The relations between community and place : a case study of the Weissensee cemetery

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Tosca Sombroek

The relations

between community

and place

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1. Introduction

1.1 Introducing the subject

The Weissensee Jewish Cemetery in Berlin was once a thriving site where members of the Jewish community gathered to lay their relatives to rest, according to Jewish burial traditions. As each religion, Judaism is characterized by its historical path, which impacts how the Jewish religion and culture is desired to be preserved. The preservation of Jewish heritage is hereby strongly influenced by recent history, as many Jews were murdered by the Nazi regime in the Holocaust during World War II. After World War II, Jewish communities increasingly gathered and organized to recover from these disastrous events, by actively holding on to the Jewish identity (Shain & Barth, 2003). These organizations are characterized by their international structures, since many Jews left their residence in the Nazi-regime during and after the war.

In Berlin, before, during, and after World War II, the Jewish Community living there, suffered great losses with many members of the Jewish Community being murdered, forced to go into hiding or fleeing Nazi territory altogether. Beforehand, in the early twentieth century, the population of the Jewish Community had grown significantly. Most of these Jews originated from Eastern Europe, many of these Jews originating from Posen (nowadays Poland). Approaching the end of the 30’s, the size of the Jewish population in Berlin shrunk simultaneously with the threatening environments they encountered through the growing support of the antisemitic Nazi beliefs. With the ending of the war, many Jews that were still in Berlin and lucky to have survived the horrific genocide by the Nazis, emigrated to start a new life. Evidently, the Jewish Community of Berlin shifted from a flourishing organization with many members involved and institutions to manage, to a downsized community in great grief having to deal with the loss of many relatives and close friends.

Due to its historical path, with World War II as its most significant factor of change, the Jewish Community of Berlin was no longer able to maintain the level of organization needed to manage institutions as schools, medical services and cemeteries, to what they once were. On top of this, while emotional and economic recovery was still in process, the Jewish Community of Berlin endured another significant change. When Berlin was split up during the Cold War, the Jewish Community of Berlin was split up alongside these new borders of East and West Berlin. From this moment on, the Jewish community were estranged and both experienced unequal developments between 1961 and 1989. Alongside these events, cemeteries for the Jewish Community were rearranged. The West Berlin Jewish Community founded a its own cemetery, whereas the Weissensee Jewish cemetery that was now located in East Berlin continued to exist but under circumstances of neglect.

This thesis focuses on the relationship of the community involved in the Weissensee cemetery. In order to understand the state the cemetery is in today, historical factors that shaped the site are of great importance. In exploring the associations that are currently involved in the state of the cemetery, its past has to be taken into consideration continuously. In this, the state of the cemetery as a general term is divided in the concepts of maintenance, preservation and representation.

1.2 Background of the research

This thesis will further explore the relations between community and place. For this purpose, the Weissensee Jewish cemetery of Berlin and the community active in managing this site are selected, because of the historical significance of the cemetery. The grounds of the cemetery were allocated to the Jewish community in 1880, when the Industrial Revolution brought wealth to the Jewish community in the city (Jewish Community of Berlin, 2011). From then on, the cemetery thrived as an

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4 institution with approximately a dozen burials a day and 200 employees taking care of the site (Wauer, 2010). However, World War II resulted in a change of management for the site, with a limited number of people looking after the cemetery as the size of the Jewish Community of Berlin shrunk significantly. Although surprisingly, the cemetery suffered limited demolitions by the Nazi regime that ruled in Berlin, some tombstones suffered damage due to military action from the allies nearing the end of the war. Also, Jews going into hiding, also referred to as U-boats, used the tombstones as temporary shelter in staying out of the hands of the Nazis. As for the cemetery functioning its purpose during the war, unoccupied land on the cemetery grounds were used for secret burials of deceased U-boat Jews. After the war, and with the Cold War that followed, the cemetery was never brought back to its pre-war condition.

1.3 Social relevance

This research aims to better understand historical aspects and social structures, by determining how interaction and organization relate to the Weissensee cemetery. Social structures are context dependent and as for the case of this research, the historical context plays a significant role. This research tends to let the past meet the present, by exploring how the Weissensee cemetery is related to a sense of community. Through these social structures, an important historical legacy for society is being preserved. With the existence of social structures serving the cemetery, the cemetery is able to function as a public site for whoever wants to learn about its past.

1.4 Academic relevance

Current academic literature on the Weissensee cemetery is very much widespread and each serving its own purpose. Resources are characterized by either focusing on the historical path of the Weissensee cemetery, or focusing on organizational aspects such as the documents supporting the UNESCO World Heritage application. However, the social structures related to the maintenance and reproduction of the cemetery have not clearly been reviewed yet by combining these with historical and academic aspects. Although historical research within the field of World War II, the Holocaust and Jewish communities is established in the academic world, a more focused research on the preservation, maintenance and representation of the Weissensee cemetery is not yet accounted for.

1.5 Main goal of the research

The main goal of the research is to explore the structures and connections between place and community. To provide a better understanding of the current status of maintenance of the Weissensee cemetery, research is conducted that explores how social structures related to the site are characterized. In this, the Weissensee cemetery is approached from the perspective that the cemetery forms the foundation of its own community, both now and in the past.

1.6 Research question

As abovementioned, the research aims to explore and clarify how processes of community formation are related to the maintenance, preservation and representation of the Weissensee cemetery as a site of remembrance. The research question is formulated as following:

Which historical aspects and associations are crucial in preserving, maintaining and representing the geographical functions of the Weissensee cemetery from World War II onwards?

In order to provide an answer to the main research question, subdivisions among the concepts are constructed. Firstly, the state of the cemetery is explained through its historical pathway. Secondly, social structures responsible for the physical maintenance of the cemetery will be explored. By this, actors and organizations putting effort in the maintenance an restorations of the cemetery will be outlined. Lastly, the representation of the cemetery in academic spheres will be reviewed. These

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5 documents are in particular characterized as contributors to the reputation of the cemetery, in aiming to add the cemetery on the German tentative list and eventually on the UNESCO World Heritage list.

