What are their expectations? : a study of community expectation of teachers in the town of Kenema, Sierra Leone

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What are their expectations?

A study of community expectation of teachers in the town of Kenema,

Sierra Leone

MSc Thesis

International Development Studies

30. October 2015

Fjölnir Sæmundsson 10635483

Supervisor: Dr. Sean Higgins

Second Reader: Dr. Mieke Lopes-Cardozo Graduate School of Social Sciences

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Abstract

Education is considered to play a significant role in the progress and structure of societies. When rebuilding societies after wars, many post-conflict states place great emphasis on strengthening the education system to change views and prevent conflict from reoccurring. In the West African country Sierra Leone, lack of educational opportunities are considered to be one of the drivers of the civil war between 1992 and 2002. After the war, many educational programs were established by international agencies in cooperation with the new government. This study indicates that, despite the efforts of the international community, the post-war reconstruction was not successful, and the situation for the local people is the same today. The aim of this study is to provide a voice for the local population and gain an understanding of community expectation of teachers, as well as their opinion of the educational system. This study is based on ten weeks of fieldwork in the city of Kenema, in the eastern part of Sierra Leone. The methods used were semi-structured interviews and participant observations with students, parents, and other local people. The results of this study show that access to education largely dependents upon the population’s financial capability. Even though the first nine years of education is free by law, the residents cost of education is sometimes too high for low-income families. Corruption is the main problem that weakens the educational system. Because of the widespread corruption, the cost of education is rising, and many people do not find the educational system trustworthy. The fact that teachers are poorly paid and sometimes go without salary for months is a significant element in maintaining the corruption. Most schools are associated with religious groups, and religious tolerance is a great source of pride for the community. Teachers do not have any role in helping students recuperate after the war and few people want schools to teach about the war period. The primary solutions that local people believe can change the situation are reducing poverty and making education truly free for all. Most local people have more confidence in the

international organizations making the necessary changes, rather than the government.

Keywords: Education, school, teachers, expectations, poverty, corruption, religion, post-conflict, Sierra Leone.

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Abbreviations.

APC All Peoples Congress

AFRC Armed Forces Revolutionary Council CBO Community Based Organization CDF The Civil Defense Front /Kamajaros

DIFD UK Department for International Development ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States

ECOMOG Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group ICC International Criminal Court

IMF International Monetary Fund NGO Non-Governmental Organization

OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development RUF Revolutionary United Front

SAPs Structural Adjustment Programs SLA Sierra Leone Army

SLPP Sierra Leone People´s Party

TRC Truth and Reconciliation Commission UN United Nations

USAID United States Agency for International Development WB World Bank

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Chapter 1. Introduction

1.1 Sierra Leone

Sierra Leone is a small West African country with a total landmass of 73,325 sq.km and an estimated population of 5.6 million people. It is bordered by Guinea to the northeast, Liberia to the southeast, and the Atlantic Ocean to the southwest. The capital, Freetown, is located in the southwest part of the country. The country is a former colony of the United Kingdom and gained its independence in 1961. Since independence, the country has been one of the poorest in the world and currently ranks number 182 of 187 countries on the Human Development Index (UNDP, 2014). The present administrative system in Sierra Leonestill bears its mark of the administrative system of the British colonizers. Since British rule, the infrastructure of the country has been weak, which renders development slow and leaves the state unfit to cope with natural and human disasters. The country fought a civil war from 1991 to 2002 and is still facing the consequences. Moreover, last year there was an outbreak of the Ebola virus disease that paralyzed the country's already fragile health system.

1.2 Country defined as a Fragile State

Sierra Leone is defined as a fragile state by the World Bank (WB) and most of the major aid agencies in the world, such as USAID, DIFID, and OECD. Fragile states are countries that, for whatever reason, have not been able to take full advantage of the humanitarian or

developmental aid supplied by other countries and international agencies. These countries are often said to be difficult into access because of lack of cooperation or are not capable of providing adequate security for its citizens or foreign aid agents. As a result, many smaller NGOs leave these countries to work in countries that are more secure, and where the progress of their work is more visible (Utz, Robert, 2010). Most countries that are defined as fragile are either post-conflict or conflict-affected states. While not all agencies use the same indicators to define fragile states, all agree on that the fragility has three characteristic dimensions: authority failures, service failures and legitimacy failures (Stewart, Frances & Graham Brown, 2009). Authority failures are cases where the state lacks the authority to protect its citizens from violence of various kinds. The state authority does not extend to a significant portion of the country and has periodic political or communal violence. Service failures are cases where the state fails to ensure that all citizens have access to core services including basic education, health services, water, the prevention of destitution, and

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infrastructure for transport and energy. Legitimacy failures occur where the state lacks legitimacy. For instance where the state has only limited support among the people, and is typically not democratic (Stewart et al., 2009: 3-4). Since independence, Sierra Leone has continuously fulfilled the criteria for one or more of the aspects of fragile states.

Upon independence, people in Freetown and the surrounding area were far better off than other regions of the country This was a result of the residual effects of the colonial period when the country was divided into sections, and the colony of the British was de facto only the capital and the neighboring area. This resulted in the rest of the country being excluded from development, particularly regarding education, health matters and road infrastructure (Boak & Dolan, 2011). In 1968 Sakah Stevens from the APC party, the second president of the country, came to power and changed the political system into a one-party state (Boak & Dolan, 2011). During his rule, no emphasis was placed on education, universal education was not mandatory, and almost no emphasis was placed on the education of girls (Novelli, 2011). The country was riddled with corruption and nepotism. Stevens ruled until 1985, but his successor changed little and, in some respects, things got worse (Boak & Dolan, 2011). By 1990, the country was at the bottom of the Human Development Index with

widespread corruption and inequality (Boak & Dolan, 2011).

