Unlikely Forms of Protest:
Politics and Culture Jamming in the Music Video
Lucie Johnston 10840370 Master of Arts
Date of completion: June 28th 2019
Media Studies: Television and Cross-Media Culture University of Amsterdam
Supervisor: Dr Joke Hermes Second reader: Dr Jan Teurlings
Contents
1
Introduction ... 5
2
Methodology and Corpus ... 9
2.1 Selecting the Medium ... 9
2.2 Selecting a Research Method ... 10
2.3 Selecting the Case Studies ... 12
3
Theoretical Framework ...15
3.1 The Society of the Spectacle and Culture Jamming ... 15
3.2 The Music Video as Culture Jam ... 18
3.3 Reading Mediums ... 19
4
Case study 1: Pussy Riot ...21
4.1 From Live Footage to Music Video ... 23
4.2 Pussy Riot’s Culture Jamming Tactics ... 25
4.3 Conclusion ... 28
5
Case study 2: Janelle Monae ...29
5.1 Dirty Computers: Othered Figures of the Future ... 31
5.2 Intersectional Politics in ‘PYNK’, ‘Let’s Get Screwed’ and ‘Django Jane’ ... 34
5.3 Conclusion ... 37
6
Case study 3: Childish Gambino ...39
6.1 Culture Jamming Through Humour and History ... 40
6.2 Participatory practices ... 43
6.3 Images of Violence ... 44
6.4 Images of Corruption ... 45
6.5 Conclusion ... 47
7
Conclusion ...48
Abstract:
Primarily circulated online via the video-sharing platform, YouTube, many
mainstream popular music videos are viewed millions of times. This research paper will
explore the music videos of three musicians, in order to gain an understanding of how artists
are utilising the medium of the music video in diverse ways as a vehicle for criticism of
socio-political issues. The research argues that this criticism is inserted into the sphere of
mainstream media through the use of culture jamming techniques such as humour and
symbolism. In this way, the passive nature of viewership and consumption of popular culture
as a purely spectacular form of entertainment is disrupted. This thesis thus argues that
products of commercial, popular culture, namely music videos, have the potential to produce
political values.
The present situation of global problems referring to pollution, malnutrition, wars and conflicts, endangered people and cultures, etc., is brought increasingly to our awareness through the worldwide communication network. Global communication changes attitudes and thinking. Artists and musicians commit themselves to solving concrete problems and rendering a service to others through the means of music. Their attitude is not opportunism for something nor opposition against something, but rather a commitment for a concrete project reaching far beyond local or national interests - it is an engagement for people in one world. It is less a struggle against other ideas but a struggle for something. By understanding that the variety and plurality of music and musical cultures is the heritage of humankind, abstract polarities recede in the background - or so one can hope - through the message "We are the World." (Baumann 84, 1996)
1 Introduction
Politics and music, viewed through a traditional lens, belong to very different spheres of society; the former relating to systems of governance and power and the latter, artistic expression and entertainment. Many genres of mainstream music fall within the domain of popular culture. Popular culture has long been representative of the products of the lower end of society’s “cultural escalator” (Hall 514). These products have been designated as such because they are perceived as offering commercial forms of entertainment to “a mass of non-discriminating consumers”, producing only “brain-numbing passivity” (Storey 8). Although the antiquated polarisation still provides insight into the ways in which many products of popular culture continue to be perceived today, it is becoming increasingly obsolete, as greater critical attention has been paid to traditionally ‘low’ cultural phenomena. For example, Raymond Williams wrote in 1990 that television “altered our basic perceptions of reality, and thence our relations with each other and with the world” (3). Thus, despite its commercial associations, the full potential of television is being realised, as a medium capable of both entertaining and informing a global audience, thereby affecting some of “the central processes of family, cultural and social life” (Williams 3). In this way, there has been a gradual bridging of the distance between the polarised spheres of politics and popular culture.
There is a long history of protest through music in the Western world, dating back to colonial times and the slave trade. As Street writes in his essay on political music, “from the folk songs of rural England to the work songs of slaves, from anti-war protest songs to illegal raves, music has given voice to resistance and opposition” (120, 2003). The music video is now forcefully inserting itself into this complex history, but no longer is politically engaged music relegated to the peripheries. This is perhaps best exemplified in the music video for Taylor Swift’s latest song, ‘You Need To Calm Down’ which features a wide array of well-known LGBTQ+ figures, and ends with a plea to sign Swift’s petition for Senate support of the Equality Act. Three days after its release, the video is trending at number two on YouTube, and has received twenty-three million views (“You Need To Calm Down”). This demonstrates the type of phenomena that previously would have shocked audiences, the blatant lobbying appearing as incongruence to the medium’s form and position, particularly given Swift’s notoriety as a figurehead of popular culture. Today, however, Swift is simply following the trend of increasingly mainstream musicians utilising the medium to circulate political messages. This moment in time seems to demand, more than ever, for a revising of still common conceptions of popular culture as commercial entertainment.
In order to begin exploring this topic, it is necessary to first set out a working definition and understanding of the term, popular culture, which is often alluded to and yet is not easily defined. In 1980 Tony Bennett proclaimed the term to be, “virtually useless, a melting pot of confused and contradictory meanings” (18). Whilst part of the confusion stems from the lack of clarity surrounding
a definition of culture in and of itself, Storey argues that the term ‘popular’ creates just as much confusion, seeming to prioritise quantitative value, which he argues would see elements of “high culture”, novels and classical music for example, positioned as rightfully within popular culture as soap operas and pop music. In this way, Storey observes that any attempt to define popular culture is made in relation to the cultural “absent other” (1). He concludes with quoting Geoffrey Nowell-Smith (1987) stating that, “popular cultural forms have moved so far towards centre stage… that the separate existence of a distinctive popular culture in an oppositional relation to high culture is now in question” (qtd. in Storey 8). Over thirty years on, this distinction is more blurred than ever, perhaps suggesting that the boundaries between ‘high’ and ‘low’ culture, and thereby the demarcation of popular culture from culture, will soon be non-existent.