1.7 Readers manual for the thesis

The following section presents a theoretical framework, the definitions of the concepts formulated in the subject, theories supporting the empirical research and the conceptual model. The research methods of the research describes the process of the empirical research, the research design, the methods of data collection and the methods of analysis. Then, the empirical segment of the thesis portray the gathered data, alongside the analysis of the data. In order for the thesis being clearly structured, this segment is split up in three. The historical aspects in relation to the wellbeing of the Weissensee cemetery will first be discussed. Then, the focus will shift towards more contemporary points of action concerning the maintenance and preservation of the cemetery. Lastly, selected literature contributing to the efforts of landing the cemetery its candidateship on the tentative list, as well as its aim of being admitted to the UNESCO world heritage list will be assessed. Finally, the thesis will reach towards its end when the conclusions sum up the final thoughts.

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2. Literature and theoretical framework

2.1 Concepts

The concepts described in the research question are defined, to provide a better understanding of the content of the research.

2.1.1 Preservation and maintenance of cemeteries

Within this research, preservation and maintenance are considered to be two separate points of action. Stadlbauer et al. (1996) uses the concept preservation concerning the Weissensee cemetery in the restoration of tombstones, attempting to bring these back to their original state as they were destroyed and deteriorated through war violence or negligence. Matero & Peter (2007) build further on the preservation of tombstones by emphasizing that an understanding of its past is essential. Within this research, the concept of preservation will be defined as the attempts of bringing elements of the cemetery back to their original state considerate of its historical features. To further specify this perspective in line of the thesis, the preservation of tombstones does not necessarily entails adding new material except when this is serving to hold structures that otherwise inevitably will collapse. The term preservation is compatible with the term restoration, because preservation represents both the recovery of the physical aspects and its historical value, whereas restoration might appear to be a limited concept where physical features are being repaired. In this, the preservation of the cemetery justifies its existence based on long term decisions and actions.

Maintenance however is approached as a point of action based on decisions and actions with short term perspectives, focused on the daily management of the Weissensee cemetery. Capels & Senville (2006) explain in their article how people visit cemeteries with the motive to contemplate or visit such sites for recreational purposes or for its cultural value. In this, they state, maintenance has to be in order to be accessible to visitors. The existence of the cemetery is ensured through maintenance, focused on the cemetery being presentable and accessible to its visitors. Maintenance work can be considered a more overall point of action, whereas preservation or restoration work focuses on specific elements in need of recovery.

2.1.2 Geographical functions of cemeteries

Francis (2003) distinguishes the several cultural purposes of a cemetery as being a symbolic remembrance of the death as well as containing historical artefacts representing the past. Through this perspective, cemeteries represent the past through the people buried there as well as through the physical characteristics of tombstones. The geographical functions of the Weissensee cemetery will therefore be explained through its actual purpose as a site where people are buried, but also as a representation of Jewish culture and a physical documentation of history.

2.1.3 Historical context

The Weissensee cemetery is a site that is highly subjected to its past, where historical events influenced the cemetery in various ways. These historical aspects and particular historic events that directly relate to the cemetery, will be thoroughly discussed in the course of the thesis. Therefore, it is important to have a clear understanding of the historical context from a broader perspective, the situation in Berlin during these events. In this, a selection is made where the situation in Berlin during World War II and the Cold War is briefly addressed in the two paragraphs below.

I. Berlin and World War II

From the early 30’s, the Nazi party gradually gained support from groups within the Berliner society. Partly, this was due to economic crises that had affected Western-Europe, which had also hit the city

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7 of Berlin resulting in high unemployment rates. The Nazi party was able to speak to the needs of the city at that time, while it was dealing with these economic setbacks affecting society (Klußmann, 2012). The support for a socialist Germany eventually resulted in 31.3% of the Berlin voters in favor of the Nazi party in 1932. From this moment on the popularity of the party kept swelling, eventually leading to a complete Nazi takeover in Germany, with Berlin serving as the capital of the Third Reich. The Nazi regime was characterized by its violent antisemitic propaganda in 1933, but Berlin was also home to a population of 170,000 Jews around that time (Jewish Community of Berlin, 2011). In 1938, many Synagogues and other Jewish establishments were demolished during Kristallnacht, alongside with many Berlin Jews being murdered or arrested (Webb, 2010). From that moment on, the hatred against Jews resulted in more permanent extinction measures until the fall of the Nazi regime and Berlin, with the help of allied forces in 1945. After the war, the Nazi persecution and murdering of Jews resulted in only 5.000 of all the Jews still residing in Berlin (Wauer, 2010).

II. Berlin and the Cold War

With the ending of World War II the allied powers divided the city of Berlin in four parts, each of these powers occupying their own newly allocated territories (Kaplan, 2009). With the French, U.S. and British powers representing Western values and The Soviet Union representing the communist ideology, the city developed a border between West- and East Berlin. Eventually, these conflicting ideologies hardened the borders of the two entities residing Berlin. With Berlin being located in what has become the German Democratic Republic (GDR), falling under the ruling of the communist Soviet Union, many Eastern Europeans were escaping the regime through West-Berlin. In order to prevent anti-communists of escaping the regime through West-Berlin, Soviets leader Khrushchev in 1961 gave the orders to occupy the borders of East- and West-Berlin. Eventually this border was physically realized through a wall, increasingly differentiating the city in two. The wall remained until it was torn down in 1989, alongside the end of the Soviet Union. Up until this point, the two city parts experienced their own development initiated by the power and ideology they were ruled by.

2.2 Theories

The presented theories form a framework in supporting the empirical data of the research.

2.2.1 Lieux de mémoire

With the theory of ‘lieux de mémoire’ by Nora (1989), it is explained how historical sites embody the collective memory of society. Distinction is made between direct memories of past events and the way we tend to organize the past, through history. Eventually, all memories transform in history. A memory is a fragment of the past, already adjusted and selected into what societies desires to remember and present in their collective heritage. Through this theory, sites are linked to the historic events they embody by their symbolic status to society. The collective memory is recognized and acknowledged in historical sites alongside with its artefacts, based on what historical aspects they represent. A place with a considerate symbolic and historic value is through lieux de mémoire a physical establishment of a collective past.

2.2.2 Place attachment and place identity

In order to preserve these ‘places of memory’, these memories can solely be continued over time when organized accordingly maintaining accessibility. Manzo & Perkins (2006) outline the importance of ‘place attachment’ by communities in order for continuation of its purpose. Place attachment is defined as an affective bond between people and place. The efforts of people concerning a place is further explained by the ‘place identity’, where one’s identity corresponds with that of a place in terms of beliefs, values, feelings, goals or preferences. Through these theories people’s affiliation to a certain place creates a common ground, resulting in people to organize in order to serve this place. Community

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8 formation here occurs where a site is considered a common ground by a group of likeminded people with the desire to organize.