1.3 The Civil War

In 1991, a civil war broke out in the country when members of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) attacked towns near the Liberian border. The RUF claimed its mission was to overthrow the one-party regime of the APC party and implement democracy (Novelli, 2011). The RUF was founded in 1988 and had training and support from Charles Taylor, then a rebel leader in Liberia (Boak & Dolan, 2011). Initially, the RUF were pitted against the Sierra Leone Army (SLA). At first the RUF had some support from the public, and a high number of young men from rural areas joined them, mostly because of the widespread poverty and significant inequality (Novelli, 2011). In its manifesto, RUF had an ambitious policy agenda for greater equality and educational reforms, for example, they promised nine years of free education for everyone (Novelli, 2011:18). It was soon clear that the compact tactics of the RUF were brutal and that they equally attacked civilians. Before long this made them lose public support (Novelli, 2011). The Sierra Leone Army (SLA) was, however, poorly equipped for war. Due to the perceived failure of the SLA to mount a robust challenge to the RUF,a

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civilian response precipitated the Civil Defense Front (CDF), or Kamajaros, to rise up to fight with the SLA against the RUF. The movement concentrated on protecting their own villages from the rebels (Bellows & Miguel, 2009). One response from the SLA army was to recruit young men from the streets of Freetown and other cities. This decision would later have an enormous impact on the traditional system in the country (Dowden, 2009). These young men were often boys that had been in trouble in their villages and were considered at the bottom of the social spectrum. When they received guns, they experienced new power, and some of them wanted to seek revenge for how they were previously treated. After some time, the people would refer to them as “Sobles,” meaning soldiers in the daytime but rebels at night. These young soldiers started attacking and robbing the public just like the rebels of the RUF (Novelli, 2011). The war changed the traditional power structure in the country, with the older people losing power to the younger ones that not showed the general respect that was

traditional in Sierra Leone, as in most countries of Africa (Dowden, 2009).

In 1996, with mounting international pressure, the war came to a halt. Each party tried to reach peace by signing the Abidjan Peace Accord, and subsequently elections were held. Ahmed Tejan Kabbha of the SLPP party was elected president. However, he was overthrown in a coup d’état in 1997 by Johnny Paul Koroma of the AFRC movement that was joined by the RUF. Kabbha was returned to power in March 1998 by the Nigerian-led ECOWAS. The RUF boycotted the election and in the period leading up to the elections they began to use amputation as a weapon of war to intimidate people from voting (Boak & Dolan, 2011). In July 1999, after several failed peace negotiations, the Lomé peace agreement was signed. The agreement led to the partial cessation of hostilities and the demobilization of armed actors (Novelli, 2011), although it did not stop the fighting altogether. The RUF was transformed into a political party, and its leader Foday Sankoh became a minister in the government. The agreement entailed clauses in respect to the creation of a Truth and Reconciliation

Commission, the establishment of a commission to manage the country’s national resources, and a pardon for all ex-combatants (Novelli, 2011). The RUF´s emphasis on nine years of free education for everyone was written into the treaty. Following the Lomé agreement fighting continued, but this time with the involvement of international actors, including UN

peacekeepers and British military troops.Finally, a fragile peace was established, and on 18 January 2002, the war was officially declared over (Novelli 2011: 7).

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9 1..3.1 Drivers of the War

In identifying the drivers of civil war, it is vital to understand both the pre-war and post-war society of Sierra Leone. Some academics claim that the drivers can be traced back to the country’s history because matters did not change much in the forty years from independence until the civil war broke out (Novelli, 2011; Bellows & Miguel, 2009; Boak & Dolan, 2011). The government of Sakah Stevens and his successor in the APC party placed little emphasis on equality or education, and poverty and corruption were widespread. The drivers of the war are considered to be grievance and feelings of hopelessness of young people regarding the future. Historically, both young men and women had been excluded from political and civil society decisions that impact their lives, particularly in rural areas (Novelli, 2011).

The support that RUF had at the beginning supports this hypothesis and the year the war began Sierra Leone was at the bottom of the Human Development Index (Boak & Dolan, 2011). Other academics have proposed the theory that greed towards natural resources were the main drivers of the war, and the war was first and foremost about greed and criminality (Novelli, 2011). The many battles in the war over diamond and gold mines reinforce this hypothesis, as well as the large exportation of Sierra Leone's blood diamonds from Liberia during the war. During the war, diamonds, gold and control over the mines were important for all parties to finance the conflict. Even ECOMOG, the combat troops of the UN, was accused of stealing diamonds and gold (Novelli, 2011).

To secure peace and stop the war, the UN placed focus on greed as a driver of the war. The priority was security, to protect people from more violence and to disarm the fighting parties. This was thought to be the first step to being able to deal with other problems and changes in society. The UN sent the largest military force it had ever sent to any country to stop the war in Sierra Leone. Nonetheless, the peace in Sierra Leone was what, in Galtung´s terms, is called negative peace (Galtung, 1969: Novelli, 2011), because the focus has been on stopping the fighting rather than changing the root causes of the violence.

1.3.2 The Post-War Period

The casualties of the war have been estimated to be between 50,000 and 75,000 lives. More than half the country’s population was displaced, either internally or externally (Boak, & Dolan, 2011, Novelli & Smith ,2011). According to the 2010 Human Development Index, the

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average income was reduced by 50% after the years of war (Novelli 2011:7). The World Bank estimated that, following the war, only 13% of Sierra Leone's schools were useable, and 35% required total reconstruction (Novelli 2011). Thousands of both teachers and children were killed, maimed or displaced, and many more were either forcibly or voluntarily recruited into the ranks of the different warring parties (Novelli 2011). One of the consequences of the war is a generation of young people without education (Novelli, 2011). The situation is very problematic as these young people begin their family life without any qualifications and this often results in unemployment (Bangura &Specht, 2102).

Even though the country has made some progress many of the inequalities that contributed to the war still seem to exist, and the peace remains fragile (Boak & Dolan, 2011; Novelli, 2011). Post-conflict societies rarely experience a clean break from the past, particularly in the elite realm of governance. Since the year 2000, 90% of all new conflicts in the world have occurred in countries with previous conflicts (World Bank 2011; Odi Briefing Paper, 2011). Many scholars suggest that for peacebuilding to be long lasting and successful connection to the traditional method of local people are essential (Freedman et.al. 2008, Caulker 2012). In the post-conflict period, Sierra Leone has had three democratic and credible presidential, parliamentary and local council elections. These elections have only involved minor conflicts and have been declared fair by international agencies. Since independence in 1961, two major political parties have dominated the political arena: The Sierra Leone People´s Party (SLPP) and the All Peoples Congress (APC). These parties primarily draw their support from different ethnic groups, and each party has support from residents in different parts of the country (Novelli, 2011, Boak & Dolan, 2011).