This thesis does not intend to attempt to settle the debate around these terms, but will work with an understanding of popular culture as a still prevalent phenomenon, constantly undergoing an “active process” of redefinition and constitution (Sandlin 2008 32). Popular culture’s mass audience is a key point of interest for the arguments of this thesis. The commercial origins of many of the cultural products belonging to the realm of popular culture are undeniable, and the consumers being targeted are those who comprise the greatest proportion of society, ‘the people’:
‘The people’ refers neither to everyone nor to a single group within society but to a variety of social groups which, although differing from one another in other respects (their class position or the particular struggles in which they are most immediately engaged), are distinguished from the economically, politically and culturally powerful groups within society and are hence potentially capable of being united – of being organised into ‘the people versus the power bloc’ – if their separate struggles are connected (Bennett qtd. in Storey 11).
This quote emphasises the socio-political nature of the work involved in the creation of cultural products aimed at a general public that must represent their interests, but that also bears the potential to shape their values. The significance of power relations in this context is thus brought to the fore, and thereby one of the fundamental premises of this thesis is clarified: that popular culture is “a profoundly political concept” (Storey 11). This is particularly the case in the era of digitalisation where social media platforms are providing ever more ways for people across social groups and geographical boundaries to connect and unite. With this in mind, this research will move forward with Sandlin and Milam’s definition of popular culture as, “a prominent sphere in which inequalities of class, gender, race, and sexuality are made meaningful or brought to consciousness; it is also an arena for power struggles between dominant and subordinate social groups - a terrain on which hegemony, or consent, is fought for and resisted” (32).
Whilst the mediums of music and television are not regarded in their entirety as belonging to popular culture, the research object of this thesis will be more specifically the music video, which,
given its commercial intents, is more readily positioned within this sphere. Comparative to its fellow media, the music video has been relatively “undertheorised” (Vernallis 11, 2019). Given its staunch position within popular culture, and its relative newness, the fact that music videos have received less critical attention in academia is unsurprising. However, since YouTube’s embracing of the medium and the subsequent sharp increase in viewership, with many of the music videos showcased on industry owned YouTube channels such as VEVO standardly being viewed millions of times, the music video has been garnering attention from scholars from a variety of fields (Vernallis 2015, 2017, 2019; Vinuela et al. 2017; Hearsum and Inglis 2015; Edmond 2014; Burgess 2008; Bertens 2017). Within its relatively short life span, from its birth on MTV in 1981 as a means of advertising music via television, the medium of the music video has undergone significant transitions. During 1985-1995, the medium experienced what was seen as its ‘golden era’, when record label budgets were at an all-time high and music-specific channels showcased music videos throughout the day (Edmond 2). In the late 1990’s these television channels began to fill their schedules with other sorts of programming which were able to bring in higher viewer ratings and thus generate greater revenue from advertising (Edmond 2). The music video at this point seemed to be reaching its demise as a result of massive budget cuts in music labels, which was due to the waning success of record sales and the rise of illegal internet downloads. However, the proliferation of social media platforms and online video aggregates such as YouTube and MySpace ultimately provided new space ideally suited for short-form content such as the music video, beyond the constraints of the television schedule (Edmond 2). The music video thus found its “natural home” online (Edmond 2), re-emerging in this new context as “a key driver of popular culture” (Vernallis 437, 2015).
There is increased demand for short form content in the digital era, where attention is increasingly economised and sought after at great cost (Clitton 2014). The music video meets this demand, providing audiovisual entertainment which is condensed to suit the pace of modern life. Record labels, recognising this fact, are pouring more money than ever into producing extremely high quality videos, involving well-known film directors and shooting in locations such as The Louvre (The Carters, “Apeshit”, 2018). Alongside purely aesthetic and entertainment value, the music video has the ability to convey powerful messages and information through its audiovisual elements. Popular music theorist John Street has conducted research into the political impacts of popular culture particularly on young people, the demographic considered to be most disengaged from traditional forms of politics, and has concluded “that music (and other forms of popular culture) remain important to the way in which the wider world is understood and relations to it expressed” (49, 2013). If we are to view the music video as having evolved from both television and music, given their acknowledged societal impact, there is arguably great potential for music video itself to impact upon its audience.
This thesis will demonstrate the ways in which in recent years, even some of the most mainstream facets of popular culture are being utilised by artists who envision an alternative purpose
to pure entertainment for the massive reach of mainstream media. In many ways, this means a return to how music has been used on the peripheries of the mainstream for centuries as “a vehicle for the articulation of dissent and resistance” (Dodds 96). Baumann argues that the position of the musician is an intrinsically political one: “Through their musical behavior, the individual musician or the musical group takes a position vis-à-vis the surrounding world, i.e., in relation to the past, present and future. This conscious or unconscious entanglement in decision-making processes can be understood, in a very general way, as musical-political behaviour” (71). Janelle Monae, whose most recent music video is an object of analysis in this paper, has vocalised the power and longevity of the political messages that can be conveyed in music: “I think we can use songs as a way, you can use music, you can use lyrics, you can use art, as a way to protest. As a way to fight back. I thought it was better communicated not just in an interview or a twitter post, but in something that can last for a long time” (“Django Jane Official Lyrics and Meaning”). This research will look at two other examples of musicians who are also utilising the form of the music video for these political purposes. As Simon Frith, one of the early popular music theorists asks, “in examining the aesthetics of popular music we need to reverse the usual academic argument: the question is not how a piece of music, a text, “reflects” popular values, but how - in performance - it produces them” (270, 1998). This thesis will thus attempt to answer the question of how music videos, like music and television, might be able to produce popular and therefore political values.