2.2.3 Secularization in modern society

Casanova (2006) distinguishes three types of definitions for the term secularization that each represent a certain level of modernity. The most classic approach to secularization explains differentiation in the secular environments, where a religion or belief is subjected to the core of politics, economics and science. A more modern approach that would be more applicable to modern society, defines secularization as the privatization of religion through institutes. Finally, a newly adapted term that is gaining support in literature, values secularization as the decline of religious beliefs as being part of a developmental process. These definitions imply, that modernization has devalued the importance of religion in society. To build further on the development of the term, Casanova (2006) claims that the most modern, and newly formulated, definition of secularization is now the most accepted in literature. Gog (2016) addresses modernization alongside secularization by stating how religious organizations on societal level, acknowledge the need for reinventing their boundaries, in order to function in the modernizing societies that they find themselves in. Since a religion is based upon commonly adopted beliefs based off a origin story leading back to history far back, the need for modernization can be evident.

2.3 Conceptual model

The conceptual model (figure 1) is a visualization of a generalized concept where the relations between the Weissensee cemetery and its active community go both ways. On the one hand, the active community of the Weissensee cemetery is responsible for preserving, maintaining and representing the cemetery. On the other hand, when this concept is flipped, it represents the phenomenon where a site, the Weissensee cemetery, is the reason for this community to exist. Had the cemetery not been in need of a certain level of involvement, for any reason whatsoever, then this community obviously would have not have had the urge to each step forward, each from their own perspective representing a certain motive. Therefore, the cemetery as an institution serves in the generation of this community, serves as a common ground and common interest for this community and lastly, contains physical remains of historical aspects of value to the community.

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3. Methodology

The methodologic concepts applied in this chapter are based on the book ‘Social Research Methods’ by Bryman (2012).

3.1 Dividing research question in sub-questions.

The research is divided into three sub-questions. The first sub-question focuses on historical aspects in relation to the cemetery, covering a time frame from World War II onwards, with World War II and the Cold War as key events. The second sub-question presents current points of action in terms of the maintenance- and preservation work that is executed. The third sub-questions focuses on selected literature that represent and address the view of the Weissensee cemetery as a rightful candidate for both the tentative list and the UNESCO world heritage list. The three sub-questions as discussed, are formulated as following:

1. How are historical aspects related to the maintenance and preservation of the Weissensee cemetery?

2. How are contemporary organizational structures, related to the maintenance and preservation of the Weissensee cemetery, constructed?

3. How is the Weissensee cemetery represented in literature that aims to contribute to the reputation of the Weissensee cemetery?

The three sub-questions altogether provide an answer to the main research question:

Which historical aspects and associations are crucial in preserving, maintaining and representing the geographical functions of the Weissensee cemetery from World War II onwards?

3.2 Research design

This research is conducted as a qualitative study, since the focus lies within exploring the relationship between a geographical site, the Weissensee cemetery, and the community that is connected to this place through its efforts in contributing to its state of wellbeing. The constructivist assumption within the research is that the cemetery is not a fixed place, but rather formed by underlying social structures affecting the wellbeing of the cemetery. The cemetery is considered an institution of its own, however organized and managed by people. These people are part of social structures from where each one takes their part in the institution, in this case it being the cemetery. Particularly in the case of a cemetery, the involved actors are diverse and do not deliver input from similar backgrounds. The interpretivist assumption of the research explains that interpreting social structures concerning the cemetery produces knowledge as it provides an insight in the process of a place as the foundation of a community. The former simultaneously represents the nature of the research through induction, where observations lead to theorizing the social structures of the Weissensee cemetery.

The research design is further characterized as a single case study. This explains that one specific case forms the base of the research, where no comparative cases and aspects are included. In this research, the unique characteristics of the Weissensee cemetery form the base of knowledge in order to theorize the findings. These unique structures, that are very much context dependent, are significant for the Weissensee cemetery and thus initially excludes the generated theories being applicable to other cemeteries.

Also, the research is approached as holistic, meaning that individual achievements by actors are scaled under achievements for the community of the Weissensee cemetery as a whole. Individual

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10 achievements are of importance to the research, but serve as a contribution to the exploration of how the community is constructed.

3.3 Methods of data collection

Collecting data is performed through examining documentation, through conducting in depth-interviews and through observations at the site itself. These tree methods of data collection are all supportive to one another and appear as complementary elements in the data analysis.

3.3.1 Documents

The nature of the documents contributing to the empirical research, differentiate between the three main themes of the research. Firstly, documentation on the historical pathway of the Weissensee cemetery as an institution is explored. These records support the first sub-question, where the past of the cemetery enables to explain the current state of maintenance and preservation of the cemetery. Secondly, documentation of the cemetery in terms of current efforts concerning maintenance and preservation. These records support the second sub-question, focusing on contemporary social structures that contribute to a certain level of maintenance and preservation. Lastly, documents that aim to contribute to the reputation of the cemetery are presented. In order to maintain a focused perspective on what is considered a contribution to the reputation of the cemetery, the main focus lies upon literature concerning the aim for the German tentative list submission in achieving candidateship to the UNESCO World Heritage list. The reviewed documents used for the research are solely English resources, excluding German resources because of language limitations. Documents are mostly obtained through the Jewish Archives, the Jewish library that is part of the Jewish Museum in Berlin, that was frequently visited during the workweek in Berlin. English resources were thoroughly reviewed and besides that, German literature that was found was used for the images that these books contain. In order to include and compare these images with own observations, photocopies were made.

3.3.2 Interviews

The process of selecting interviewees is primarily based on expertise. The interviewees contain sufficient knowledge in order to contribute to the aim of the research. In example interviewees can be actors within the Weissensee community, experts in Jewish heritage, experts in historical geography or any other contributors related to the cemetery. A workweek from 11/11/2018 to 16/11/2018 was scheduled to conduct these interviews in Berlin. Beforehand, potential interviewees were contacted to schedule interviews. Due to language limitations, meaning that the spoken language during the interviews could only be English, only two respondents were willing to cooperate. The aim was to include multiple parties in the process of gathering data, but the language limitations prevented this purpose. Because of this, the content of the interviews was valued considerate of the possibility that an individual perspective might not be able to cover both sides to a story. Therefore, the role of the interviews were taken to a lower level of valuation, whereas the role of the documentation gained a more prominent status. The table below (figure 2) shows the interviewees that are, or from the perspective of the researcher, should have been included in the research. All of these parties were contacted, through telephone or e-mail, in order to request and arrange a date and time for conducting interviews. The two parties in bold, were eventually interviewed and are represented in the data used in the research. Both interviewees granted permission for recording the interview, as well as using their names in the research. In this, dr. Ewald Engler desired the information discussed to only be for personal publication purposes and Gesine Sturm emphasized how the information discussed is considered to be her personal perspective on the subject rather than representing the Berlin Monument Authority as a whole.