1.4 International Weakness in Development Assistance

Following the war the UN, other international parties, and NGOs offered financial assistance, as well as implementing programs to help the rebuilding of society. Both local people and some academics have criticized the programs, stating that a key problem with international interventions is their lack of a long-term strategy.They are also claimed to place a strong emphasis on security issues and exclude the needs and traditions of the people. Most programs offered by the international agencies were short-term programs aimed at helping people in building new careers. History however, shows that these programs did not always benefit the people or the wider society. Programs were offered in trades such as plumbing or

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business, which many chose in the hope it would result in better jobs. What the international interventions failed to take into consideration was that 75% of the country’s economy is built on agriculture, but no programs were offered to build capacity in that field (Novelli, 2011). Some NGOs working in Sierra Leone after the war saw the need for teachers' education. Instead of supporting the public system in improving teacher education, many set up their educational programs resulting in an even weaker public system. When these programs were completed, and the NGOs moved out, teachers of diverse educational backgrounds had to return to the public education system, which was different and had lacked support for

reconstruction (Novelli, 2011). Usually agencies, like the UN, try to avoid the construction of a double system in countries, and therefore UN programs are only implemented for a limited time in each country (Ramachandran & Walz, 2012).

Building up a double system in a fragile state serves to weaken the system of governance. According to some academics, the best solution in helping fragile states is to strengthen the system already in place in the country, and to work through that system, even if it is weak and corrupt (Stewart, Frances & Brown. 2010). In other fragile states, examples can be found of programs that were not well suited for the community. Following the 2010

earthquake in Haiti it is estimated that about 500 NGOs were working in the country.

However, only around 15% of the capital the NGOs brought to the country went through the government system, resulting in both double healthcare and educational systems

(Ramachandran & Walz .2012). In Afghanistan, foreign assistance has mostly focused on building schools and hospitals, however, these schools and hospitals are often built without adequate funding for staff, and many have subsequently been converted into storage units (Kapstein & Kamna, 2012: 15).

Accord report (2012) about post-war Sierra Leone claims that the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), and the International Criminal Court (ICC), did not take into consideration the habits or traditions of local people in resolving disputes (Caulker 2012). Caulker (2012) argues in the report that this ignorens of the local population's

knowledge is the primary reason for the shortcomings of the TRC and ICC. The UN placed great emphasis on the TRC process. It had been used in South Africa a few years earlier with good results for the rebuilding of the country and in reducing tensions between groups (Weldon, 2010). In Sierra Leone, the process did not have the same levels of success, and large parts of the country did not participate (Caulker 2012, Bombande 2012). The TRC

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process mostly focused on urban areas and many people in the countryside were barely aware of the process (Caulker 2012). Those who told their story were mostly victims, but very few perpetrators told their story, as they were worried about incriminating themselves (Caulker 2012). This was partly because, parallel with the TRC process, the ICC was working in the country (Caulker 2012). Reconciliation as a goal is also problematic, because of the vague nature of the term and the perceived tension between reconciliation and the achievement of justice, through legal and other forms of accountability (Freedman et.al. 2008). When

attention was finally concentrated towards local methods, it was revealed that,at a community level, the locals had little interest in Western notions of punishment. Instead, they had their ways of addressing justice. Each community had their way of dealing with problems, by talking through them and reaching a decision for a solution within the group (Caulker 2012). This TRC and ICC process shows that despite its good desire to assist, foreign agencies can create a collision of cultures, and as a result, a large part of people withdraws or will not participate in a process that are alien to them. The first step delivering better long-term results is then more likely to ask the indigenous people or CBO´s of their options of ways and

methods.

1.5 Teachers and Peacebuilding

Schools are often among the first community organizations to return after conflict and can, therefore, help to stabilize the life of children. A special focus has been on the role of

education in fragile and post-conflict states, and on how better access to education can profit these nations. In many instances, schools and teachers are the central points of the

reconstruction of society and with helping children to cope with the new reality (Weldon 2010). The role of education in peacebuilding after a conflict is acknowledged as one of the most effective ways for achieving long-term peace (Buckland, 2005). Peace teaching involves different history lessons and is seen as a real solution to preventing conflict from breaking out again (Cole & Barsalou, 2009; Weldon, 2006). The role of teachers in this ideology is to shape the minds of the students towards new ideas that promote attitudes, skills and values that are likely to prevent violent conflict. Furthermore, they should help students resolve conflicts by using peaceful means (Bekerman et.al. 2011). The biggest challenge for teachers in post-conflict societies is often their involvement in violence during times of war. In many cases, teachers, students, and their families have been involved in the conflict both as

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perpetrators and as victims (Cole & Barsalou 2009). Figures show that children and teachers often account for significant numbers of war casualties (Bush & Saltarelli 2000, Freedmann et.al 2008, Cole & Barsalou 2006). The role of teachers in peacebuilding depends only partly on themselves. To a large extent, it also depends on the interest and support they have from the local community (Cole & Barsalou 2009, Weldon 2006; Bekerman et.al. 2011).

When conflict has ended, and stability achieved, the question arises within schools and with educational authorities as to which historical narrative is most likely to unite the nation? The foundation of a new history has to be one where different groups involved in the conflict have their place, and where different cultures are recognized (Cole & Barsalou 2009). The conflict in Sierra Leone differs from many other conflicts in Africa in the way that the ethnicity or religion was never a driver of the conflict or used to promote it (Novelli 2011).

