Post-war Sri Lanka : participatory theatre for reconciliation : perceptions of youth participants and facilitators

(1)

Perceptions of youth participants and

facilitators

Master Thesis : Mandy R. Koenraads

International Development Studies

Graduate School of Social Sciences

Post-War

Sri Lanka

(2)

I

UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM

Graduate School of Social Sciences

PARTICIPATORY THEATRE FOR RECONCILIATION IN POST-WAR SRI LANKA:

PERCEPTIONS OF YOUTH PARTICIPANTS AND FACILITATORS

A Master Thesis in

International Development Studies

by

Mandy Rosanne Koenraads

under the supervision of

Dr Mieke Lopes Cardozo

Dr Simone Datzberger

13 June 2018

Research Master International Development Studies Student no. 11214384

Second Reader: Dr Rosanne Tromp

Email: mandyrosanne@gmail.com

(3)

Abstract

After Sri Lanka was ravaged by a 26-year civil war between majority Sinhalese and minority Tamil communities, the Indian Ocean island established peace in 2009. In order to create sustainable peace, the importance of the role of youth is recognised by (inter)national entities. Peacebuilding initiatives targeting youth typically focus on economic and political empowerment, but tend to overlook the role that arts can play in enhancing alternative forms of dialogue, leading to youth’s ability to reconstruct their identity and perceptions of others. To date, art-based approaches for reconciliation processes remain under researched in low and middle economically developed countries. This study aims to address this gap by exploring the perceived effect of participatory theatre programmes (as a non-formal form of learning) on reconciliation processes among youth participants and facilitators in post-war Sri Lanka. Three perspectives on reconciliation – structural, relational and identity-related – function as a point of departure towards the empirical data. Using qualitative approaches like participatory observations and semi-structured interviews with youth participants (aged 17-29) and facilitators, this study first finds that the youth participants in the participatory theatre programmes developed soft-skills related to esteem, patience, tolerance, empathy, self-control and respect towards others. Consequently, participatory theatre programmes contribute to building trustworthy relationships and counter prejudiced perceptions between adversaries. Second, the data ascertains that while participatory theatre programmes have potential to enhance reconciliation processes, challenges are present regarding governmental recognition and support, financial sustainability, and gender disparity and stigma towards women. Third, the findings indicate that reconciliation is merely a highly ambiguous, symbolic buzzword. It reveals that the Western conceptualization of reconciliation is insufficient for this respective area of research. The study concludes that theatre programmes are perceived by the respondents as a potential tool for reconciliation processes. However, the approach used in this study provides an argument to revise the Westernized peacebuilding concepts to incorporate more holistic ‘localised’ understandings of reconciliation. It further advocates a need for continued research on the negative effects of art programmes on peacebuilding processes among youth in post-war related areas.

Keywords: reconciliation; participatory theatre programmes; youth; non-formal learning; post-war Sri Lanka

(4)

i

List of Tables and Figures

Table 2.1: Overview youth defined by age range per entity ……….………..……...… 18

Table 2.2: Overview of Population regarding ethnicity, religion, language and age ………...…… 19

Table 3.1: Population in number of persons based on age, ethnicity, religion and gender ….…112 Table 3.2: Population in %, by the ability to speak and read/write languages ………..…………113

Figure 2.1: Map of Sri Lanka which shows the aimed Eelam of the Tamil Tigers ……….………….…..13

Figure 3.1: The reconciliation processes overview ………..………..…. 25

Figure 3.2: Pyramid of the perspectives of intergroup reconciliation ……….………. 27

Figure 3.3: Maslow’s Pyramid: hierarchy of needs ………….………..…..………… 31

Figure 3.4: Reconstruction of Participatory Theatre Programmes …………..……….……….. 34

Figure 3.5: Conceptual scheme ……….……….………….……… 35

(8)

v

List of Abbreviations

CFA Ceasefire Agreement

CPBR Centre for Peace Building and Reconciliation GIZ Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit GoSL Government of Sri Lanka

JVP Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People’s Liberation Front) IMF International Monetory Fund

LTTE Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam NGO Non-governmental organisation

ONUR Organization for National Unity and Reconciliation PPP Peacebuilding Priority Plan