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Organization Approached

individual/department

within the

organization

Function Relation to the

Weissensee cemetery Interviewed yes/no Jewish Community of Berlin Department of religious affairs Institute that directly owns and manages the cemetery Direct management No Weissensee Jewish cemetery

Back- and front-office personnel Daily management of the cemetery Direct management – on site No Berlin Monument Authority

Gesine Sturm Responsible for all historic gardens and cemeteries in berlin Managing initiatives and funds in favor of the cemetery Yes Centrum Judaicum, New Synagogue Dr. Hermann Simon Anja Siegemund Former-chairman Chairman Bottom-up initiatives Unknown No No Leibniz Institute for Research on Society and Space

Dr. Ewald Engler Historian Expert

concerning the former road plans

Yes

Figure 2. Table of approached contacts.

3.3.3 Observations

Since the thesis is structured around the former and current state of the Weissensee cemetery, the site has been visited multiple times during the workweek in Berlin, that took place between

11/11/2018 and 16/11/2018. Each of these visits served their own purpose whereas the first visit was a general exploration of the site. The other visits during the course of the week contained a more focused perspective, due to gathered knowledge on particular tombstones that occurred in the documents. Photos were taken of selected tombstones that portray restoration efforts, some

recently restored and others that have been restored for a longer period of time. Also, impression photos were taken that represent elements such as overgrowing, demolition and negligence. Finally, photos were taken of the German Military during their two week maintenance command that annually takes place. For this photo, permission was granted after they had removed their nametags in order to grant for their privacy. In terms of these observations, it has to be clear that these include material and noticeable elements of the cemetery and not the observation of social structures and interactions on the site. Appendix 1 consists of a log that specifies the tasks that were carried out per day during the workweek in Berlin.

3.4 Methods of analysis

After the process of gathering data through documents, interviews and observations, all the data is compiled and organized in order to construct answers to the formulated research questions. Firstly, data analysis is supported by the theoretical framework based on the grounded theory. The grounded theory entails the iterative process where a phenomenon is theorized. In this case, the phenomenon is the community involved in the Weissensee cemetery and the theoretical assumption is that the Weissensee cemetery is the basis for the construction of this community.

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12 Data analysis will further be performed through thematic analysis, where relations and their connections are explained. For all three types of data, documents, interviews and observations, their relation to each of the three sub-questions is examined. In order to successfully analyze and structure the data, their content was clearly organized and valued in how they contribute to answering the sub-questions. Furthermore, all the data is compiled per sub-question as they have been made compatible to one another in covering all that is required to efficiently provide an overview on the question that is answered. Since the empirical data contains only two interviews, the valuation of its content will be conducted by hand instead of thematic analysis with the help of a computer program.

Since the thesis is characterized by telling a story, the analysis of the presented data is discussed in the last segment of each sub-question. The reasons for deciding on such structure lies in the desire to keep the story intact, while simultaneously providing a focused analysis at the end of each subchapter.

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4. Historical aspects of the Weissensee cemetery

The data presented and analyzed in this chapter, answers the first sub-question:

How are historical aspects related to the maintenance and preservation of the Weissensee cemetery?

In this segment of the research the main focus lies upon World War II, that brought along many changes in the social, physical and organizational structures of the cemetery. Subsequently, the Cold War in relation to the cemetery is discussed, but based upon the characteristics that changed the cemetery during World War II. The historical pathway of the cemetery is essential in gaining an understanding of the current status of the cemetery.

4.1 Pre-World War II circumstances

The grounds for the Weissensee Jewish cemetery were issued to the Jewish Community of Berlin in 1880 (Jewish Community of Berlin, 2011). The need for a new burial ground for the Jewish Community of Berlin can be explained through a process of cause and effect. Firstly, the Jewish Community experienced significant growth, to a population of about 65,000 by 1875. This meant the 5 hectare of the then current cemetery at Schonnhauser Allee was getting occupied at a higher rate. Alongside this, Jewish Burial traditions have determined that a grave is issued for eternity and is never allowed to be cleared in order to make room for new graves (Raphael, 2009). With the growing population and the Jewish afterlife traditions allowing a gravesite its existence throughout eternity, the cemetery at Schonnhauser Allee was reaching its limits. An answer to this matter was the 42 hectare Weissensee cemetery, half a kilometer wide and a kilometer long. In the course of the 1920-‘s, the Jewish population in Berlin reached to around 170,000 members, the largest Jewish community in Germany. A parallel to the size of the community, can be the frequencies of activity at the Weissensee cemetery. At this time, the cemetery employed 200 staff members taking care of daily maintenance tasks, alongside 67 officials monitoring Jewish traditions during funerals with all of these employees working under the supervision of 18 commission members. On an average daily basis, a dozen traditional burials took place (Wauer, 2010). However, this number halved in reaching the mid 1930-‘s when the Nazi-regime gained support in Berlin, causing 30.000 Jews in Berlin to emigrate.

This political shift, with the increase in supporters of the Nazi-regime, sparked by economical setbacks, caused changes in the social spheres in Berlin (Klußmann, 2012). These societal changes concern the relations between the Jewish and the Non-Jewish residents in the city, but also changes within the Jewish Community of Berlin. The relation between the Jewish and Non-Jewish residents of Berlin became tense, due to the antisemitic standpoints of the Nazi-regime, that intensified through regulations denying Jews access to public and private establishments. Within the Jewish community, fear for the growing support for the Nazi-regime and thus a growing support for antisemitism, lead to the migration number of 30,000, as mentioned. These changes in society, taking place around the mid 1930-‘s in Berlin, approaching what will later be World War II, affected the Weissensee cemetery in several ways, which will be further discussed.