2 Methodology and Corpus
In order to attempt to answer the proposed research question, it was necessary to determine a research approach which would suit such an undertaking. Naturally, this was a project involving qualitative research, because an approach with a “fluid, evolving, and dynamic nature” was required to allow for different avenues of analysis and source types to be explored (Strauss 5). To briefly summarise the research method before going into greater detail later in this section, this research took a grounded theory approach to analysis, based on the work of Strauss and Corbin (1990). Strauss and Corbin argue that the value of such an approach lies in the ability it allows the researcher, “to take a holistic and comprehensive approach to the study of phenomena”, and also “to explore how meanings are formed and transformed”, thus broadly matching the intentions of this research (5). The research process might be understood in three major steps. The first stage was data selection, and as music video was the selected medium, it was necessary to select data fitting the research object. A case study based approach was thus deemed the most appropriate, and three examples of musicians producing music videos were selected: Pussy Riot, Janelle Monae, and Childish Gambino. Although many more videos would’ve contributed further interesting dimensions to the study of the medium and its variety, three were chosen in order to achieve a balance between the depth and breadth of the analysis, given the length of this research paper. Secondly, the analysis of secondary sources took place, including interviews with the musicians, journalistic articles, and fan reaction and adaptation videos surrounding the primary texts. Thirdly, a content analysis of the primary texts was carried out, informed by the secondary sources from step two, as well as academic, theoretical literature relevant to the texts. Debord’s theory on spectacular society and the work of Warner, Lasn and others on Culture Jamming provided the primary theoretical framework in which these analyses took place. The method of research undertaken thus involved a combination of elements: literature research, close reading of selected videos, and following the trail of critical commentary, scholarly attention, reviews and reactions that they have provoked. Rather than carrying out a reception study, this research is focused on the texts themselves (as well as the activity around and in relation to them), in order to understand how they specifically can be meaningful to audiences.
2.1 Selecting the Medium
Within television studies lies a massive range of texts available for research. Music videos have been selected as the medium of choice for this research, for a number of reasons, but perhaps primarily because there is a great deal of interesting research still to be done at this point in time. As Vernallis writes in her most recent text, an in depth analysis of The Carter’s’ 2018 music video for ‘APESHIT’, “music video remains undertheorized even though some clips reach a kind of mathematical-sublime hit count” (11, 2019). The collection of essays Music/Video: Histories, Aesthetics, Media contains
seventeen essays approaching analysis of music video through these lenses; examining the music video as pure art form, as historically embedded object, and as digital media mutation (2017). Within this research numerous works from this collection have been utilised as reference points, as this is the most up to date and expansive published collection of research on the medium. Since the beginning of music video creation, critics have focused on issues of representation within music video, particularly in relation to not only the lack of female presence in music video, but also female sexualisation and objectification (Turner 2011, Wallis 2011, Aubrey et al 2007, Rich et al 1997, van Oosten et al 2015, Ward et al 2005). Inequality in racial representation is another major research area of the music video, many of these projects also tipping over into representations of sexuality (Turner 2011, Brown and Campbell 1986, Jung 2012, Rich et al 1997, Frisby et al 2012). Theorists who have decided to focus on one particular case study have often chosen the music videos of Beyonce due to the prolific nature and concern with intersectional representation (Balaji 2012, Bertens 2017, Vernallis 2017, Vernallis 2019). Edmond has analysed music videos historically, in order to understand how YouTube has affected the medium (2014), similarly to the aim of the research conducted by Hearsum and Inglis, also referenced later in this paper (2015).
Another reason for research into the medium at this point in time is that, as mentioned earlier, short form content, of which the music video is a prime example, is becoming increasingly popular, due in large part to the growing prominence of mobile media consumption. Over 1 billion hours of YouTube content is watched daily, with the site reaching more 18- to 49-year-olds on mobile alone than any broadcast or cable TV network (O’Neil-Hart). The music video is the most viewed form of content on the site, with fourteen out of fifteen of the most viewed videos of all time on YouTube being music videos (Price), the most popular of these reaching over six billion views (Martindale). Finally, there has been a variety of fascinating and complex music videos released in the last couple of years, many of which have been widely commented on and circulated via social media and other online media sources, but which have not yet received the critical attention they seem to warrant, given their cultural impact.
2.2 Selecting a Research Method
The fundamental premise of the grounded theory approach is that the research is grounded in the data first and foremost. What makes this approach unique is that, “The concepts out of which the theory is constructed are derived from data collected during the research process and not chosen prior to beginning the research” (Strauss and Corbin 7). The bulk of the data was collected from the primary texts through a content analysis conducted in minute long segments of everything present within the mise-en-scene of the video, from the lyrics, to the music, to the camera angles, setting, the actors, their costumes, and their movements. Vernallis places the “paucity” of music video scholarship down to the complex nature of the research involved in “addressing the music, the image (including the
moving bodies, cinematography and editing), the lyrics, and the relation among them” (Vernallis 2019, 3). This does not even point to the intertextual aspects of the music video’s content, and the wealth of activity surrounding the music video on YouTube (comments, likes, interviews, reaction videos, and adaptation videos), that is arguably just as integral to research carried out on the medium. Strauss and Corbin continue to say that the other facet of grounded theory which sets it apart, is that “research analysis and data collection are interrelated”, which ultimately means that “data collection and analysis continue in an ongoing cycle throughout the research process” (7). In this way there is a more circular than linear approach to research taken, and that can certainly be said to characterise the research process of this thesis.
Another reason for the selection of this grounded theory approach is the process of ‘constant comparisons’, in which they explain, “data are broken down into manageable pieces with each piece compared for similarities and differences. Data that are similar in nature (referring to something conceptually similar but not necessarily a repeat of the same action or incident) are grouped together under the same conceptual heading. Through further analysis, concepts are grouped together by the researcher to form categories” (7). This process is extremely relevant to this research because of its case study based format, and because categorisation provides a means of organising data which makes its presentation easily accessible. This process of analysis creates “close-in comparisons” and “far-out comparisons”, or “situations that on the surface appear to be very different but when examined at a conceptual level have more in common than would appear at first” (87). In the close reading of texts, particularly texts with as many layers as the research objects in this paper, this process of constant comparison proved integral to meaning making, through providing perspective and context beyond what can be seen on a superficial level, and allowing the researcher to “break out of stereotyping” (8).
In addition to the research approach, it is also relevant to note that the interpretation and analyses of the case studies was undertaken through an intersectional approach. Collins and Chepp define intersectionality as:
An assemblage of ideas and practices that maintain that gender, race, class, sexuality, age, ethnicity, ability, and similar phenomena cannot be analytically understood in isolation from one another; instead, these constructs signal an intersecting constellation of power relationships that produce unequal material realities and distinctive social experiences for individuals and groups positioned within them. (3)
As discussed in the introduction, music has long been used as a means of speaking out against these unequal realities, giving voice and attention to those normally suppressed. Crenshaw write that, “This process of recognising as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterised the identity politics of African Americans, other people of colour,
and gays and lesbians, among others” (1241-1242). This process has been aided by media forms such as the music video and yet, as the case studies in this paper demonstrate, it is still very much an ongoing process.
