised by the use of both local materials and those from a wider region. The chaîne opératoire and the form and decor of ceramics would be similar at a regional, rather than local level. Roux postulates that this case could be the result of itinerant artisans moving from place to place(Roux and Courty 2016, 334).
The peripheral and distanced zones refer to areas where ceramics have been found which appear not to have been produced there (Roux and Courty 2016, 336). Such zones could be identified by findings of a particular type being a minority of total finds, by such findings appearing to be part of a specialised repertoire or of an isolated type or by such finds recurring over time. Roux argues that ceramics from a peripheral zone may be found either as a result of those ceramics themselves being the object of trade or as a result of them being used for the transport and storage of other goods being traded (Roux and Courty 2016, 337).
22
4.2 The manufacturing processes
The manufacturing of ceramic vessels must be thought of as a series of steps. First, the acquisition and processing of the ceramic paste, then, in order, the roughing-out of the vessel, the preforming, the surface treatment and finishing, the decorating, the drying and the firing (Roux and Courty 2016, 17-18; Manem 2020).
For the sake of brevity, I will only discuss in detail those manufacturing steps that are relevant to this thesis, which are roughing out, pre-forming, surface treatment and decorating.
Fashioning techniques can be differentiated depending on the source of energy used: techniques with or without rotary kinetic energy (abbreviated RKE). As there is no evidence of the use of throwing wheels in my assemblage, I will focus on the fashioning techniques without kinetic rotary energy (RKE).
4.2.1. Roughing-Out
There are eight roughing-out techniques without RKE, and these fall into two categories: those where elements were assembled and those where a mass of clay was used (Roux and Courty 2016, 79). These two categories can be further divided depending on whether pressure or percussion was used.
There are four roughing-out techniques with assembled elements: The coiling technique, a pressure technique which includes joining coils by pinching, spreading, and drawing and the slab technique, a technique which uses percussion in the fashioning of slabs (Roux and Courty 2016, 80-84).
23
The coiling technique consists in roughing-out vessels or parts of vessels by layering coils. A coil is a roll of clay obtained by rolling clay between the palms or on a flat surface with both palms (Roux and Courty 2016, 83). They have variable lengths and diameters. The processes of placing and thinning the coils can be categorised as pinching, spreading, or drawing (Roux and Courty 2016, 80). Pinching consists of placing the coil on the edge of the previous one, or astride of it, and then joining them with the thumb and fingers on either side of the coil (Roux and Courty 2016, 80). Spreading consists of placing the coil against the previous one and flattening it by horizontal discontinuous pressure, on the other wall while the other hand supports the exterior or interior wall. Drawing consists in stretching one or several large coils vertically with discontinuous symmetric pressure. These techniques affect how the coils join each other (Fig 1.) and can result in preferential fractures (Fig 8.) , which help us to identify the techniques used (Roux and Courty 2016, 83, 188).
The slab technique consists in roughing-out vessels or parts of vessels made from large coils or lumps which are flattened and whose ends are joined. The slab technique can be used to manufacture large and small vessels. The slabs are either thinned to varying degrees, depending on their thickness, or are simply shaped. The procedure of joining slabs is identical to that of coils (Roux and Courty 2016,84), although it can occur vertically.
The roughing out techniques on clay mass are modelling, hammering, and moulding.
Modelling is often used for shaping small recipients. Modelling by drawing consists in forming the walls of a recipient by thinning a lump of clay vertically from the bottom to the top. It is also referred to as drawing from a lump of clay or hollowing from a lump of clay. (Roux and Courty 2016, 87).
The hammering technique consists of roughing out a hollow volume from a clay mass by percussion. There are two sorts of hammering: convergent and divergent. Convergent hammering consists in hammering a clay mass from the periphery toward the centre, and conversely, divergent hammering consists in hammering from the centre toward the periphery (Roux and Courty 2016, 87).