1.6 Reflection on my positionality in the research process

My experience as a teacher sparks my interest in focusing on teachers and education in a post-war society. I am a trained teacher and have experience in teaching in primary, secondary and grammar schools. This background aroused my interest in researching education in other countries and the status of the teachers in the community. The school system in my country, Iceland, is comparable with systems in other Scandinavian countries. I think my background gives me some overview of educational systems around the world and on teachers' training in different countries. The last few years, however, I have changed careers and have been working as a detective focusing on financial crimes, money laundering, and corruption. This police background also inspired me to work in a country that, according to international institutions working in the field of corruption, has some problems in this regard. My research background is in conducting participation research on homeless people in Reykjavik, Iceland for my BA thesis in sociology. In the course of this research, I met people living on the streets of Reykjavík and in homeless shelters. I observed their lives and interviewed them about their situation and background. My experience as a detective also gives me some training in

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14 1.7 Choice of Research Place

When choosing the research location, my interest was on doing research in a post-war country that was in the process of rebuilding. My other interest was to do research upon education. I chose Sierra Leone for three main reasons. It is a country that experienced war more than a decade ago, it was supposed to be secure today, and is in the process of rebuilding the society. My interest was to find out how teachers and education were involved in this rebuilding process. My supervisor on this thesis had, some years ago, stayed in Sierra Leone and knew people in the country that I was able to contact. These contacts then assisted me in finding a place to stay in the home of local people. I found it necessary for my study and methodology to live in a local home and take part in the daily routines. I knew that if I had contact with local people they could be my gatekeepers into the community. I chose to perform my research in the eastern part of the country because I wanted to be in a smaller community, different from the environment of the capital. Contributing to this choice was the fact that, according to other research on the country, the eastern part has for a long time been excluded from development, and compared to the western part is said to have lower standards of living and education.

1.7.1 Field of Research

The study took place in Kenema, the third largest city in Sierra Leone with about 128, 400 inhabitants and the eastern region’s provincial headquarter town. The city is an important

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trading center for diamonds, gold, and timber (Bankole, 2011) in the city center companies in the mining industry are prominent. In comparison to the capital, Freetown Kenema looks more like a big town rather than a city. Only three streets in the center have asphalt roads, and most of the streets are simply mud. The roads are difficult for cars to drive on, and some look more like off-road tracks. The primary transportation in the city is on foot or motorbike. Most of the cars on the streets are from various companies, aid agencies or commercial vehicles. In the daytime, all streets are full of life with street vendors selling their goods. In the center, there are a few two-storey buildings with companies selling appliances, food, and liquor. Most of the merchants in these shops are Asian, either from Lebanon or India from families that have lived in the country for generations. In the hills around the city, there are large buildings dating back to the colonial era. The Mende people are the biggest ethnic group in the district, which comprise both Muslims and Christians in large numbers. The province borders Liberia in the south and is close to Kailahun district were the civil war first broke out in 1991. Kenema is one of the most ethnically diverse cities in Sierra Leone and is home to significant numbers of many of the country's ethnic groups. The Krio language is by far the most widely spoken language in the city, as in the whole country, and is the primary language of communication in the city. The district is a stronghold of the SLPP Party which was last in power in 2007 (Bankole, 2011).

1.7.2 Nyandayama

The neighborhood where I lived is called Nyandeyama. It is in the western part of Kenema and parts of it go up to the hills surrounding the city. Most of the houses in this neighborhood

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are built from clay stones that are dried in the sun, but many are also plastered. Most houses have small yards around them, and neighborhood paths often lead through them.

Consequently, people live in very close relationships and often when walking through the yards you walk by people that are cooking their food or taking a bath. All cooking is done outside the houses, but some have small huts in the yard for this purpose. In the afternoon, the streets in the neighborhood become very lively with people cooking outside, children taking a bath and women washing their hair. Few homes have running water inside the house but on the streets are both wells and taps for communal use. In this part of the city, as in most other parts, the electricity only lasts a few hours every day, and the neighborhood or parts of it can be without power for weeks.

1.8 Broad relevance of the research and Research Questions

An interest in giving indigenous people a voice concerning their society is the primary drive of this study. The particular purpose and focus is to reveal the expectations people living in one small community in Sierra Leone. I wish to put forward their views and contribute to the knowledge of how the public in this post-conflict community perceives the role of teachers, and what they expect of them.

As described in the chapter on international weakness, many of the programs implemented in the country have not been as successful as hoped. Therefore, it is logical to ask if the

indigenous people might have other potential solutions to the situation. Some studies and reports made following the conflict have claimed that the process of healing the wounds would have been more successful if more consideration had been given to local knowledge (Caulker 2012) for example in the field of reconciliation, education, and programs for young perpetrators (Bangura & Specht, 2012).

The purpose with the study is to improve the available knowledge of the local population’s views and contribute to filling the gap between international and local knowledge. Other researchers have shown that teachers and education can play a significant role in rebuilding societies after conflict (Weldon, 2006). However, studies also show that teachers are not comfortable being leading agents of social change, and they sometimes doubt that anything they teach can counter what students learn at home. Teachers need strong support from parents, school administrators, and other authorities to teach new curricula or use new pedagogies (Bekerman et.al,2009).

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17 1.9 The research questions

The central research question is: What are the expectations of the people living in Kenema, Sierra Leone, of teachers in their community and do teachers have the support they need to do their expected work? With this question, I hope to uncover the role, status and importance of teachers in the community. The question is intended to be open in order to provide a variety of different answers about the expectations and diverse views of the respondents. The question also plays a part in asking if the people or the community are giving teachers the necessary tools to fulfil the expectation others have of them. The expectations of the

community form part of what subsequently affects the agency of teachers and can shape their identity, both personally and professionally. I also included a number of sub-questions where the expectations and roles are brought into greater clarity. The research largely focuses on whether teachers are expected to play some part in rebuilding the society after the civil war. With the first sub-question: What are the expectations of teachers in the reconstruction of the community after a conflict? I wish to find out if teachers or schools in Kenema are intended to have a particular role in the rebuilding after the war, for example, helping children

emotionally or explaining the history of the conflict. Relating to the latter part of the research question I have also narrowed the focus from general support in looking more closely at whether teachers have the support they need from the school they are working in from colleges or the national education authorities. In devising this question I had in mind, for example, wages, training, and facilities. The latter sub-question is: Do teachers have the support they need from schools to do the expected work? The research questions are

structured to give the indigenous people a voice about their lives and community. The central research question is an open one that may produce many different answers. The study has provided some valuable information about the educational system in the country. Some of the findings were outside the original purpose of the study’s focus upon teachers. These concern are for example the vast corruption in the community, people’s disbelief of authorities and the structure of the school system. These additional information is also covered in the thesis.