2.3 Selecting the Case Studies
The case studies selected are three artists from a variety of backgrounds; personally, musically and politically speaking. These artists are those whom Newcomb and Hirsch describe as “cultural bricoleurs”: their work is both influenced by real life events and influencing their audiences by communicating important messages about these events, which was an important requirement of the research (563). Selecting such a limited number of case studies from the enormous selection of artists producing music videos meeting this requirement was nonetheless challenging. Indeed, the selection process was a highly subjective one, based on music videos which piqued the researcher’s interest, which then through multiple viewings, analyses, and further research into the artists and context surrounding the music videos themselves, were shortlisted. The final selections were made not only based on the particular text itself, but also based on its relation to other texts. Analysing very similar texts, or indeed texts without any comparative elements would not be particularly fruitful for this research approach.
Although there are industry standards and norms for how music videos appear, it is a diverse medium, particularly on YouTube where anyone can ‘publish’ a music video at any time. As a result, the videos that might be said to fall into this category vary significantly in terms of formatting and aesthetics. Vernallis concludes that given the extreme variety within the genre, the only universal definition of the music video is, “a relation of sound and image that we recognise as such” (438, 2015). The music videos selected as case studies in this paper represent to some extent a range of formatting, production, and filming practices apparent in the medium, although given the brevity of each analysis it is not possible to analyse all of these facets in depth. To emphasise the richness of some music video’s audiovisual content, large research projects are dedicated to even a singular music video (Vernallis 2019). These works demonstrate the variety of ways in which such short segments of audiovisual content can be analysed and interpreted, and as such this research paper has had to be as specific as possible in the focus of its research, without ignoring important elements of the videos and their context. Specifically, the political discourses and their representations in the music videos are analysed. In some cases, additional features were also analysed. For example, the historical and political context in which Pussy Riot’s music videos are situated is of extreme relevance to their analysis because of their status as political actors. On the other hand, the adaptations created around Childish Gambino’s music video, alongside the primary text itself, are of great relevance to the research conducted because of their geopolitical nature. Monae’s text meanwhile is so rich in itself, given its duration and the layers of complex meaning within it, that it provides more
than enough for analysis. In this way, the style of analysis and presentation of each case study varies as given the idiosyncrasies of the music videos themselves, nuance in the approach taken was required in order to draw out the relevance to the overarching arguments made about music videos.
As one of the original and perhaps more prolific academics paying significant attention to the music video, Vernallis defends the close reading and interpretation of one short segment of content as follows: “Some readers may wonder whether this much attention to a brief clip is productive. But today’s audiovisually rich content seems to wield great influence… Together, watching/listening closely, we may learn more how these works speak to us. From here there might be possibilities for opening the discussion, for sharing experiences of our world” (12, 2019). Indeed, this research argues that the music video has the potential to “wield great influence” through audiovisual storytelling. The first case study selected for this purpose was Childish Gambino’s ‘This Is America’, which won ‘Best Music Video’ at the 2019 Grammy Awards despite the controversial image painted of the nation. This inspired the idea of further researching music videos jamming hegemonic images of nationhood. Although the video for ‘This Is America’ alone could produce enough to be examined in an entire research paper, for the purposes of this research one of the most interesting elements of this case study is the wealth of adaptations that have been produced around the video. Four of these adaptations, those which contained the most relevant references to socio-political issues, and those for which English subtitles were available (where applicable), were selected for analysis alongside the primary text. A content analysis of each of these eight research objects was conducted, involving both the lyrics and the visual aspects of each music video in ten second segments. After this, a list of the discourses present in each video was compiled, from which the three main, overarching themes were discerned. The findings of the analysis were thus presented under these three themes.
The selection of Pussy Riot as a case study followed on from this, as a band which initially gained attention from their anti-Putinist criticism of Russian politics, but who have in recent years forayed into American politics. What makes this case study particularly interesting is the way in which the group gained notoriety from live protest performances, then utilising the form of the music video in an ancillary way to increase the global attention they had garnered. Given that Pussy Riot’s music videos are generally audiovisually less complex, more specifically embedded within a moment and place, and have evolved dramatically over the course of their career, an analysis of a range of their music videos was required to gather sufficient data. Therefore, an assortment of their music videos as posted on their YouTube channel between 2012 and 2016 were analysed in relation to the historical and political context in which they were created.
Janelle Monae’s latest album, Dirty Computer (2018) was selected last. The album marked a significant development in the musician’s career, being nominated for album of the year, and the song, ‘PYNK’ for music video of the year. What made Monae’s album so interesting is the way in which she has played with the format of the music video, which is also what made its analysis a difficult process of selecting relevant segments and sections for analysis. Dirty Computer can be
viewed in two ways, as one forty minute long music video, and as seven standard-length individual music videos woven together by an overarching narrative. This unique composition, and the length and depth of the narrative, meant that it was impossible for all forty minutes to be discussed. The general themes and discourses present in the video were analysed in the same manner as ‘This Is America’, and the chapter on Monae was subsequently divided into overarching themes. The first of these is discrimination and Otherisation, zooming out to look at the ways in which this appears in the narrative as a whole. The second theme is focused on intersectional representations of race, gender and sexuality in three of the music videos in which they were most prominent.
Whilst the case studies differ in style and content from one another, there are more similarities than might be expected. This is an integral part of Strauss and Corbin’s process of constant comparison, as they state that after gathering the data, “we can step back and look at the piece of data that we’ve chosen to analyse and reflect upon what we think is the main idea being expressed” and then “match it against” the other data, in order to draw conclusions (87). In this way, the aim of the research is to conclude with some understanding of how the selected music videos can be interpreted as forms of political activism and cultural criticism.
3 Theoretical Framework
Before embarking on the analysis of the case studies, there is a close look at the overarching theoretical arguments that provide the framework in which this research is taking place. As mentioned earlier, Debord’s manifesto on The Society of the Spectacle, and theory about culture jamming and its tactics are the primary concepts used to create this framework, although naturally other theories are also included, some more applicable to specific case studies than others. This chapter aims to provide some perspective on the theories behind three ostensibly quite different approaches to the analysis of three diverse case studies.
3.1 The Society of the Spectacle and Culture Jamming
In societies where modern conditions of production prevail, all life presents as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation (Debord 1).