SCRM Secretariat for Coordinating Reconciliation Mechanisms SDJF Sri Lankan Development Journalist Forum

SLA Sri Lankan Army

SLFP Sri Lankan Freedom Party

SLPP Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (Sri Lankan People’s Front) UPFA United People's Freedom Alliance

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNFGG United National Front for Good Governance

UNICEF United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund UNP United National Party

(9)

vi

Acknowledgements

First of all, I want to dedicate this thesis to everyone who made my time in Sri Lanka so eye opening, productive and enjoyable. To all the respondents and local supervisors, who cannot be named for confidentiality reasons, I am truly thankful. I sincerely hope I have done your opinions, perceptions and thoughts, justice. Countless people went out of their way to help me, in great ways and in small, and for that I will always be grateful.

I want to acknowledge the department of Sociology of University of Colombo and the department of International Development Studies of the University of Amsterdam for supporting my academic path. In particular, Dr. Mieke Lopes Cardozo, for all of her help, supervision and kind words during the proposal phase. Correspondingly, I want to express a special thanks to Dr. Simone Datzberger for her guidance, effort, dedication and more during the writing process of this thesis. I highly appreciate your commitment for taking this journey with me till the completion. My gratitude is immense.

Furthermore, a distinctive expression of gratefulness towards those friends who created time in their busy schedules to proofread my work and improve its quality. It is because of you, that the reader feels more at place. Also, a sincere and warm thanks to my co-students of my masters for your honest criticisms, discussions and especially the mental support you provided during this whole research programme; without you, this thesis would not have been the same. Similarly, I owe an enormous debt of gratitude to Jay - for your hospitality, conversation, care and critical advice. I could not have done this without your assistance, friendship and love.

Last but surely not least, a special honour to my beloved family and dearest friends, and to my parents in particular. Thank you all for keeping me steady and positive, and for your endless love, support and patience. It has been a rewarding, special and worthwhile journey with all of you by my side.

(10)

1

Chapter 1. Introduction

’Children are the most vulnerable victims of any conflict, be it a military conflict that kills and maims or a socio-economic conflict that leaves them at the receiving end of government policies that aren’t all encapsulating. Children in some parts of Colombo, like these little kids from some of the more congested parts of Maligawatte suffer from destitution and poverty due to years and years of neglect by government officials, electoral representatives and other inherent structural anomalies within the community. As racism and Islamophobia takes root in Sri Lanka, this image is testament to the fact that at some strata in society, religious differences do not matter. As extreme low-income groups ignored by successive governmental development programmes, these children live in amity, despite an anonymity that is sometimes sought to be forced down on them.’ – Raashid Riza1

Source: Author, Colombo, HOPE Exhibition2, 2017

‘Amity in Anonymity’, Raashid Riza

First, this chapter discusses the societal and scientific relevance of a social art-based approach to peacebuilding and focuses on the role of participatory theatre programmes in Sri Lanka’s reconciliation processes. Second, the main and sub research questions of this thesis are stated. Third, my position as a social constructivist is elaborated on. Finally, a further detailed outline of the thesis is given.

1_{Raashid Riza is a professional photographer, architect, blogger and activist.}

2_{The ‘HOPE’ photographic exhibition was organised by ONUR in partnership with the Delegation of the European}

Union to Sri Lanka and the Maldives. The objective was for Sri Lankan amateur and professional photographers to capture and share their ideas on what reconciliation means to them (Nation, 2017).

(11)