1.10 Overview of the Thesis

The study comprises six chapters including the introduction. Following the introduction, I will lay out the theoretical framework of the study. The theoretical chapter is divided into four sub-chapters one about each theory or approach. In the first part, I discuss post-colonial

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theory. The post-colonial section is primarily based on the writings of Frantz Fanon (2008) of how the colonized people have adopted the culture of the colonizer (Fanton,2008) and on the writings of Gayatry Spivak (1988) regarding how the voices of the indigenous people have been silenced. The second section concerns the post-development theory and its foundations. The central part is based on the work of Arturo Escobar. Escobar´s (1995) work relates to development as a power tool that Western countries use to control the global south, and how these states have created an ideological discourse to justify their control over the supposed developing world. In the third part, I explore the teachers' agency. How this is significantly based on their experience but also on their environment and the support they receive. The fourth part concerns social construction theories. Both post-development and post-colonial theories partially build on the ideas of social structure in viewing issues in their social context and of different knowledge between societies. Construction theory’s approach emphasizes viewing matters within the framework of the society examined.

The third chapter relates to the method used in the research. A constructivist approach provided framework for how I carried out the fieldwork. Its core idea is that we understand the reality through the eyes of our respondent. The approach greatly affected the research, and how information was gathered and processed. In this chapter, I also explain the methodology, method, data collection, analysis and fieldwork setting for the study in more detail. The fourth chapter is the empirical section, where I present the research findings, results and analyze the data. The fifth chapter presents some reflections on the findings. In it, I reflect on the findings both from a theoretical context and my understanding of the data. The sixth and last chapter is the conclusion of the thesis.

Chapter 2. Theoretical Framework

My theoretical framework is shaped from the history of Sierra Leone and its contemporary state. Post-colonial and post-development theories offer their explanation of poor results of development assistance in the last decades. They claim that the discourse of modernization and development has not been in the favor of countries like Sierra Leone, but rather the opposite. Because of the failure of formal top-down development in the last decades there has been an increased interest in the indigenous knowledge in countries that are in the process of development. As the motive of my study is to seek this indigenous knowledge, I frame the study within the theories of social constructionism, post-colonialism, and post-development

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theories. Such approaches appear to offer a positive way forward in that they take greater account of the specifics of local conditions. They draw upon the knowledge of the local population and their experience of the environments in question, and they provide people with a sense of ownership in the development process. These theories share the common critique of the concepts of modernization and development. Moreover, I use theories about the agency of teachers. Various theories speak about how teachers' agency are formed from their

environment and experience. The increased influence of global governance in the field of education is thought to decrease the agency of teachers.

2.1. Post-colonialism Theory

A central tenet of postcolonial theory is its concern with the ontological and epistemological status of the voices of subaltern peoples in Western knowledge systems. (Briggs & Sharp, 2004). Postcolonial theory argues that, because the history, culture, language and beliefs of the colonizer were promoted as universal, normative and superior, the colonized people were made to feel inferior and alienated from their culture (Fanton, 2008). Fanton (2008), argues that it has forced the colonized people try to adopt the culture and the beliefs of the colonizer to make them feel less inferior. As it is a historical fact that Sierra Leone was a colony of Great Britain for just over 250 years, it is my view that postcolonial theory should apply to the country and its people. The core of the research question is the expectations of the indigenous people. The study seeks to reveal if these expectations are the same as the colonizers'. Is it as Fanton (2008) claims that the colonized people adopt the ideas of the colonizer? Spivak (1988), argues that the ideas of one dominant Western knowledge system are so strong that the indigenous people, whom she calls the subaltern, can, in fact, never express their true thoughts and ideas, because they are saturated with the words, phrases and cadences of Western views. Spivak (1988) argument is not that the subaltern are not allowed to speak, but rather that no one listens to them, and their voice has no influence in the community. Even though it will be difficult to evaluate from small-scale research if the voice of the local people is heard, it may be possible to see if the people are satisfied with the system as it is, or

whether they have other ideas. Some critics of this theory say that it is hard to make use of it in research, claiming it is more of an idea or description of a situation than the theory that is usable in research (Abrahamsen, 2003:190-191). My argument for using it is that it promotes local ideas, and it is not my intention to reaffirm the theory. With my research question I am

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asking for the opinion of the local people towards one distinctive group in the community, in a field that has been evaluated as important in the society, and is among many academics believed to be one of the triggers of the civil war in the country. Critics say that it is not possible to go to the time before colonialism for explanations, and it would not serve any good purpose to do. Most post-colonialism academics agree that time before colonialism will not return (Abrahamsen, 2003), but say that the solution is a hybridization between the indigenous knowledge and the Western systems (Briggs &Sharp ,2004, Abrahamsen, 2003). The ideas of post-colonialism have common ground with both post-structuralism and

postmodernism (Peet & Hartwick, 2009). These theories are critical of the structure of the society and the idea or reasons behind it. One of the leading theorists of post-structural theory, Michel Foucault, criticized reasons or ideas behind the modern world. He claimed that

modern reason’s metaphysical grounds are an image of universal humanity in traits culturally specific to the Europeans (Peet &. Hartwick, 2009). Moreover, that the values and

emancipatory ideals of the European Enlightenment about freedom, autonomy, and human rights, are used as an ideological base for normalizing and impose one appropriate identity for modern people. He saw this process to be more coercive than liberating and a way to control the minds of individuals rather than opening possibilities (Peet & Hartwick, 2009). Foucault saw critical discourse analysis as a possible method to break off from this and discovering new essential forces (Peet & Hartwick, 2009).

2.2 Post-development Theories

Post-development theory such as post-colonialism has its grounding in post-structuralism and particularly in Foucault's ideas about critical discourse analysis (Peet & Hartwick, 2009). Post-development theory goes further in its critique of modernity and development than post-colonialism (Sachs, 1992, Escobar, 1995; Esteva and Prakash, 1998). It also draws on the ideas of post-structuralism and particularly on Foucault's theory of critical discourse analysis (Peet & Haartwick, 2009). From a post-development perspective, knowledge and power are inextricably linked and exercised through discourses. As with postcolonial theories the discourse is more than just words, it can change our perspectives, knowledge and understanding (Escobar, 1995).

The reason I choose post-development theory as one of the grounds for my research is to examine the discourse of the local people regarding teachers and education. Through this, I

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wish to analyze if it is a discourse of the Western knowledge system which I am familiar with from my society.