In 2019, when so much of everyday life and communication takes place in the virtual sphere of the ‘online’ and is thus intrinsically mediated, Debord’s claim written in 1967 appears more relevant than ever. As a pioneer of the Situationalist movement, Debord sought to highlight and create dissent from the ways in which modern societies are enslaved to this notion of ‘the spectacle’. The spectacle is a product of a capitalist culture of commodification, a culture which, as Debord writes at the start of his manifesto, quoting nineteenth century philosopher Feuerbach, “prefers the sign to the thing signified, the copy to the original, representation to reality” (1). In our modern, technocentric society, one only needs to look around and witness the prevalence of social media platforms such as Instagram to perceive the significance of the image in modern society. Debord however is careful to explain that the spectacle stands in for more than simply a “collection of images”, it also represents social relations within the society in which the images are circulated (4). He writes,
The spectacle grasped in its totality is both the result and the project of the existing mode of production. It is not a supplement to the real world, an additional decoration. It is the heart of the unrealism of the real society. In all its specific forms, as information or propaganda, as advertisement or direct entertainment consumption, the spectacle is the present model of socially dominant life. (6)
Debord thus emphasises how society relies upon representation, that images are more than simply a “supplement” to reality but in fact because of their high value position within society, come to determine and have major consequences on the real world (6).
It is from this Situationalist stance that another social movement was born. Emerging late in the twentieth century, ‘culture jammers’ dissent from the society of the spectacle from within, recognising that the most effective way to challenge such an ingrained system of commodification is to utilise the system itself. Warner quotes Jameson (1992) writing about this approach in the early nineties: “There is the possibility of a cultural politics that deploys a postmodern political aesthetic— which would confront the structure of image society as such head-on and undermining it from within … undermining the image by way of image itself”. (qtd. in Warner 17). This approach picked up speed in the late nineties with ‘subvertising’ becoming one of the most well-known of the culture jamming tactics, in which corporate advertisements were rephrased to expose the ironies and inequalities of the commercialised culture they perpetuated. Lievrouw writes that, “By the 1990s, culture jamming had become a familiar tactic among media activists, and widely discussed among media scholars” (50). In 1999, Kalle Lasn, founder of the Adbusters magazine, one of the first major culture jammer collectives involved with new media-related activism, wrote a seminal text on the movement entitled, Culture Jam: How to Reverse America's Suicidal Consumer Binge--And Why We
Must, which has been used as the basis for most writing on the subject to date. In this text, Lasn
claims that the primary, unifying purpose of culture jamming is “detournement”, providing a new way of looking at the world through "a perspective jarring turnabout in your everyday life" (qtd. in Warner 21).
Although culture jamming was becoming increasingly prominent as a social movement towards the end of the twentieth century, it entered “a new and more vigorous phase” with the introduction of the internet, as “activists and artists quickly adopted digital media to reach new audiences” (Lievrouw 50). The advent of the digital era introduced even greater possibilities of exposure for culture jamming, arguably allowing the movement to infiltrate the ‘mainstream’ as social media seemed to present an inverted hierarchy of social interaction and engagament. This era has had huge repercussions for elements of society such as popular culture, by introducing new levels of accessibility and participation in media for the general populace.
Reflecting back on Debord’s claim that, “the spectacle is the present model of socially dominant life” (6), and the notion of popular culture as “an arena for power struggles between dominant and subordinate social groups - a terrain on which hegemony, or consent, is fought for and resisted” (Sandlin and Milam 325), the connections between these concepts becomes clear. Popular culture is comprised of images which mediate social relations, especially because of the sphere’s position in the mainstream media. In short, popular culture is a large part of what comprises the modern spectacle. The crucial role that culture jamming plays in relation to these concepts is then also elucidated, for media scholars have acknowledged that, “what makes culture jamming distinctive as a genre of alternative/activist new media is that it “mines” mainstream culture to reveal and criticise its fundamental inequities, hypocrisies, and absurdities”, thus following on from the Situationists (Lievrouw 51).
Emphasising the political nature of the role that culture jamming can play, Warner and Farrar write that, “Debord's society of the spectacle has now overtaken political, as well as social, life. Murray Edelman argues that politicians and the media construct an inherently conservative spectacle that systematically diverts attention from inequality and toward the dominant political brands” (6). The prevalence of these political ‘brands’ is particularly noticeable in election campaigns of recent years. For example, Donald Trump’s campaign can be viewed as a form of branded, spectacle-driven politics, epitomised by his slogan “Make America Great Again”. The same might be said of the Brexit Leave campaign, driven by the slogan, ‘Take Back Control’’. Such slogans manipulate emotions such as nostalgia, without having to provide a concrete pinpoint of which historical moment their brand strives to return the nation to. These campaigns thus create a successful, political brand around a vague and aspirational idea of nationhood, appealing to the emotions of their audience.
One of the crucial problems with the use of the spectacle within politics however, as Warner and Farrar identify, is that it has been argued to promote passive audiencehood for those outside of the political arena. They describe the inhabitants (and consumers/audience) of this society as having been “transformed from a vigorous, engaged, well-informed citizenry into a nation of entertainment junkies: quickly bored, increasingly blasé, and progressively more unwilling and/or unable to separate fact from fiction” (278). The recent fake news and misinformation scandals have been perpetuated by politics which seek to shock an increasingly blasé audience at the cost of ‘truth’. This again gives us cause to reflect on Feuerbach’s quote at the start of Debord’s manifesto:
But certainly for the present age, which prefers the sign to the thing signified, the copy to the original, representation to reality, the appearance to the essence... illusion only is sacred, truth profane. Nay, sacredness is held to be enhanced in proportion as truth decreases and illusion increases, so that the highest degree of illusion comes to be the highest degree of sacredness. (qtd. in Debord 1)
As many scholars working with Debord’s theories on the society of the spectacle have acknowledged, this way of looking at modern society appears to be becoming only increasingly relevant. Alongside this, the position of culture jamming as a form of revolt is shifting, becoming increasingly significant, and arguably occupying a more centralised position within society. There might not be groups of self-proclaimed culture jammers such as the Adbusters rising to the mainstream, but as Warner argues, culture jamming tactics are being employed by more figureheads of mass entertainment. He argues for example that culture jamming can be seen in The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, an extremely popular American news satire television programme. He claims that this type of political parody is “disseminating dissident images with messages designed to provoke the same type of dètournement or subversion of the dominant meaning that Lasn and his fellow culture jammers seek” (Warner 22). Through an illusion of innocence created in the use of humour, Jon Stewart and other such political
satirists (today Trevor Noah) are able to get away with circulating controversial ideas. In this way, culture jamming has adjusted to the digital era, now being utilised by a “plethora” of groups within society through increasingly diverse methods. These methods, which involve turning “commercial techniques of image and emotion back on themselves”, are better able to slip through the net of censorship and regulation to infiltrate the mainstream media, instead of “simply using non-spectacular or non-ironic factual information, rational argumentation, legal strategies, and traditional political tactics to oppose capitalist institutions directly” (Warner 280). Given that, as van Zoonen states, politics “has to complete with a large offer of diversion - mediated and unmediated”, situating political information directly within the most prominent source of diversion – popular culture - is arguably the best way, “to gain people’s attention, interest, and involvement” (2-3).