4.1.1 Societal changes

Before discussing how the Weissensee was negatively affected by the rise of the Nazi-regime in Berlin, a rather positive phenomenon can be distinguished. In this, it is emphasized how the term positive is approached with certain care. However, the Weissensee cemetery did function as a safe place for the Jewish Community during this period. Jews gradually got banned from public places such as parks, but also from private establishments as bars, restaurants and stores. Now, the Jewish community was forced to increasingly rely on places and services that were run by fellow members of the Jewish

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14 Community. Since the Weissensee Cemetery was allocated to the Community as Jewish ground, it became a place where Jews were able to move around and gather themselves without violating anti-Jew regulations or being harassed based upon their religious background. Subsequently, when eventually children got banned from schools and were unable to spend their imposed free time in public playgrounds or even on the streets, Jewish families brought their children to the Weissensee cemetery (Wauer, 2010). On the cemetery grounds they were allowed to play with their peers, but also had to help the staff members with maintenance duties. A second aspect that can be considered as a rather positive function the cemetery was able to fulfill in these insecure times for the community, was the initiative where Jews were prepared for migration. In this, one of the nursery buildings functioned as a training establishment for Jews that aspired to migrate. Eventually, by 1939, this developed further into a training center for Jewish students that were banned from the German Technical College. This training center focused on educating garden cultivation, with the aim to prepare its students for life in Israel.

4.1.2 Physical changes

Besides the cemetery functioning as a safe place for the Jewish Community of Berlin, by 1938 the cemetery already underwent significant physical changes. Since the Nazi’s emphasized the need for expansion of the Third Reich outside German borders, they had to expand their weaponry. For the expanding German war industry, raw materials where scarce. In order to subtract material, ironwork from tombstones were taken by the Nazi’s (Rütenik et al., 2013). Image 1 most likely represents an example of missing ironwork from a row of tombs. These gravesites were provided with iron gate works before taken down, leaving the stone headings to rest on the remaining ironwork. The traces of the former ironwork can be recognized in where the gates were initially attached in the stone demarcations, that show leftover iron bulges. To add to this observation, all the graves in the row date from before 1938, the year when the Nazis imposed these physical changes. In the row of graves displayed in the picture, the youngest gravestone dates from 1936 (the grave of Ludwig Landshoff, second headstone from the left).

Image 1. Row of tombs with missing ironwork. Photo credits: author

4.2 Circumstances during World War II

Eventually, when Berlin became the Nazi capital in World War II from 1939 until 1945, the Jewish Community in Berlin and the Weissensee cemetery underwent even more changes in the social and physical environment. Jewish residents in Berlin were forced by the antisemitic Nazi regime to either

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15 illegally migrate to safer lands or go into hiding (U-boat Jews) on own initiatives, or were unwillingly captured and murdered on the initiative of the Nazis and its supporters.

As Sturm (2018) emphasizes as one of the main unique historical aspects of the cemetery, the cemetery was never closed or shut down by the Nazis under their ruling. This means that the Weissensee cemetery remained an open institution during World War II, extraordinary in times where Jewish institutions as schools where forcingly shut down. This partly enabled the gravesite, just as during the pre-war conditions, to function as a support for the then remaining Jewish Community in Berlin in several ways. However, this will not be discussed as a positive aspect since the alternative for the site providing support during emergency situations, under pitiful circumstances, most likely had resulted in Jews being captured or murdered.

4.2.1 Societal effects

A number of stories by Holocaust survivors, gathered by Wauer (2010), tell how in times of despair hiding Jews relied on the Weissensee cemetery to temporarily bury valuables or essentials like food stamps. Numerously addressed by Wauer (2010) as well as the official institution of the Jewish Community of Berlin (2011), is how hiding U-boat Jews, sometimes were forced to spend the night at the cemetery. An example of a tombstone used by U-boats to spend the night in, is that of Joseph Schwarz (see image 2). As the left part of the picture shows, the tombstone consists of a two story design, resembling a Greek temple. At the center of tomb, at the ground level, is the memorial stone for Joseph Schwarz where most likely his casket is laying underneath. Thanks to the set of windows, as displayed in the right photo of image 2, U-boats were able to climb into the roof of the tomb and hide without being noticed by surveillants during their overnight stay.

Image 2. Tombstone of Joseph Schwarz, front view and inside view. Photo credits: author

Although the cemetery never closed and remained an active institution, relatives, members of the Jewish community and members of the underground providing aid to the Jewish Community were not able to openly bury deceased Jews that went into hiding under their supervision. Therefore, secret burials took place at the Weissensee cemetery, unauthorized and illegally, at night (Jewish Community of Berlin, 2011). For these illegal burials, the underground movement involved in this process, specifically selected a location at the cemetery for this to take place. With the allocation of the cemetery grounds to the Jewish Community of Berlin in 1880, the community agreed to entirely refrain a strip of land from burials going right through the middle of the cemetery’s surface, in order for a future road to be built. Because of the significant size of the cemetery, the municipality foresaw future

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16 planning issues in maintaining the connectivity of Berlin (Engler, 2018). Since was expected that around the Weissensee cemetery, neighborhoods would be developed in later stadia of a growing Berlin in need of housing, a road to connect these neighborhoods was seemingly necessary. However, during World War II the site of the planned road specifically, was not under surveillance by the Nazis. Image 3 displays the ground plan of the Weissensee cemetery. The strip of land that initially was designated to form a future road is separately delineated in the original plan and categorically numbered stretching over field ‘A8’, ‘B8’, ‘C8’, ‘D8’ and ‘E8’. For the purpose of clarity, the specific area is outlined by a red framework, following the demarcations of the original ground plan. The ground plan originates from the foundation of the cemetery in 1880 and thus shows how the future road plans were already incorporated in the original plan.

Image 3. Ground plan Weissensee cemetery. Source: Flickr user Sebastian Berlin

4.2.2 Physical effects

The physical changes the cemetery underwent, became more evident with the great losses within the Jewish Community in Berlin where many Jews migrated, went into hiding, were captured, murdered or vanished and so on. By 1942, the staff consisted of 100 remaining community members but it was said they were overburdened with the increase of deceasing Jews in the city (Wauer, 2010). With the decrease in staff members, upkeeping the daily maintenance of the cemetery started to become a troubling task to fulfill. By 1943, the staff consisted of 12 remaining community members that had escaped the faith of deportation thanks to their non-Jewish partners. Taking into consideration that during the heydays of the cemetery, the eye could see without being blocked by trees, this evidently changed. Thanks to daily maintenance by a staff of 200 men before World War II ignited, the cemetery remained a well-kept and open field of graves. However, according to Orthodox Jewish burial traditions, one should be buried in a wooden casket, pinned down with wooden nails and the corpse should be dressed in specific attire that is also easy decomposable material (Raphael, 2009). When a corpse is decomposed, the ground becomes highly fertile for plant species to grow (Uslu et al., 2009). This compost, alongside the lack of daily maintenance during the peaks of World War II, enabling plant seeds to disperse, resulted in trees and ivy to freely grow and eventually in nature taking over the

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17 gravesite as can be viewed in image 4. The image shows both uncoordinated tree-growth and ivy overgrowing tombstones.