Post-development theory links modernity and development, particularly with Western ideas of freedom and capitalist societies. It argues that development in the so-called developing countries is simply that of international institutions like the World Bank (WB) or the International Monetary Fund (IMF) forcing capitalist ideas upon these countries. Escobar (1995) describes how development defined by Western hegemonic beliefs in modernization and its inherent economic growth and technological innovation, was regarded as a solution for global poverty. In my study, I hope to find some signs of these ideas in the expectations of local people. Are they under pressure from the influence of the ideas of IMF or the WB? Escobar (1995) claims that the professionalization and institutionalization of the development through Western academic disciplines and international organizations was essential in shaping the practices of the discourse. He states that development practice basedonly on this

discourse makes the inequalities more pronounced rather than alleviating them. He believes, as does Spivak (1988) that this controlling and marginalizing discourse is so strong that it can be difficult for people to escape (Escobar, 1995). He goes further and says that because of the strong discourse many people in the so-called third world started to think of themselves as inferior, underdeveloped and ignorant (Escobar, 1995). This part of his post-development theory I want to test on the people of Kenema through the questions of teachers and their ideas of education. Some acedamics of post-development theory go as far as to say that in some developing countries the word development has lost its meaning and today it means the opposite of what it stood for 60 years ago (Esteva, 2010). Esteva (2010), claims that the development assistance of Western countries has in fact made matters worse. Poverty rises and the countries are more helpless than before. Post-development theories traced this

miserable situation back to the end of World War II when the Western nations started to give aid to societies they defined undeveloped. They claim that the term undeveloped was invented by the Western countries to spread their imperialism (Sachs, 1992, Escobar, 1995; Esteva and Prakash, 1998).

The Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), which the World Bank put into place in many African countries in the ‘80, is in the mind of post-development academics a clear signal of the unfortunate result of the Western development assistance. Sierra Leone entered into a few of these SAP programs with the World Bank and, instead of having its economy improved, the result was increasing inequality and an education system in ruins with fewer

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qualified teachers than before (Robertson et.al, 2007). Post-development theorists claim, as with post-colonial theorists, that hybridizing indigenous knowledge in the development discourse would make development better and more efficient (Sachs, 1992, Escobar 1995, Esteva, 2010).

In the spirit of Escobar's (1995) suggestions, my idea is that, through field work, I can gather local knowledge to produce cultural hybridization, to give the local people a voice, and to hear about their views and expectations.

2.3 Teachers’ Agency and Structure.

How well teachers can live up to the expectations of others is highly dependent on their agency. The agency of teachers is significantly affected by the structure of the society and, in particular, the structure of the education system. Teachers' agency is shaped by the interaction of the individual and their environment (Priestley et.al 2012). With the second part of my research question and the sub-questions, I hope to be able to assess the support the teachers in Kenema have from the community the live and work in. The aim in this is to reveal the importance and status of the teachers in the community and how it shapes their agency. The politics of education has not always focused on teachers as the source of learning and the central actor of educational change in developing countries. The Structural Adjustment Programmes undertaken by the World Bank and IMF in the 1980s assumed that educational reforms should save public funds by reducing teachers' salaries by substituting qualified teachers with other professionals with fewer credentials. The results of these policies had devastating effects on the educational quality of public schooling and the desertion of qualified teachers (Verge & Altinyelken, 2013).

In recent years, the education systems of the world have become more homogeneous with international organizations and private partners controlling the process (Robertson, 2012). The focus of the last few decades has been on education as human capital instead of as a human right. Therefore, the emphasis has been on measuring the outcome of education, and accordingly, teachers' work (Robertson, 2012, Vongalis, 2007). Institutions such as the WB and OECD have their tools for measurement both in respect to students and teachers' performances, even though this assessment is more commonplace in Western countries and Asia. The WB has increased pressure on countries in Sub-Saharan Africa to measure the

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performance of their education systems (WB- EdStads, 2013). Other research shows that even though teachers and their performance are the primary focus of education and educational progress, teachers themselves are absent and largely denied from the right to have something to say about their profession. The result of this policy change is that teachers have lost their confidence, and their teaching has become less flexible than before. Instead, teachers are teaching according to comparing and ranking systems of global institutions (Robertson, 2012). Academics claim that the homogeneous education systems, with a focus on

competition, have negatively affected the agency of teachers (Robertson, 2012, Welmond, 2002). In this research, I wish to analyze how people in Kenema value their teachers, if they accept them as they are, or if they have different requirements.

Recognition is important for all groups (Iser, 2013) to find their place in society, as well as being an important factor in increasing teachers' agency. Recognition has both a normative and a psychological dimension. If people recognize another person with regards to an

individual feature, as an autonomous agent, they do not only admit that they have this feature but also embrace a positive attitude towards them for having this feature. Such recognition implies that you bear an obligation to treat them in a certain way, that is, you recognize a particular normative status of the other person (ibid, 2013). Most theories of recognition assume that, to develop a practical identity, individuals fundamentally depend on the feedback of other subjects and of society as a whole. Those who fail to experience adequate recognition will find it much harder to embrace themselves and their projects as being valuable (Iser, 2013). In his famous book Black Skin, White Mask, Frantz Fanon (2008), explains the importance of recognition for people. In the book, he describes how victims of racism and colonialism have suffered severe psychological harm by being demeaned and seen as inferior humans.

Teachers' agency shapes from the experience that they gain from both personal and

professional achievements, and from the culture and structures of society (Biesta et.al 2012). Agency is not something intrinsic to the teacher but rather something gained both through and during work. It is built up over time upon past achievements, understanding and a pattern of action in the past (Biesta et.al.2012). Therefore, both experiences that teachers have from their personal lives, as well as their educational or professional experience, make up their agency. Professional experience is perhaps less significant than personal experience in shaping teachers' agency (Biesta et.al.2012).