Figure 1: top left: horizontal or u-shaped Joints, top right : bevelled joints; bottom: alternate bevelled joints (Roux and Courty 2016,204)
24
Moulding consists in roughing-out and pre-forming recipients by spreading a clay mass onto a mould. The clay mass is progressively thinned by percussion, either directly on the mould or on the work plan or between the hands to obtain a clay slab which is then stamped (placed and pressed) into the mould. Anti-adhesive matter is sprinkled over the mould, which can sometimes be seen in the archaeological record. Different procedures exist for joining two moulded parts (Roux and Courty 2016, 88). As with coiling, the joining methods can also result in preferential fractures.
4.2.2. Preforming
Pre-forming techniques are intended to give the recipient its final form. Different techniques are applied to wet paste and leather-hard paste, and each of these groups is divided into pressure and percussion techniques. In total there are seven pre-forming techniques without RKE (Roux and Courty 2016, 91).
Pre-forming wet paste without RKE.
Pre-forming by pressure comprises scraping and shaping.
Scraping consists of shaping the walls by pushing them and profiling them with a hard tool. It can be done to the inner and/or outer faces of the recipients. As the clay is moved, this results in an irregular topography (Roux and Courty 2016, 92). For shaping, pressure is applied to shape the edge of the recipients by placing it between the thumb and the index finger, with a moist soft tool (e.g., textile) placed across the edge. The continuous movement is obtained by turning the hand, turning around the recipient, or pivoting the recipient (Roux and Courty 2016, 92). Pre-forming wet paste by percussion consists of beating the outer surface of recipients with a paddle. The aim is to profile the walls, the base, or the edges. Sometimes a counter paddle is used placed at the same height as the paddle, on the inner surface (Roux and Courty 2016, 92).
25 Pre-forming Leather-Hard Paste Without RKE
The pre-forming techniques on leather-hard clay are pushing, shaving -which are pressure based and paddling and hammering -which are percussion based (Roux and Courty 2016, 91).
Pushing consists of applying pressure against the inner wall with a vertical movement in order to thin and curve it progressively. The exterior hand can be used as a support.
Shaving consists of removing chips of leather-hard paste with a cutting tool. The aim is to thin the walls and give the recipient its definitive form. It generally concerns the lower parts of recipients (Roux and Courty 2016, 96).
Beating leather-hard paste is also called paddling. It consists of beating recipient walls with a beating tool placed on the outer face of the recipients. The goal is to profile or thin and reshape the recipients (Roux and Courty 2016, 96).
Hammering leather-hard paste consists in hammering the inner walls or the bases of recipients with a hammer on an anvil support or on a work plane. Unlike beating, no counter-paddle is used for hammering. The aim is to thin the lower walls and the base of the recipient (Roux and Courty 2016, 98).
4.2.3. Finishing
Finishing operations are carried out after the shaping of the preform and before the surface treatments or decorative operations. Finishing techniques are classified according to two parameters: the degree of hygrometry and the type of pressure used (Roux and Courty 2016, 125).
26
On wet paste, the smoothing method is often used, which aligns the elements in the paste and results in an evened-out upper layer of clay. Leather-hard clay is often brushed and then smoothed. In both cases the upper layer of paste is moistened, and a tool is used to remove tempers and smooth the vessel (Roux and Courty 2016, 126-127).
4.2.4. Surface Treatment
Surface treatment consists of transforming the inner and/or outer surface of recipients. They are applied to unfired leather-hard and dry pastes and to fired pastes. The transformation occurs by friction or coating. The aim can be decorative or utilitarian or both. Surface treatments affect the permeability of the inner and/or outer surfaces of recipients and their resistance to abrasion (Roux and Courty 2016, 129). On cooking pots, they are conducive to a more progressive increase in temperature and a better resistance to thermal shocks. Coating techniques are similarly executed, but the final result depends on the material used for coating. It can be clay, which will apply a thin layer of ceramic which will result in an englobed or slipped vessel (Roux and Courty 2016, 129). Vessels can also be coated in organic materials, which can affect the permeability of the vessels. The vessels can also be coated in silica rich Figure 3: surface treatments by friction: T.L: softened
surface using a tool and additional water; T.R.: smoothed surfaces with burnished stripe; B.L.: Burnishing traces on hammered paste; B.R.: scalloped edge facet created during burnishing (Roux and Courty 2016, 241) Figure 2: Figure 2: smoothed surfaces without ECR (Roux and Courty 2016, 237)
27
mixtures, usually with flux to lower the melting point of the silica. When fired, this leads to a glazed vessel. Glazes are used to both decorate and make the vessels impermeable to water (Roux and Courty 2016, 132-134).