2

1.1 Problem statement

In 2009, ‘peace’ was established in Sri Lanka. Before, the island was ravaged by a 26-year civil war between majority Sinhalese and minority Tamil communities. Sri Lanka possess a long and complex history of colonialism and conflict, resulting in long-term reconciliation processes (Cunningham & Ladd, 2017; Duncan & Lopes Cardozo, 2017; M. T. A. Lopes Cardozo & Hoeks, 2015). Building on Galtungs’ distinction (1996) between negative and positive peace, the studies of Novelli, Lopes Cardozo and Smith (2015:15), and Datzberger (2017:330) define that ‘a sustainable approach to peacebuilding places more emphasis on social development and addresses underlying causes of conflict such as political, economic and social inequalities and injustices.’ The former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, Mangala Samaraweera, highlighted primarily the economic dimension regarding reconciliation, by stating that ‘for Sri Lanka’s democratic and reconciliation journey to succeed, its economy must flourish, and its people must prosper. The peace dividend must reach all segments of our society in the form of economic benefits, better standards of living and more job opportunities for our youth’ (Ministry of Foreign Affairs Sri Lanka, 2018). Youths’ voice and participation is acknowledged to be essential for peacebuilding including reconciliation, (Institute of Policy Studies, 2014; Sri Lanka Unites, 2014; United Nations, 2015); since youth is the next generation that has the responsibility and prospective to uphold long-lasting peace (McEvoy-Levy, 2001; United Nations, 2015). To attain sustainable peace, multiple approaches need to be adapted to unite and to promote the diversity in Sri Lanka (Office for National Unity and Reconciliation, 2016b; WINGS, 2016). One of these approaches are art-based programmes, but these tend to get less attention from government officials and donors compared to the political and economic methods for peacebuilding. This thesis addresses precisely this gap in the scholarship.

What is the utility of using art-based programmes for reconciliation? In addition to art being a human right and the freedom of artistic expressions being protected under different laws at an international level (OHCHR, 1976, 1989; Organization of American States, 1967; Shaheed, 2013; United Nations, 1994; United Nations General Assembly, 1948), several studies have further indicated that arts such as music engagement, visual art, movement-based creative expression and expressive writing enhances the health status of people (Stuckey & Nobel, 2010). This status encompasses a ‘state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity’ (World Health Organization, 2014:1).

(12)

3

Focussing on the mental and social well-being elements of health and relating to youth and children, several studies imply that art programmes positively affects youth development by improving youths’ social skills towards others, providing conflict resolution skills, mastering artistic skills and/or self-development, raising self-esteem, encouraging self-expression, increasing self-identification, reducing anxieties, and stress management (Gasman & Anderson-Thompkins, 2003; Houbolt, 2010; Kloser, 2013; Respress & Lutfi, 2006; Wallace-DiGarbo & Hill, 2006; Wright, John, Alaggia, & Sheel, 2006).

Consistent with this theme, Shank & Schirch (2008) state that the arts provide distinctive tools to enhance peacebuilding processes by transforming ‘the dynamics in intractable interpersonal, intercommunal, national and global conflicts’ (p.218). Besides the intrinsic value of art, it can be used as a tool to communicate and change the way people think, understand and act (Mtukwa, 2015; Shank & Schirch, 2008). Relating to the aim of peacebuilding, various art forms can stimulate, on the one hand, the transformation of relationships by using art as a medium ‘to heal personal and/or collective trauma, transform negative energy into positive energy, and make public demands for justice’ (Shank & Schirch, 2008:224). On the other hand, art can develop capacity building instruments through improving ‘confidence, enable self-expression, and provide training in leadership, public speaking, and creative problem solving’ (Shank & Schirch, 2008:226). Due to these positive effects of arts on youth development, existing studies suggest that art-based programmes contribute to the enhancement of peacebuilding processes. The arts bring alternative manners of having a dialogue enabling youth to reconstruct their own identity and their perceptions of others (Kollontai, 2010; Mcclain, 2014; Ntarangwi, 2015; Pruitt, 2008, 2011).

Given Sri Lanka’s turbulent history, art may be helpful for its reconciliation process. As a result of several conflicts, different ethnic groups hold rather defensive attitudes towards each other. In addition, friction within ethnic groups exist due to differences in social class, status and caste. To complicate issues further, the Tamil and Sinhalese community speak different languages. Therefore, an art-based approach can function as a common non-verbal language between adversaries in post-war Sri Lanka to foster reconciliation processes as it assumes to reconstruct perceptions and identities. Multiple organizations in post-war Sri Lanka seem to have acknowledged the role that art-based programmes can have to enhance social development. For instance, the potential of art for reconciliation was recognised due to the

(13)

4

organization of ‘WINGS’ in 2016, which was a Festival of Arts with a focus on reconciliation (WINGS, 2016). WINGS consisted of an international conference, a cultural festival in Colombo, and several regional events like short book readings, forum theatre performances and debates by experts, artists and performers. Through these events, WINGS tried to stimulate reconciliation in Sri Lanka through art by acknowledging, sharing, and celebrating the different cultures of Sri Lanka (WINGS, 2016). Despite the positive feedback on the festival, it was not manageable to mark WINGS as an annual event3_{due to deficiency in political and financial}

means.