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The result of global governance of education has been that teachers across differing countries are implementing universal ideas differently between countries in accordance to the social culture and groups of students they have. Some academics, however, claim that these global governance priorities are not necessarily what is required in countries in the global south. They believe that the vast majority of these global policies ignore the social context of teachers' work and the structural conditions of the learning processes (Verge & Altinyelken, 2013). For example does a high percentage of uneducated or unqualified teachers make them lesser agents in fulfilling expectations and does it makes the education system simultaneously fragile? From a post-modern perspective, the identity of teachers is shaped by constantly being in a context embedded in power relations, ideology, and culture (Zembylas, 2005). The interaction between structure and agency demonstrates that teachers can only be expected to be an agent of change if they have the support of the community. This interaction shows that agency of teachers and the expectation of the community are strongly linked, understanding one is understanding the other. Expectations and hopes of the community is shaping the agency of teachers. Teachers do not have the agency to change their whole environment though they can have an effect in the classroom; they are but one part of the community they live in (Freedman et.al. 2008, Bekerman et.al,2009). Although global institutions are trying to shape a universal education system, the outcome will always be different between countries (Robertson, 2012, Welmond, 2002).

2.4 Qualitative Research Enquiry within Construction Approach

Social constructionism has developed as a form of a critique aimed at transforming the oppressive effects of the social meaning-making processes. Within the theory are some different approaches that encompass a variety of social construction positions. For example, both post development, post-colonial theories, and post-structural theories can be classified under social constructionism. What all the theories have in common are assumptions about language, knowledge, and reality. Social construction theories examine the development of a jointly constructed understanding of the world. They assume that understanding, significance and meaning are developed not separately within the individual, but in coordination with other human beings (Leeds-Hurwitz, 2009). Social constructionism accepts that there is an objective reality (Andrew, 2012). The theory is concerned with how knowledge is constructed and understood. The most important element in these theories is that people rationalize their experience through creating a model of the social world and how it functions. The language is

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an essential system that people use to construct reality through knowledge (Berger & Luckmann, 1996, Andrew, 2012).

It seeks to understand social reality in its own terms to provide a rich description of people and interactions and to understand the world through an examination of the interpretation of that world by its participants (Bryman, 2008).

In these approaches, behavior considered weird or abnormal in one society can obtain a new meaning if viewed in the right context. What is real for one can be unreal for others. For example, what is real for a Tibetan monk might not be real for an American business person (Berger & Luckmann, 1996). The constructivist approach offers an explanation of how people construct knowledge from information generated by previous experiences, and how they construct and conditionalize knowledge by experimental learning through life experiences. People usually take their reality and knowledge for granted and do not stop to question it, unless some problems arise that force them to do so. Researchers, however, cannot do that, they need to ask questions about reality and knowledge (Berger & Luckmann, 1996). In the same manner, objects and symbols can both have a different meaning within a society and between countries. The same object can have different meaning depending upon the context. A knife can be manufactured for cooking or for hunting, but in another context it can be a weapon and mean danger (Berger & Luckmann, 1996). This can also introduce the possibility of change: i.e. what "justice" is and what it means shifts from one generation to the next (Berger & Luckmann, 1996).

A primary focus of social constructionism is to uncover the ways in which individuals and groups participate in the construction of their perceived social reality and how they use language to construct their reality (Berger & Luckmann, 1996., Burr, 1995).

Under these influences, post-structure and post-development theories focus on the discourse and express that the truth is linked with dynamics of power, and its interpretation can differ from time and context.

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Chapter 3. Methodology and method

The critique of post-development theories and its emphasis on the deconstruction of accepted concepts and categories can best be implemented in research through qualitative methods. Researchers using a qualitative method with a construction approach only interpret the knowledge provided by the people they speak to and research, but make no judgements upon it, he seek to analyze the world from the perspective of the local context (Chambers 2007, Bryman, 2008). This qualitative perspective will be best achieved by with fieldwork or

ethnography. Post-development theory claims fieldwork to be the most useful methodology in changing the unjust discourse of development (Escobar, 1995)

The qualitative method attempts to understand social reality in its terms and to provide a rich description of people and interactions; an understanding of the world through an examination of the interpretation of that world by its participants (Bryman, 2008).

Therefore, the interview becomes the site for the construction of knowledge, the researcher and the respondent develop a partnership where they produce this knowledge together in a joint construction of meaning. As stated in the theoretical chapter constructivist approach offers an explanation as to how people construct knowledge from information generated by previous experiences and how it constructs and conditionalizes knowledge by experimental learning through life experience. Researchers using a qualitative method with a constructivist approach will only interpret the knowledge provided by the people they are researching but not assess it as right or wrong. The Informer can never be an objective variable and can change the information they give through the research if their perception of the truth or knowledge changes (Bryman, 2008). As post-structural and post-development theories express, the truth is often linked with power and it an interpretation that can differ from time and context.

Both when asking questions and analyzing answers, the construction approach was a dominant methodin the research. As a researcher, coming into a community that I was unaccustomed to living in, made it difficult in the beginning to understand everything that happened around me. My approach was to try, as much as possible, to be a part of the community for ten weeks and seek to analyze from the perspective of local context. As a researcher, My aim was to try to see and describe the world through the eyes of the local people (Bryman, 2008). Therefore when asking about the expectations of teachers, or their support, it is necessary to take into account the context in which the teacher and the

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respondent are living. For that reason, I started the fieldwork by researching the environment. In the introduction of this thesis, I described the background context of Sierra Leone, both as a pre-war, war and post-war country, and the area in which the research took place, to help with the understanding of people's expectations and knowledge.

3.1 Research time, sampling and interviews

The research was carried out in Kenema from the 21st January to 26th March 2014, and I spent two more weeks in the country analyzing the collected material.

My method consisted of formal and informal interviews, participation and observation. Throughout, I was in the role of researcher and wrote a field diary every day. My sampling in the formal interviews was purposive sampling (Bryman, 2008). Purposive sampling means that I chose people to interview beforehand in accordance with my criteria. My aim was to have at least five different groups from various fields of the society to interview. The focus was on the public and on people that I thought did not have a strong voice in the community. However, I also wanted people with different knowledge and experience. In every community people have more than one role, they can be parents but also siblings and teachers.

The groups that I chose before entering the field were parents of school children in primary- and secondary schools, students in secondary schools and young graduates who had started work or were unemployed. Other informants of interest were people who had dropped out of school, important chiefs and other community leaders.