Surface treatment by friction is carried out on pastes with varying degrees of hygrometry. The main goal of these treatments is to compact the superficial layer.
Three techniques can be differentiated: softening, burnishing, and shining. Softening corresponds to a friction action on leather-hard paste with a rigid tool and a continuous water input. Unlike the two other friction techniques, softening does not make the paste shine. Burnishing corresponds to a friction action on leather-hard to dry clay with a rigid tool and without water. Burnishing can be partial; in which case the shine is only present on parts of the vessel. Shining is similar to burnishing but is carried out with a soft tool (Roux and Courty 2016, 129-130). These operations can result in over thickness of different kinds(Roux and Courty 2016, 187).
4.2.5. Decoration
Decorative techniques are divided into surface decorations and impressed or relief decorations. These different decorations can be combined on the same vessel. As their name indicates, decorative techniques are intended to decorate recipients, although some decorations might have utilitarian functions as well, as is the case with separate elements, which can be used as handles for example (Roux and Courty 2016, 144).
Painting is the main surface decoration technique. It can be made from a mixture of fine clay, oxides, and pigments, using the same recipe as slips or by directly diluting oxides and pigments in water. The paints can be applied before or after firing (Roux and Courty 2016,137).
Decorative hollow and relief techniques are classified according to the physical methods used to obtain the decorations. There are five main families of decorative techniques: hollow techniques including decoration by impression, incision, and excision and relief techniques
Figure 4:imbossed and incised decorations: Top: incised on wet paste; Middle : incised on leather hard clay; Bottom : Paddled on leather-hard clay (Roux and Courty 2016, 245).
28
including decoration by the application of separate elements and surface modelling (Roux and Courty 2016, 141-144).
Impression consists in obtaining a decoration by pressing a hard object against the clay paste or by pressing the clay paste against a hard object (Roux and Courty 2016, 141).
Incision is the action of drawing patterns with linear movements. If we consider the state of the paste on which the incisions are made and the movements applied to make the incisions, we distinguish four incision techniques. (Roux and Courty 2016, 143).
Simple incisions consist of cutting an incision on the vessel following a continuous or discontinuous linear movement. A series of parallel concentric incisions made with a continuous linear movement gives a “combed” or “grooved” surface. Pivoting incisions consists of making an incision on the vessel, using an instrument with at least two teeth: one end serves as a pivot, whereas the second incises the clay paste in a circular arc. Scraping consists in scraping the dry clay paste with a cutting tool or an abrasive in order to obtain a coarser surface. It can be applied partially to vessels for a contrasting effect. Engraving consists in engraving the decoration on fired pottery, with linear movements (Roux and Courty 2016, 144).
Decoration by the application of separate elements is done on wet paste or paste subject to a first drying. They are either sculpted before being applied, or a clay mass is applied and then moulded. These elements can be very diversified: cordon, pastille, knob, mamelon, and complex floral decoration. In the site of El Carril, many of these added elements were found, most of which were carved in the likeness of animals, and some were decorated with incisions (Roux and Courty 2016, 144).
4.3. Micro and macro traces
4.3.1. Macro traces
Macro-traces are those that can be seen with the naked eye without the aid of a microscope. Various aspects of ceramic sherds can be studied for macro-traces as follows:
29
The “relief” is the result of the different forces applied to the clay during the manufacturing process and includes both the “topography” and the “profile” of the sherds examined (Roux and Courty 2016, 182-183).