3.2 The Music Video as Culture Jam
The concept of ‘detournement’ is fundamental to culture jamming, at the centre of all its various forms. Lasn (1999) argues that detournement is instigated by “rerouting spectacular images, environments, ambiences and events to reverse or subvert their meaning, thus reclaiming them” (qtd. in Warner 21). As this paper argues, modern society, beholden as it is to digitalisation, seems to be only increasingly moving toward becoming a society of the spectacle, and thus it appears one of the most effective means of transmitting dissident messages is, as Warner writes, “from within” (17). In this way, the culture jammer is “undermining the image by way of the image itself”. (Jameson 1992, qtd. in Warner 17). The disruption of the internet has had massive repercussions for the medium of music, many of them beneficial, such as the creation of the optimum space for the re-emergence of the music video. However, the internet has also enabled processes which are constantly creating a more homogenous and exclusive mainstream, for example in the use of AI such as algorithms.
Warner and Farrar argue that, “By (ab)using tactics readily available within our political culture, such as spectacle, irony, and marketing savvy, the Billionaires attempt to "jam" the dominant interpretation of a political brand - in this instance, the Republican Party - by inserting parodic counter messages into what is often a one-way information flow’’ (292). Although they are here talking about a specific political protest group of culture jammers, this paper argues that the three case studies outlined in this chapter utilise similar tactics in order to insert their counter messages into the music industry. Although some of the means may be different, the fact that these artists are jamming popular culture through their music can be seen from the effect their music produces. As Warner and Farrar conclude, “This has the potential to force passive political spectators to become active participants in the event, decoding and reinterpretating the multiple narratives that form the basis of the ironic performance, which is exactly the detournement that all culture jammers seek” (292).
The concept of ‘savvy viewership’ (Teurlings 2010) comes into play here, as can be seen closely surrounding the music videos of these artists on YouTube. Part of the music video’s success
on YouTube lies in the way in which YouTube users are able to engage directly with the music and with each other, forming a community of engaged audiencehood. In their essay on ‘The Emancipation of Music Video’’, Hearsum and Inglis refer to YouTube’s cultural system as one of “multiple functionality”: “Whereas MTV offered the world 24-hour music videos with dual functionality (to listen and to watch), YouTube offers 24-hour multiple functionality (to listen, to watch, to select, to read, to add comments, to participate).” (491). The savvy viewers of these music videos are constantly analysing and interpreting the audiovisual elements and carrying out close readings. In this way, the content is stimulating discussion amongst an audience consisting of millions, who are no longer passively receiving a one-way message, but actively participating in and shaping the sphere of popular culture.
Teurlings, building on the work of Andrejevic (2004), argues that this movement toward savvy viewership signals the transition of spectacular society into a new form, at least in terms of popular culture: the society of the machinery (2013). Although evolved from the notion of spectacular society, this concept of machinery applied here in some ways clashes with Debord’s theories, as it replaces passive consumers of popular culture, with consumers who have clarity and insight into the mechanisms behind the spectacles. As such, the spectacle has not disappeared in this transition, but rather “both spectacle and machinery take frontstage” (521). The viewers thus now “oscillate between two viewing modes: one of immersion in the spectacle… the other of foregrounding the machinery” (521). This paper will explore some of the most recent ways in which these more active, participatory processes of consumption are taking place, even in relation to spectacular forms of popular culture such as the music video. This suggests that while we may still be living in a society riddled with spectacles, we cannot necessarily adhere to the notion of these as a purely passivity-invoking phenomenon.
3.3 Reading Mediums
In his seminal text, Reading Television first published in 1978, John Fiske provides early and still highly relevant theorisations about the potential of television to be more than simply a form of entertainment. He argues that, “the television message system is a representation of the underlying values of society” (16). This ‘message system’ refers to what is communicated through both the manifest and latent content of what is on screen, as although things may be said to appear ‘unrealistic’, there is often a symbolic level of representation at work. He states, “television does not represent the manifest actuality of our society, but rather reflects, symbolically, the structure of values and relationships beneath the surface” (11). He uses the literary concept of defamiliarisation to argue that a similar process is at work in television, whereby the seeming distance from what we are presented with on a surface level demonstrates the arbitrary nature of ways of seeing. He states that the “active contradictions” between what we see on television as opposed to the way we might
understand things to be in reality, “confront the reader with their true place in the ideological framework of society” (6). Fiske emphasises that on a day to day level, viewers are not constantly conscious of this process taking place, but that through simply being confronted in this way, they must “negotiate a stance towards it in order to decode and thus enjoy the entertainment in which it is embodied” (6). Although this text was written before the advent of the music video, his assessment applies arguably to any medium which bears a ‘message system’ of the kind he purports television to have, such as music for example. He says that in order to gain an understanding of the true potential of these communication systems, interpretation must “progress from the manifest content to the latent content”, and thus this research will attempt to carry out its analysis of music videos with both of these levels in mind (8).