My interview guide consisted of a small number of themes that I wished to address in my research. If these themes were not mentioned in the interview I brought them up afterward. Even though I wished to follow interesting themes that people addressed in the interviews, I was aware of the focus of the research and of not to address too many concepts.

I conducted 36 formal interviews with people aged 15 to 60 years old. The gender ratio was not altogether even with 21 men and 15 women. The age ratio was fairly even, with about half of the informants being people under twenty years old. The formal interviews were recorded and stored in electronic format on a dictaphone. The interviews were either transcribed or a summary was created. In addition to the formal interviews, I conducted many informal interviews when I spoke with people briefly on the street or for a longer duration in

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my field diary. In some interviews I had the assistance of an interpreter since not all my interviewees spoke English. In these cases the translation was transcribed.

3.2 Way of data analyzing

As my research is qualitative and in the spirit of ethnography/fieldwork, my data analysis follows grounded theory. The main features of grounded theory are to extrapolate from the original data and then data collection, analyzing in such a way that earlier analysis can provide the groundwork for later theories (Bryman 2008: 541). I used coding to look for similarities and differences between the respondents' answers, and open coding in the

beginning to analyze my findings. I consider it open coding even though the themes from the interviews were my starting point for analysis. Following this, I used axial coding to narrow my findings further and in the end selective coding. With grounded theory it is possible to develop a theoretical approach from the findings (Bryman, 2008).

When I considered that I had sufficient data in the field, I started analyzing that data, and subsequently I adapted my interviews to discover more information about particular themes that emerged from my analyzing and coding. I used the same coding method to analyze my observation from the field diary and also started to analyze my diary in the field.

3.3 Living in the community

During the research period I lived in a neighborhood called Nyendeyama with my wife and teenage daughter. Nyendeyama is a typical neighborhood in the city consisting houses made of clay stones with a corrugated iron roof, a balcony in the front and a small yard around. I was living in a similar house to others in the community with limited electricity, no running water, and all cooking performed outside. As frequently as possible, I attempted to participate in the daily rituals. I rented a part of a house from a small local CBO. My family and I shared this accommodation with four native people. These consisted of a young widow of 30 years with her one-year-old daughter (her other three children live with relatives), a young man of 19 years, who had lived in the house for some years as a caretaker and was allowed to stay when the CBO started to rent the house and a woman in her forties who runs the CBO. She has three grown children but all of them live in another city. In one part of the house, she runs a small school for young single mothers who have never attended school, or had dropped out

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at a young age. In this little school they learn to read, write, calculate and make clothes and soap. The aim is to help the women in developing income-generating and work-related skills. Living in this home gave me a chance to observe and meet local people on a daily basis. Every day I met many people at my home and gained information about the status of

education and of the situation that young single mothers live with. Most days they took their children with them to school and most had to work in the mornings and could therefore not come to school until they had raised money for the day’s food. It was agreed before we moved in that we would pay the widow a salary for cooking and washing our clothes. This meant that I was, in fact, an employer at the same time as I was performing my fieldwork. My family and I also raised money for the organization during our stay. The people I lived with were my contacts and gatekeepers, and I could ask them about the community and the history of the country and customs. By doing this I was better prepared for my interviews and

observation. At the outset I had many informal interviews with my contacts to gain more knowledge of the community and its people. They also initially helped me to find people to interview and after a while I could use a snowball approach (Bryman, 2008) to reach more people to interview. Living in the community gave me as the time past more credibility and trust with the locals.

3.4 Data gathering method

The first week I did some observation and participation but no formal interviews. This first observation was vital for my methodology. I needed to participate and observe the community carefully before I started the formal interviewing. This, for example, would help me to see and hear how people used the language tounderstand better the meaning in conversations. Through this, I gained a common understanding of truth and knowledge (Bryman, 2008). I also tried to take an active part in the life of the people in my neighborhood and to get closer to people to have more and better information and interviews.

One thing I did do was to participate at a local primary school where my friend and interpreter was teachers. I volunteered to teach geography and many teachers asked me to teach in their classes and by the end I had taught six classes or around 500 children. When I first came to Kenema and started to walk around the neighborhood, children mostly called "punji" or "o potto" after us, which means white person in Krío and Mende. After my visits to the school more people knew me and started to greet me on the street by name.

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Another thing I did was to go to mosques for prayer, but before I went, a friend came and taught me the ritual and the preparation for praying. I learned how to wash before praying, in what order, and the meaning of the washing. We then went together to pray in the central mosques. After the prayers, I spent some time in the mosque garden speaking to the men and found that I was most welcome even after I told them I was not sure if I would convert to Islam.

On the streets of Kenema, very few white people could be seen. The few you would see in the city would be driving around in cars from NGOs or companies. White people walking around drew attention, but as time went by people got more used to it, and we also got to know more people in the city. I often sat down in bars, restaurants or outside some shops, which gave me the opportunity for further conversation.

Two more coincidental incidents also brought us near the people. The first happened on Sunday afternoon, a boy in the neighboring house was attacked with machetes when he was working in the field. The boy had extensive cuts on his head, shoulders and arms. When I heard the panic I went to the site with my daughter. Since we are both trained in first aid, we attended to the boy and asked for his wounds to be covered and checked for internal bleeding. I also offered money for transport to the hospital. This gesture made me closer to my

neighbors and I found that more people spoke to me than previously.

The second incident happened to my wife one morning. For transportation people usually use taxi motorbikes for longer distances. At the time of our stay, there was a new rule in place that everyone should wear a helmet on the bikes, both driver and passengers. Since the rented helmet did not fit my wife she took it off. A police officer stopped the bike and was going to arrest the driver and confiscate the bike. My wife stood up for the driver and took the blame, saying it was her decision to not wear the helmet. She was then arrested and brought before a judge who fined her 150, 000 Leones (about 27 euros). She was kept in custody until the fine was paid and the whole incident took around five hours. This event brought us closer to the people of the city since almost everyone had heard of the arrest. The following day, people approached us on the street to discuss the events. I found that this made us bigger part of the community as people felt that we were going through the same injustice as the locals. After a few weeks living in Nyandeyama, increasing numbers of people started to address me as brother or uncle. A young man told me that this meant that I was beginning to become part of their community and the families.

What are their expectations? : a study of community expectation of teachers in the town of Kenema, Sierra Leone