Profiles may be either regular or irregular: a regular profile is one where the thickness of the vessel is the same from the base to the rim, or alternatively, where the thickness gradually decreases. An irregular profile is one where the thickness is varied throughout the vessel, (Roux and Courty 2016, 183).
The topography of a vessel may be regular, discontinuous, or irregular. A regular topography designates a uniform relief with a continuous curve. A discontinuous topography refers to a relief where the curve is not constant and where multiple planes can be identified, while an irregular topography is characterised by hollows and protrusions (Fig. 6). These may include depressions, fissures, crevices, cracks (Fig. 8), and imprints and can also be used to help identify the chaîne opératoire, as they result from the manufacturing process (Roux and Courty 2016, 183). For example, depressions and imprints are often fingerprints left during the
pre-Figure 5: Hollows: T.L. : vertical depressions; T.R.: crevices; B.L.: concentric fissures; B.R..: figure imprints (Roux and Courty 2016, 185)
Figure 6: over thickness due to the joining of coils (Roux and Courty 2016, 188)
30
forming or forming of a vessel, while cracks occurs on vessels made of composite elements, at the borders of those elements.
The protrusions like bumps result from unequal pressure being applied to the walls. Over-thicknesses point to a movement of the clay paste during joining, pre-forming, or finishing operations, whilst regularly spaced internal concentric over-thicknesses indicate an inner apposition of coils (Fig. 7). Compression folds are obtained by the compression of the wall (Roux and Courty 2016,185). The types of fracture can also provide information on the fashioning techniques and on the procedures used to join the assembled elements. The orientation of fractures can also be helpful in determining the roughing-out techniques, depending on whether they are preferential or random.
Fractures may be classified as straight, arched (U-shaped or rounded), or bevelled (Fig. 8) (Roux and Courty 2016, 188).
4.3.2. Micro-Traces
The descriptive parameters of the surface of a recipient are the colour, shine, granularity, microtopography, and striation (Roux and Courty 2016, 188).
The colour of a clayey surface can be classified into broad categories differentiating between an oxidising atmosphere and a reduction atmosphere (pale colour versus dark) and between a homogeneous and heterogeneous colour (presence of more or less dark colour stains linked to firing) (Roux and Courty 2016, 188).
The shine defines a matt or shiny surface. Shine can result from technical operations (burnishing, shining, polishing). When it results from technical operations, it
Figure 8: types of fractures: Top: U-shaped; Middle: rounded; Bottom : bevelled (Roux and Courty 2016, 188)
31
is described in terms of the degree of shine and its extension on the recipient. In the case of El Carril, sherds often presented traces of burnishing. Such operations often leave traces on
the micro-relief of the sherds, and these traces can inform us on the many variables used in the manufacturing process, such as the degree of hygrometry of the clay at the time of these operations, as well as the tools used for these procedures. The micro relief can be described as either smooth or irregular (Roux and Courty 2016, 191).
If the micro relief is described as smooth, the surface is fluidified or compact, depending on the degree of hygrometry of the vessels at the time of manufacture. Fluidified refers to a fluidified film of clay covering the surface and is observed on pastes worked while wet with added water, while if it is compact, the pastes were worked by pressure while leather-hard or by percussion when wet or leather-hard (Fig. 9) (Roux and Courty 2016, 191).
An irregular micro-relief is characterised by the presence of striations, which are the result of the application of a tool to the clay. These striations can be described in terms of dimensions, layout, and micro-relief. The dimensions relate to the size of the striations and can be indicative of the tool used, whereas the layout refers to the orientations of striations. The micro-relief refers to the edges and bottom of the striations and is often indicative of the level of hygrometry of the paste. The bottoms of striations either present a fluidified or a compact surface and which indicate a wet or leather-hard paste, respectively (Roux and Courty 2016, 191).