1.2 Knowledge gap

In 2015, the United Nations Security Council adopted the innovative Resolution 2250 on Youth, Peace and Security to encourage Member states that ‘young people play an important and positive role in the maintenance and promotion of international peace and security’ (United Nations, 2015). Resolution 2250 highlights the empowerment of youth in peacebuilding through the economical approach, as it calls for investments in education to improve youth skills and capacity building to meet labour demands. It also considers peacebuilding organizations as partners when they support youths’ entrepreneurship programmes and youth employment (United Nations, 2015). Furthermore, Resolution 2250 directs countries ‘to give youth a greater voice in decision-making at the local, national, regional and international levels and to consider setting up mechanisms that would enable young people to participate meaningfully in peace processes’ (Youth4Peace, 2015). Although Resolution 2250 of the UN Security Council affirms to recognize youth as a valid partner, the report simultaneously ‘stresses the importance of creating policies for youth’ regarding peacebuilding (Ibid:"11). This is distinguished from making policies with youth, which disempowers the participation of youth in the decision-making process.

However, current scholarship overlooks performance art-based approaches in reconciliation. Pruitt (2008) articulates the problem as such: in stressing economic or political approaches to peacebuilding, international and national institutions disregard ‘a range of important peacebuilding activities, including those most likely to be undertaken by youth,who

(14)

5

cannot always access formal modes of participation’ (p.15). Most existing literature around art for peacebuilding purposes has been conducted related to music (Ntarangwi, 2015; Pruitt, 2008, 2011; Stuckey & Nobel, 2010) or visual arts (Gasman & Anderson-Thompkins, 2003; Stuckey & Nobel, 2010; Wallace-DiGarbo & Hill, 2006). In contrast, this study centres around participatory theatre programmes as a performance art-based approach to emphasize the social development for a sustainable approach for reconciliation.

1.2.1 Why specifically participatory theatre programmes as an art form for reconciliation?

Reconciliation can be understood as an encounter after conflict or violence, ‘where people can focus on their relationships and share their feelings and experiences with one another with the goal of creating new perceptions and a new shared experience’ (Lederach, 1997:30). It is assumed that theatre enables people to observe and reflect on themselves without feeling threatened, by making use of the fact that is not ‘reality;’ instead people just adopt a role. People get the possibility to learn what is and what is not, and further imagine what could be. Drawing from Mtukwa (2015:91), ‘the strength of drama in peacebuilding work is in its power to open new and unimaginable insights by experiencing conflict at physical and emotional levels, which is learning by doing and feeling.’ Arendshorst (2005) further notes, ‘drama has the potential to open insights and avenues for learning for conflict transformation that the didactic presentation of information often cannot.’ In accordance with this, several studies suggest a positive relation between the use of theatre as a medium to enhance peacebuilding processes including reconciliation in African countries, such as South Africa, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Rwanda and Kenya (Barnes, 1997; Borisenko, 2016; Chikonzo, 2018; Hunter, 2008; Mtukwa, 2015; Shank & Schirch, 2008; Thompson, 2002). In addition, the participatory element of theatre programmes acknowledges that everyone holds relevant information and that through interaction, further knowledge and insight is created. Instead of creating a programme for youth and local communities, the objective of the participatory theatre programmes is to create a programme with youth and the local communities.

Although the body of literature is gradually growing around art-based approaches relating to peacebuilding processes (Mtukwa, 2015), most research related to intra-state conflicts has been either conducted in African countries (Barnes, 1997; Borisenko, 2016; Chikonzo, 2018), or in high-income countries (Gasman & Anderson-Thompkins, 2003; Houbolt,

(15)

6

2010; Pruitt, 2008, 2011; Respress & Lutfi, 2006; Stuckey & Nobel, 2010; Wallace-DiGarbo & Hill, 2006; Wright et al., 2006). Despite the potential of arts in the peacebuilding processes, the art-based approaches remain marginalized. This might be because they are commonly regarded as ‘soft’ methods to ‘hard’ problems of violence and conflict (Mtukwa, 2015; Shank & Schirch, 2008). Another explanation could be that art approaches are not included in the formal liberal peacebuilding models as a method (Mtukwa, 2015; Shank & Schirch, 2008).