Concerning destructions directly caused by war violence, as Sturm (2018) also brings up in the interview, the Nazis surprisingly spared the Weissensee cemetery, for unknown reasons. However, according to the Jewish Community of Berlin (2011) the cemetery suffered 51 severe and 17 minor cases of (mostly) allied bombing. The most significant damage that was done to the cemetery during World War II, was the New Hall of Mourning that was destroyed by a bombing raid and burned to the ground. The former site now consists of a hill, because of the ruins being overgrown by grass (see image 9), and is located in front of field UI and UII on the ground plan displayed in image 3.

Image 4. Gravesite overgrown by trees and ivy. Photo credits: author

4.3 Post-World War II circumstances

Although World War II represents the beginning of a consistent negligence of daily maintenance of the Weissensee cemetery, post-war events contributed to this process even more. Again, societal and physical aspects contributing to the negligence of the cemetery can be distinguished.

4.3.1 Societal changes

Firstly, because of the thinned out Jewish Community Berlin, there was a great lack of members involved in improving the status of the cemetery. Mostly, this meant a lack of financial influx that proceeded after the war. The financial resources were severely limited because the Jews that were lucky enough to return, were taken away their valuables, houses and capital and thus fell into poverty. Also, many Jews that had enclosed a payed maintenance contract for the gravesite of that of their relatives, or maybe that of themselves in case of family plots, had died in the Holocaust (Wauer, 2010). As Jewish burial traditions outline, a grave is obtained for eternity and shall not be removed. An example of a family plot with family members that were planned to be buried with their relatives, but likely died elsewhere during the war, is displayed in image 5. This example is one of many to be found at the cemetery, where unengraved headstones represent family members that were supposed to be buried together with their relatives, but never were. The photo shows the ‘David Misch’ family plot, as inscribed at the center top of the tomb, where only the first headstone on the left, and the last three

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18 headstones on the right are engraved. The six headstones in the middle of the family plot remain unused, but were presumably intended for relatives that did not return from the war. An additional detail that implies that the generation of this family had to endure World War II can be recognized in the first left headstone where underneath the enscription of Alice Guhrauer (néé Sandberg), the name Gustav Sandberg is engraved with the date of death being the 28th_{of december 1940. This means that}

the other relatives that eventually were planned to be buried alongside the latest passing family member in 1940, were still alive by that date or unable to be buried at the cemetery.

Image 5. David Misch family plot with unengraved headstones. Photo credits: author

4.3.2 Physical changes

Another post-war event that further contributed to the negligence of the Weissensee cemetery, is an evident physical change in the ground plan of Berlin alongside the Cold War. When Berlin was divided in two, West Berlin fell under the Western allied powers and East Berlin fell under the communist Soviet power. This simultaneously meant a division in the already small Jewish Community of Berlin that was left after the war (Sturm, 2018). The Jewish Community in Berlin split up according to the borders of East- and West-Berlin. Unfortunately, the grounds of the Weissensee cemetery were located in East-Berlin as displayed in image 6. The black arrow is added to portray the exact location of the Weissensee cemetery in East-Berlin.

4.3.3 Changes under the East- and West-Berlin division

After the war, the East- and West-Berlin border increasingly hardened, eventually leading up to the construction of a wall as a physical division between the two city-parts in 1961 (Kaplan, 2009). Due to the communist regime, East-Berlin suffered less prosperity than their fellow residents in West-Berlin. The same goes up for the Jewish Community in East- and West-Berlin and this affected the Weissensee cemetery significantly. The Jewish Community in West-Berlin answered to the division by forcingly having to cut off financial support to the Weissensee cemetery and by founding a new cemetery on West-Berlin territory. With a lack of financial support from both East- and West-Berlin, but also due to a lack of interest by the Jewish communities on both sides, the cemetery fell into great despair of negligence and was numerously vandalized by antisemitic communists (Sturm, 2018).

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Image 6. East- and West division of Berlin. Source: Maps Berlin

4.4 Overview and findings

The data that is presented, related to the historical aspects of the Weissensee cemetery, outlines the process from prosperity to neglect. The cemetery continued to thrive from its founding in 1880 up until approaching World War II. The war caused a significant decrease in staff members taking care of the cemetery which pressured the state of maintenance, causing uncoordinated tree growth and ivy working its way through tombstones affecting the stability of the constructions. To add to this, as the Jewish Community of Berlin diminished significantly and fell into poverty, financial resources became scarce. These arguments represent the starting point of negligence, continuing through the Cold War that followed. As the Weissensee cemetery was located in East-Berlin, little efforts was punt in maintaining the cemetery from both the East- and West-Berlin Jewish Communities.

The historical pathway of the Weissensee cemetery is partly complying with the theory of place attachment and place identity, by Manzo & Perkins (2006). The theory explains how place attachment represents an affective bond between a person and place, that is essential for the site to continue its purpose. Furthermore, place identity expands the theory by adding to a sense of common ground through, in the case of the Weissensee cemetery, religion. From founding the cemetery in 1880, up until approaching the start of World War II, the cemetery functioned as an essential institution for the Jewish Community of Berlin. With the growing tenseness approaching World War II and during World War II, the cemetery functioned as a safe place. However, as the phase of neglect seems to imply a lack of place attachment and place identity, the contextual aspects should be taken into account. This argument, tends to explain how the phase of neglect was not caused by a lack of place attachment or place identity. Rather, the phase of neglect is caused by the circumstances that affected the Weissensee cemetery during and after World War II. The Jewish Community of Berlin that remained to reside in Berlin after the war, lacked of financial resources to maintain the cemetery. In this, one can however question as to why the cemetery had put limited efforts in bringing back its organizational structure back to its former state, where 200 staff members maintained the site.

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20 Another observation can be drawn from the nature of the Jewish community in Berlin related to the historical pathway of the cemetery, where cohesion within the community appears to be strong before and during World War II. In this, the definition of secularization representing the evident privatization of religion seems most accurate (Casanova, 2006). During this time span, the Weissensee cemetery thrived as a Jewish institution. However, after World War II the nature of the Jewish Community in Berlin irreversibly changed due to the Holocaust costing many lives. This simultaneously does not imply that because of the negligence of the cemetery, the secularization assumption shifted to a decline in belief. Rather, it represents the damage and oppression that continuously proceeded after the War, with the cemetery being located in East-Berlin.