Figure 9: surface microtopography. T.L: smoothed fluidified; T.R.: irregular; B.L..: smoothed compacted (Roux and Courty 2016, 191)
32
The edge morphology of striations (Fig. 10 and Fig. 11) depends on the degree of hygrometry of the paste as well as the type of tool, they are :Threaded edges which are characterised by a trickle of clay slurry and form on wet paste with no added water; Ribbed edges which are characterised by a rib of clay slurry and form on wet paste or leather-hard paste with added water; Thickened edges which are characterised by varying degrees of thickening depending on the moisture content of the paste and the depth of the incision, and they appear as smears, crests, or bulges and form on wet paste; Scalloped edges, which form a line of contiguous arcs and are obtained by the movement of leather-hard paste; a scaled edges whose edges present an angular cut and micro-removals produced by incision on dry or leather-hard paste (Roux and Courty 2016, 192).
Other types of edges exist, but they have been observed on wet and leather-hard pastes, with a hard and flexible tool, and are therefore difficult to interpret with current research methods. (Roux and Courty 2016, 192)The micro-relief of incisions can present the same micro-relief characteristics as striations and can help us identify the degree of hygrometry of the clay paste at the time of these incisions were made (Roux and Courty 2016, 194).
The presence of grains (Fig. 12) in the clay paste and how they are found on sherds can also be evocative of different processes used in the manufacturing process. For example, inserted grains are found on vessels that were worked through percussion, while protruding grains,
Figure 11: Edges of striations: Top: scaled; Bottom left: irregular; Bottom right: Regular (Roux and Courty 2016, 193)
Figure 10: Edges of striations: Top: scaled; Bottom left: irregular; Bottom right: Regular (Roux and Courty 2016, 193)
33
which are grains that are exposed, signal that the clay shrank significantly during the drying period or that the vessel was coated after fashioning. (Roux and Courty 2016, 190). In some cases, the presence of grains could be considered as impurities, but they can also act as a temper.
Figure 12: Granularity: T.L. :Protruding grains; T.R.: fully covered grains; M.L.: partially covered grains; M.R.: floating grains; B.L.: inserted grains; B.R.:-micro pull-outs (Roux and Courty
34
5. Methodology
The methodology in this research was rather straightforward. The first step was to select the sherds to be analysed. Sherds were selected with Meillacoid decorations, from Units 35, 38, 39, 44 and 45. They are numbered in accordance with the numbering system of El Carril finds, which gives a find number to all artefacts found in a given square and layer. The pieces longer than 5cm were then given an additional number, to enable them to be entered in the ceramics database. Focus was given to the selection of rim sherds, as these were often the most likely to have been both decorated whilst also being large enough to study. That said, there are three body sherds in the collection studied: 2179/4, 2030/1 and 2180/1. Similarly, most of the sherds came from units 39, 44 and 45 which were units set on a row of mounds to the west of the levelled area. Most sherds came from mounds as this is where the larger ceramic sherds were often found. The five sherds that did not come from mounds, came out of unit 35. The sherds in question were looked at with the aid of a digital microscope. This helped to locate, identify, and photograph the micro traces present on the sherds. The interior, exterior and the cross sections were photographed that way. A digital camera photographed the sherds to record the macro-traces present. While photographing the sherds, a record was taken of the traces, as well as other information about the sherds such as the unit that they were excavated from, and the depth at which they were found.
Note was taken of the different attributes that can help to determine the chaîne opératoire. These were further separated into the exterior and interior parts of the sherds. Photographs were taken and notes recorded concerning the cross-sections and any appropriate information.
The goal was to establish the chaîne opératoire of the ceramics selected by following the methods outlined by Valentine Roux, as well as using Roux’s reference collection from her book ‘Des céramiques et des hommes’ to compare the micro traces found on the El Carril ceramics with the traces that are known to be due to a specific operation. Notes taken about the El Carril sherds were then compared to the available information in Roux’s work.