4 Case study 1: Pussy Riot
Pussy Riot might be said to stand out as the most overtly political of the case studies examined in this thesis. The group also stands out for their geographical context, with the all-female band originating in Russia and being deeply invested in Russian as well as American politics. This chapter will explore how the group’s involvement in the arena of political activism, characterised by on the ground protests but further communicated online through their music videos, demonstrates that they are far more than simply an outspoken punk rock band. In this way, we can gain deeper insight into how political activists are capitalising on mainstream music culture as a means of maximising the reach of their protests. As one critic has said of the group, “Pussy Riot are, like only a handful of western bands – Crass, Public Enemy, the Last Poets – political provocateurs first and musicians second. They make words, image and noise tell the same story, so that you can see them in action for one minute and still get the message” (Lynskey 2012). This chapter will examine how the group’s activities have developed over time as they have utilised different public arenas as platforms to gain visibility. Judith Butler’s work on performativity and assembly will be used as a theoretical basis for the analysis and interpretation of Pussy Riot’s history of performance and protest. Furthermore, the manner in which the focus of these protests has shifted from being specifically critical of Russian politics to becoming increasingly international will be discussed in terms of how this has altered their approach to using music as a tool of protest. This will be carried out through analyses of numerous Pussy Riot music videos posted on their YouTube channel between 2012 and 2018.
As Butler states in her text, ‘Notes Toward a Performative Theory of Assembly’ (2015), “acting in concert can be an embodied form of calling into question the inchoate and powerful dimensions of reigning notions of the political” (9). Butler takes precarity as the “galvanising condition” of these assembled bodies and indeed precarity could be said to be main stimulus behind all of Pussy Riot’s activities. Precisely defining precarity and how it manifests itself on an individual level is not easily done, as the condition may take on many different forms. Rather than attempting definition, Butler argues that precarity is best identified as a status or condition afflicting entire groups of people. She refers to the process whereby this condition is created as “precaritisation”, explaining that it is generally “induced and reproduced by governmental and economic institutions” and that the process “acclimatises over time to insecurity and hopelessness” (15). Putin is naturally the main target of Pussy Riot’s highly public calls for governmental action on precarity.
A few key members of Pussy Riot, namely Nadezhda Tolokonnikova ‘Nadya’ and Maria Alyokhina ‘Masha’, who served prison sentences for the group’s first infamous demonstration in 2011, have gained notoriety for their involvement with the band. The composition of the rest of the group has alternated over time, with some members choosing to stay anonymous, some members leaving and new members joining, some others also becoming known for their participation in later
demonstrations. Even when the group performs at festivals and concerts now, which members and how many of them will be performing is uncertain, with a “seemingly interchangeable” cast of masked figures (Hutchinson 2018). The group has always defied categorisation as purely musicians, artists, or activists. However, Pussy Riot created an initial image of themselves as a feminist punk band, with their first performance, “Kill the Sexist” taking place at a lecture on feminist punk. Although subsequent performances quickly demonstrated their interest in more wide-spread politics, Riot has to an extent maintained the status of a punk band. The genre of punk creates a memorable identity for the group, one which is also transferable to a variety of political stances and actions, giving them the freedom of expression that can be said to epitomise their performances, with each location and each song surprising their audience in some way.
One of Pussy Riot’s most distinctive and defining symbols is that of the brightly coloured balaclava. From their very first protest performance, the group wore the balaclava and at most live performances at concerts and festivals the group still don the characteristic attire. Tolokonnikova has said of this symbol that, “When we started Pussy Riot, we had just three people willing to take part. Everybody anticipated the danger of it. In order to create the feeling that we had more than one collective, we put on a mask… we didn’t want to look like cops or terrorists, so we chose bright colors” (2017). Indeed, the balaclavas allowed the group to create a signature image for themselves, but the sign also highlights their usage of spectacle and culture jamming techniques. There is clear irony in their use of the balaclavas, a symbol most often associated with criminals, yet their choice to wear neon coloured versions, often with pom poms on top and paired with mismatched colourful outfits and boots, creates a comical and absurd effect. Tolokonnikova continues to say that,
Big and powerful movements happen around symbols, we did have white ribbons in Russia at the end of 2011 when we were protesting against Putin... During the Ukrainian revolution they have orange flags. Every big movement needs to have a sign. Balaclavas, pussy hats, pick whatever you want but just fight against misogyny and racism. (2017)
The use of a key signifying feature in their attire allows Pussy Riot to be easily distinguished and contributes to the performative nature of their protest. Another, obvious effect of the use of the balaclava is the anonymity it allows, supporting the notion that Pussy Riot is representing the interests of ‘the people’ in their protests, the anonymous mass, rather than just those of a few individuals. Pussy Riot has spoken about how music videos have been an integral part of their approach to protest, stating that, “Pussy Riot always combines the audio and visual angle. We never release songs without a video, because we are convinced that music always has a stronger impact when it comes with video” (Pelly). The first Pussy Riot music videos appear comparably to the first hip hop music videos, often low quality, single shot recordings of live performances. De Cuir Jr has written of one of the earliest hip hop music videos, ‘The Message’ by Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five, that, “A
documentary realism governs the entire feel of this video, and this is something of a message that is sent, emphasising the importance of street-level reportage and placing hip hop in a unique position to deliver such information” (56). Long after this video was made in 1982, after the music videos of the hip hop genre had evolved beyond recognition from this style of reportage, Pussy Riot adopted the amateur style, bringing it into a very different genre and context, on the streets on Russia. These close links will be discussed in further detail, after closer exploration of the videos themselves. Nonetheless, we can draw an early conclusion that these early music videos, as recordings of live performances, thus form more of a secondary extension to the primary, physical site of protest. This being said, there is a clear shift in a variety of respects over the course of Pussy Riot’s musical career which is perceptible in their music videos, as they form an archive of their performances. A selection of Pussy Riot’s music videos, one from each year of their career, has been made to demonstrate these shifts, and through their analysis this paper will showcase the ways in which the band utilise the format of the video to circulate their diverse socio-politically engaged messages of protest.