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5. Organizational structures of the Weissensee cemetery

The data presented and analyzed in this chapter, answers the second sub-question:

How are contemporary organizational structures, related to the maintenance and preservation of the Weissensee cemetery, constructed?

In this segment of the research the main focus lies upon the current status of the cemetery, related to maintenance and preservation. The organizational structure of the cemetery is explained not only based upon how the Jewish Community manages the site, but also through initiatives from various actors that put effort in contributing to the status of maintenance of the cemetery.

5.2 Changes after the Cold War

The Cold War came to its end in Berlin, when the Berlin Wall was torn down in 1989. As for the Weissensee cemetery, this meant a new phase of revival from great neglect to a growing interest in the status of the cemetery (Wauer, 2010). From the early 90-‘s onwards, several prominent tombstones underwent restoration work. By then, and still to this day, the current organizational structure of the Weissensee cemetery remained to be unchanged, as the grounds are owned by the Jewish Community of Berlin. This official Jewish institute is responsible for various institutions as schools, training programs, senior facilities, welfare services, cemeteries, synagogues, libraries and other associations (Jewish Community of Berlin, sd.). However, because of the historical significance of several tombstones, some elements of the Weissensee cemetery fall under the supervision of the Landesdenkmalamt (LDA), the Berlin Monument Authority. This supervision is led by Gesine Sturm, who is responsible for the historical gardens in Berlin. In 2009 and 2006, the LDA in cooperation with the Jewish Community of Berlin, managed to arrange significant state funding in favor of restoration works for the cemetery (Jewish Community of Berlin, 2011).

After the Cold War reached its end in 1989, one of the first tombstones to be restored was that of Albert Mendel in 1990. The German president hosted two benefit concerts to collect the money for the restoration work. Image 7 shows a comparison of the condition of the tombstone before and after the restoration was carried out. The left part of image 7 shows the condition of the tombstone during the phase of neglect under the division of Berlin. The original date of when the picture was taken is unknown, but the missing letters that were later readjusted in the right part of the image point out that it was at least taken before the tomb was restored. Vaguely, in the left part of the image in the front center of the triangle-like shape of the construction the Star of David can be distinguished, that was also reestablished in 1990

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5.3 Contemporary efforts

In the course of the years leading up to 2006 and 2009, when more continuous state funds were granted, occasionally tombstones were restored from initiatives from the Berlin city council, the state government or other state driven institutions (Jewish Community of Berlin, 2011). Based upon the argument of either the faith of irreversible damage to historical monuments or the historical significance of certain tombs, restoration work was performed. However, in 2006 and 2009 government supported financial aid that helped to improve the more general appearance of the cemetery (Sturm, 2018). An example of one of these enhancements is the replacement of old and rusty plot field signs. In order to maintain the historical feel of the cemetery, these signs were replicated to resemble the original design, as shown in image 8. The cropped elements in the image, consisting of three separate pictures, display the original plot sign ‘F4’ attached to a pole, the original plot sign ‘J4’ attached to a tree and the replicated plot sign ‘J4’ attached to a pole. The most significant difference in the design includes the change to a white background instead of the original dark toned background, which was presumably altered for better visibility.

Image 8. Plot signs ‘F4’, ‘J4’, ‘J4’. Photo credits: author

Besides renewing the plot signs, the accessibility of the cemetery was a main priority. Although it would not be possible to grant accessibility to all graves, due to overgrowing, the main pathways have been cleared. Currently, approximately 14 staff members work for or at the Weissensee cemetery. How many of these staff members are gardeners is unknown to the front-office staff member and thus remains unanswered. Besides daily maintenance work by staff members, the German military annually orders a group of ten of their men to perform maintenance work for two weeks in November. Image 9 displays these men gathering leaves in front of the hill at the site of the destroyed New Hall of Mourning (see image 3, in front of plot field ‘UI’ and ‘UII’).

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Image 9. German Military during their annual maintenance command. Photo credits: author

Besides state driven funds, private initiatives have numerously resulted in the restoration of tombs. These private initiatives can come from younger relatives in search for their ancestors at the cemetery, with the aid of the archives that contains the documentation of all the over 115.000 graves, that is practically complete. These initiatives can also come from random people that have affinity to a specific tomb and subsequently gather funds for its restoration work, as Sturm (2018) informs. Many of the larger-sized tombstones are the graves of prominent figures of the Jewish Community and are still known for their contribution to the community to this day. Dr. Hermann Simon, the former chairman of the Centrum Judaicum, is one of the actors together with Gesine Sturm in taking initiative in gathering private parties to donate for prominent tombstones to be restored. An example of a restored grave thanks to the efforts of dr. Simon, is the restoration of the Kempinski tombstone (see image 10). Kempinski was the founder of a hotel-chain enterprise that still exists to this day. Therefore, the current board of the hotel-chain was approached by dr. Simon, to gain the funds for the restoration of the tombstone. This process, where private actors are approached, is an initiative that is gaining interest but has not been carried out systematically yet (Sturm, 2018).

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24 Sturm (2018) emphasizes how the restoration of tombstones is done with the aim to bring the construction back to its original state, where only new material is added if that is crucial for the structure to hold. Also, if it is perceived that ivy has overgrown tombstones to an extend that it is essential to hold the structure, it will not be removed. She explains, how the traces of times are embraced in the restoration process, instead of aiming to realize a brand new version of the original structure. Image 11 shows the restored Strauss-Massenbach family plot, where the second and the last headstone from the left are missing elements from the plaques. The ironwork that holds the plaques, presumably had a headstone inserted in the third frame as well but is no longer present in the structure, for unknown reasons.

Image 11. The Strauss-Massenbach family plot. Photo credits: author

5.4 Critiques

Although it seems like many efforts are put in to make the Weissensee cemetery revive after the great neglect the site endured during the Cold War, this does not mean the cemetery is saved from further decay. Sturm (2018) emphasizes how funds for restoration purposes are mostly a one-time act, and thus is not taking long term maintenance aspects of these restored tombs in consideration. The state funds that were granted in 2006 and 2009, she says, have now also been exhausted after some seven years. Being granted new state funds, can take years because the specific financial resources purposed to support the status of maintenance and restoration of the cemetery, have been used up. This is considered a problem, because many tombstones have been restored over the course of the last twenty years and are in need of constant care to maintain the condition they were in right after being restored. Image 12 shows the well-known Netter tomb, that was restored to its original colors after thorough research (Jewish Community of Berlin, 2011). The image is a cropped ensemble with the post-restoration condition of the framework top left. The top right picture shows the current condition of the construction, after completing its restoration in 2002. However, to support the circumstances Gesine (2018) formulates in her argument, the three pictures on the bottom row portray how the paint is gradually making place for rusty patches.