35
6. Results
6.1 Description of sherds
This section will focus on presenting a short description of each sherd studied, as well as offering some interpretations of the traces found. A table with a record of all macro- and micro- traces recorded during the analysis can be found in the appendix (Table 1).
2179/1
Figure 13 shows the decoration, the lower part showing a crosshatch pattern. There is no evidence of underlying striations, but its shiny finish indicates that the piece was burnished. On the edge of the oblique incisions there are burrs/ridges which indicate that the decorative incisions were made in wet paste (Roux and Courty 2016, 245). It is interesting to note that Figure 15: 2179/1 Bottom of
incision. (Davies V, 2018)
Figure 13: 2179/1 exterior side. (Davies V, 2018)
Figure 14: 2179/1 interior side (Davies V, 2018) Figure 16: 2179/1 Irregular Microtopography. (Davies V, 2018)
36
different amounts of pressure were used to create the decorative effect. The horizontal incisions are part of the rim, the crosshatch incisions are part of the body.
Figure 14 shows that this sherd has a discontinuous profile which can be seen from the interior topography in this photograph. This is typical of coiling and it is possible to discern the different coils (in orange) which are of more or less similar thickness – indicating that the artisans were capable of rolling coils with some precision. The fracture is random meaning that the vessels did not break along the join of two coils. As can be seen the sherd is uniformly grey-brown in colour. The colour is a function both the source of the clay and possibly the firing process. Figure 16 shows the irregular interior microtopography and some protruding and partially covered grains (red circle) (Roux and Courty 2016, 190). “Grains” mean small pieces of stone which can be considered as impurities in the clay and are indicative of pre-forming wet paste without additional water.
Figure 15 shows two incisions in greater detail. They are not uniform. It is not possible to indicate what sort of tool was used to make them. The bottoms of the incisions are smooth-fluidified which indicate the incision was made in wet paste using a drawing motion with the application of additional water (Roux and Courty 2016, 191).
2179/2
Figure 17: 2179/2: Exterior side. (Davies V, 2018)
Figure 20: 2179/2: Fissure. (Davies V, 2018)
Figure 18: 2179/2: Interior side (Davies V, 2018)
Figure 19: 2179/2: Cross-section. (Davies
V, 2018)
37
This piece was found in the same layer of the same mound as the previous piece. Unlike that
piece where the crosshatch pattern contained two opposing oblique lines, here (Fig. 17) the pattern is a vertical – oblique combination. There is a burr on the incisions indicating they were made in wet paste. The topography on the bottom section is irregular indicating that the decorative incisions were applied to an unburnished area. The top section of the sherd appears to have been burnished with irregularities which could be attributed to weathering. Figure 18 is view of the interior revealing extremely irregular topography. The rim – at the top of the picture – is the same diameter as the coils below it and fingerprints can be discerned indicating that digital pressure was applied to press the coils together.
Figure 19 shows the piece in cross-section and three coils can be identified, the top one having been tapered.
Figure 18 shows finger-sized depressions.
Figure 21 shows an interior crack probably due to the drying and/or the firing process being uneven. At the top of the picture there are signs of burnishing of the rim. Figure 22 shows the bottom of an incision with irregular microtopography. This indicates that the incision was made in wet paste (Roux and Courty 2016, 191).
Figure 21: 2179/2: Depressions. (Davies V, 2018)
Figure 22: 2179/2: Bottom of incision. (Davies V, 2018)
38 2179/4
Again, this piece was found in the same layer of the same mound as the others so far mentioned.
The crosshatch pattern (Fig. 23) consists of opposing oblique lines which do not cross each other, except in one place (probably a mistake).
The interior (Fig. 24) shows some traces of burnishing and some striations.
Figure 25 looks at the bottom of an incision and shows irregular microtopography – the incision was made in wet paste without added water.
Figure 23: 2179/4: Exterior side. (Davies V, 2018)
Figure 24: 2179/4: Interior side. (Davies V, 2018)
Figure 25: 2179/4: Bottom of incision. (Davies V, 2018)