4.1 From Live Footage to Music Video
Pussy Riot’s first and most famous performance of their song, ‘Punk Prayer’ took place in Moscow’s Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in February of 2012. It was this performance which brought the group to the attention of not only the Russian populace, but also the international media, and the Russian authorities. The group were arrested shortly after commencing their performance at the cathedral’s altar, and yet they were able to make clear the purpose of their protest, delivering a strong criticism of Putin and his treatment of the Russian population, referring to him as a ‘dictator’, and criticising his links with the orthodox church. In the lyrics, the group criticise the church for praising the ‘rotten dictator’, and call on the Virgin Mary to “put Putin away”. Certain members of Pussy Riot were tasked with recording the performance for online circulation, but it wasn’t long, approximately two minutes, before all members were apprehended and arrested. These recordings show four group members standing before the altar, wearing their characteristic bright clothing and balaclavas, kicking, punching, mock-praying and dancing as they sing. In front of them a group accompanies them with instruments such as guitars. Even as security attempts to apprehend the group, they continue to perform. Despite the performance taking place in Russian, the group successfully garnered international support, which was then heightened as a result of the eloquent defence statements that some of the members gave in court, explicating their motives and intentions. The contrast between the rebellious and messy nature of the performance in the cathedral and the group member’s appearances in court, where they were forced to remove their balaclavas, appearing then as calm, rational political advocates, has also come to characterise the group. Both Nadya and Masha, the main performers, were sentenced to two years in separate penal colonies for "hooliganism motivated by religious hatred", despite the international support they received (Tayler).
Despite this, Pussy Riot continued to play music, with one of the first music videos being posted to their channel in July of 2013. ‘Like a Red Prison’ shows members of the group wearing their characteristic outfits, including balaclavas, dancing and performing in their usual chaotic manner, on top of oil industry equipment. The video shows the miles of stark Russian landscape which is being drilled for oil, as well as the high security surrounding these areas, with high walls topped with barbed wire and watch towers. The group then appears to be tampering with equipment, hitting it with hammers and setting off flares and smoke bombs, as they climb on top of various sites of moving equipment, all the while singing, playing and performing. Towards the end of the video, a giant poster of the face of Russian official and oil industry leader Igor Sechin is displayed on a moving piece of equipment, and the group begin to deface the poster, covering it with black paint, resembling oil. In this way, the group succeeds in demonstrating that fear of the punitive consequences will not stop them from protesting, and it also extends the reach of their criticism to another dimension of Russian politics through condemning Russia’s oil industry.
In February of 2014, as the Winter Olympics were taking place in Sochi, the group made another of their infamous public performances. The message of this song was clear, as the group returned to their anti-Putin protest tactics in ‘Putin Will Teach You to Love the Motherland’. Standing in front of the colourful characteristic Olympic logo rings, the group once again were apprehended mid-performance, but this time the camera captures the group being brutally beaten by Cossacks. Again, the group were arrested, and only a day later a recorded video of the performance was available online, on their YouTube channel. The song lyrics detail the oppression and violence that the Russian people face under Putin’s rule, stating that “the verdict for Russia is jail for six years”, as this performance took place shortly after Putin secured another six-year term. The video, as with ‘Like a Red Prison’ is carefully edited despite the chaotic events taking place within it, and the low quality handheld camera filming. Alongside the shots of the group’s performance, the video shows the members being beaten, some of them bleeding, and being shoved into a van, all the while backed by the song’s vocals. The video ends as a police officer covers the camera to protect his face. Underneath the video, in the description is written: “Freedom to all political prisoners on the May 6 case, to the environmentalist Evgeny Vitishko and all other political prisoners!”, referring to the trial of an environmental protester taking place shortly after. The video demonstrates the group’s support of other activists supporting different causes but facing similarly harsh penalties, thus criticising the Russian judicial system .
After 2014, a clear shift is visible in terms of the quality and style of Pussy Riot’s music video. Perhaps the key differentiating factor is that the music videos beyond this point are not recordings of live performances, but instead are produced videos which far more closely resemble the music videos of mainstream popular culture, the likes of which might be showcased on MTV or VEVO. The group’s first music video which appears this way on their YouTube channel, ‘I Can’t Breathe’, is also the first written entirely in English. If this were not already a significant departure
from Pussy Riot’s usual music, the song is based on American politics and events. The song is a powerful statement of international support by the group for protest movements such as Black Lives Matter. The description to this video reads, “Pussy Riot’s first song in English is dedicated to Eric Garner and the words he repeated eleven times before his death. This song is for Eric and for all those from Russia to America and around the globe who suffer from state terror - killed, choked, perished because of war and state sponsored violence of all kinds - for political prisoners and those on the streets fighting for change. We stand in solidarity” (“I Can’t Breathe”). Once again, the message is extremely clear, as the final words of Eric Garner, who died a victim of racially motivated police violence, were repeated across international media, becoming a symbol of police brutality. The concept of the video is very simple, as Nadya and Masha, Pussy Riot’s two most famous members, are buried alive as they lie in a large dirt grave. Instead of the usual Pussy Riot attire, the two are sporting Russian riot police uniforms, and we see the dirt being shovelled onto their faces. Noticeably, they are not wearing their balaclavas. At the end of the music video, the entire conversation and last words Garner uttered before he was choked to death by a policeman are spoken, read by Richard Hell, who is widely known as one of the early proponents of the punk movement and genre.
In October of 2016, two music videos were released by Pussy Riot in close succession. ‘Straight Outta Vagina’ was the first, and ‘Make America Great Again’ the second. The two songs are closely connected through their overarching critique and mockery of the U.S. President Donald Trump, who at the time was nearing the end of his presidential campaign. The latter song most ostentatiously mocks Trump’s politics, calling itself by Trump’s campaign slogan and featuring actual footage of Trump himself. One of the band members, Nadya Tolokonnikova, who stars in the video, has described Straight Outta Vagina as “an answer to Trump”, but continues on to say that, “I believe the idea of powerful female sexuality is much bigger than any populist megalomaniac man” (Harding). Indeed, there is a clear feminist theme throughout this song, returning to Pussy Riot’s initial political stance, and yet the high quality of the song, the fact it is written in English, as well as the variety of scenes, props and costumes within the music video demonstrates the progression of the band from targeting a very limited audience, to making their music and political opinions internationally known. Undoubtedly, these were the highest budgeted, most stylistically advanced of Pussy Riot’s music videos to date. It is clear that the group at this point has shifted their focus, prioritising high quality music videos as they have become increasingly well-known and involved in American politics, over their earlier protest tactics, where the location and volume of the protest were arguably the most important.
4.2 Pussy Riot’s Culture Jamming Tactics
The group has since been less consistent in the production of music videos, with many members of the group having dispersed after facing tough conditions in Russia. They have still retained their