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Image 12. Pre- and post-restoration Netter tomb. Source (l): Wauer, photo credits (other): author

Alongside with the state funds that seem to be exhausted for an undetermined period of time, Sturm (2018) is not hesitant to express her opinion on the lack of effort from the Jewish Community of Berlin by stating: ‘’Let's say they don't have the money, but also they don't want to give very much

money for the cemeteries.’’

By this, Sturm (2018) emphasizes how the Jewish Community of Berlin tends put more effort in their ‘living’ institutions such as schools and synagogues. She builds further upon this by adding a historical argument to her observation, stating how the Jewish Community failed to care about the Weissensee cemetery since the end of World War II and even more throughout the Cold War when the

separation of Berlin and the Jewish Community was evident.

5.5 Overview and findings

The data that is presented, explains how the preservation and the maintenance of the cemetery was revitalized after the Cold War. Severely damaged tombstones that contain significant historical value, were restored through state funds and private donations. Additionally, more continuous financial support for the maintenance and preservation of the cemetery was obtained in 2006 and 2011. With these funds, the accessibility and overall presentation of the cemetery was enhanced. However, the influx of these state funds have now reached its end and stresses the financial resources of the cemetery today. As a countermovement, private actors increasingly put effort in preserving the historical value of the cemetery. Although, this has not been systematically applied through the LDA or the Jewish Community of Berlin. Overall, a less fortunate observation is how funds resulting in restoration work are characterized as limited, because long term maintenance of the restoration work is hardly taken into consideration. To add to this, the Jewish Community of Berlin seems to put little effort in providing the Weissensee cemetery, which is their institution, with financial support. In selecting tombstones in need for restoration, historical significance of concerning tombstones play an evident role. The Weissensee Cemetery issued a booklet, composed by the Jewish Community of Berlin (2011) containing a route through the cemetery. This route goes along the tombs of significant

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26 contributors to the Jewish Community such as scientist, political figures, poets, benefactors and so on, of which many have undergone restoration work. The booklet, alongside the selection process of which tombs underwent restoration work, can be related to the ‘lieux de mémoire’ theory by Nora (1989). Through this argument, it is explained how the Jewish Community of Berlin contributes to the creation of the collective memory of the cemetery, by guiding its visitors to selected gravesites that are of value to either the Jewish legacy or history. Private actors involved in gathering funds for specific tombs that meet with their interests, add to this process. However, these private actors also portray an example of a relation between community and place where place attachment and place identity is in order (Manzo & Perkins, 2006). In this, these private actors delivering efforts in

enhancing the presentation of the cemetery, are essential for the cemetery to proceed its existence. Also the contemporary organizational structure of the Weissensee cemetery, increasingly supports the concept of secularization as privatizing religion (Casanova, 2006). However, a balance in priority management by the Jewish Community of Berlin is contested by Sturm (2018), claiming their interest and support tends to be primarily focused on their living institutions.

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6. Academic efforts for the reputation of the Weissensee cemetery

The data presented and analyzed in this chapter, answers the third sub-question:

How is the Weissensee cemetery represented in literature that aims to contribute to the reputation of the Weissensee cemetery?

In this segment of the research the main focus lies upon the efforts of various actors in the process where the Weissensee cemetery was ought to be a rightful candidate for the German tentative list as well as the UNESCO World Heritage list. The reputation of the cemetery is linked to these efforts, since it was perceived that the cemetery should gain UNESCO status.

6.1 UNESCO World Heritage

In literature, the Weissensee Jewish cemetery is often referred to as ‘Wilhelminian Necropolis’, which translates as city of the death (Jacobs, 2008). The cemetery earned this name thanks to the more than 115,000 people that are densely buried on an area of 42 hectares. Thanks to the limited damage the cemetery suffered throughout World War II and the history that is preserved on the site, the aim to include the cemetery on the UNESCO World Heritage list was put into action (Haspel et al., 2013). In order to be presented as a candidate for the UNESCO World Heritage list, the cemetery first had to be admitted to the German tentative list (Sturm, 2018). The process where a tentative list is first composed and then presented to the UNESCO World Heritage list board, applies for all participating nations in their quest to gain UNESCO status. The document that argues for the Weissensee cemetery to be an addition to the UNESCO World Heritage list, was submitted by the Berlin Senate Department for Urban Development and the Environment in cooperation with the Berlin Senate Chancellery (Rütenik et al., 2013). In order for the Weissensee cemetery to be presented to UNESCO in Paris, all the responsible actors of the German board for the tentative list had to agree on the cemetery being a rightful addition.

The UNESCO World Heritage list as we know today, has been in in action since 1977 and was sparked by the league of nations and their growing concerns on the preservation of cultural and natural heritage worldwide (Frey & Steiner, 2011). Currently, the list consists of 1092 properties that are divided in either cultural sites, natural sites or mixed sites. Germany contributes to the UNESCO World Heritage list with 40 properties divided in 37 cultural sites, 3 natural sites and zero mixed sites (UNESCO, sd.).

6.2 Inventory project

For the admission to the German tentative list in the run for candidateship on the UNESCO World Heritage list, it was decided to perform a comprehensive project assessing the complete inventory of all the tombs, and thus all the people buried at the cemetery (Haspel et al., 2013). The project, that was executed between 2010 and 2012, entailed a cooperation with the Department of History of Architecture and Urban Design of the Berlin Institute of Technology, The Berlin State Office for the Preservation of Historic Monuments and the Centrum Judaicum. For the purpose of the project, a digital database program was developed to systematically insert 50 data entries of each grave. Thanks to the written archives including all kinds of information on the buried people at the cemetery, thoroughly maintained by the administration of the Cemetery throughout its existence, the corresponding graves could be located in the burial fields. This process enabled the nature of the data being inserted into the database, containing characteristics of the gravestones such as the used materials, the engravings, its current state and information about the people buried at the specific location. So besides gaining an overview in knowledge about the people buried at the cemetery and