Instead, art programmes appear to be a non-formal approach of peacebuilding which receives less attention from state actors than formal approaches. On the potential of arts to enhance peacebuilding, Urías (2016:IV) suggests that ‘non-formal education programs may be a powerful platform for peacebuilding in conflict affected-societies.’ These programs have the potential to raise both collective and self-consciousness to foster dialogue and life projects through implicit peacebuilding elements ‘such as community cohesion, consensus building, dialogue, appreciation of the otherness, social inclusion, decision-making and critical thinking’ (Urías, 2016:IV). Several studies indicate the need for a better understanding of the role that non-formal education can play in conflict-affected areas (Datzberger, 2017; M. T. Lopes Cardozo, Higgins, & Le Mat, 2016; Van der Linden, 2015). In other words, the role of non-formal learnings as art-based approaches – for instance participatory programmes – to enhance peacebuilding including reconciliation processes, remain under-researched.

In essence, this thesis aims to contribute to existing literature by: (1) focussing on participatory theatre programmes as an art form; (2) emphasizing the social development within the peacebuilding processes in contrast to the economic and political approaches; (3) including the perceptions of youth; (4) concentrating on post-war Sri Lanka as middle-income country and its geographic location; (5) approaching this research from a grassroots instead of a top-down perspective; and (6) contextualising reconciliation through the example of two affected regions.

(16)

7

1.3 Research Questions

To fill this gap, this study aims to contribute to existing literature by conducting explorative research through the following formulated main research question and sub-questions:

1. How are participatory theatre programmes as non-formal learning approaches perceived by youth participants and facilitators in relation to reconciliation in Colombo and the Northern Province of post-war Sri Lanka?

a) How is the term ‘reconciliation’ interpreted by youth participants and facilitators of participatory theatre programmes?

b) To what extent is theatre perceived as a potential tool for reconciliation by youth participants and facilitators of the theatre programmes?

c) To what extent did the perception of youth participants change in regard to others and themselves after participating in the participatory theatre programmes?

By exploring perceptions of youth participants and facilitators, this research aims develops a more holistic understanding of the reconciliation processes regarding firstly, participatory theatre programmes as a non-formal way of learning and secondly, the conceptualization of reconciliation. However, it is essential to consider that the perceived effect can either stimulate or counteract reconciliation processes. On that premise, it is important to emphasize that art-based programmes are merely one part of many key components to attain a sustainable peace (Datzberger, 2017; Duncan & Lopes Cardozo, 2017).

The depth of this research was constrained by a number of external factors. Approximately half of the respondents in this research were selected through the network of the organisation ROSE,4_{a national organisation with over five years of experience in}

encouraging diversity and democracy through various communication channels, including theatre. However, a minister of the Ministry of Education explicitly prohibited the use of the word ‘reconciliation’ during ROSE’s participatory theatre programme in the Northern Province. In his opinion, the youth are still too traumatized and fragile to be directly faced with

(17)

8

reconciliation. In addition, the groups of the participatory theatre programmes were not composed based on ethnic diversity. This fact was shared 1.5 months after my arrival. Consequently, this had severe implications regarding the focus of the unit of analysis, the initial approaches to collect data, the scope of the research location and therefore, the reliability of my findings. This is more extensively discussed in chapter four.

1.4 Knowledge and reality is constructed through interaction

The social constructivist approach is applied in this thesis. This lens examines the process of interaction among actors (Creswell, 2003:8-9) and focuses on different views in their complexity instead of limiting views to a set of categories. Primarily, the approach of Brazilian educator Paolo Freire is applied. He aligns with the critical pedagogical approach (Freire, 1970), which states that knowledge is not viewed as a fixed product, but emerges from the interaction of human reality and consciousness. While we try to make sense of the world, it is then when we produce knowledge: collectively and individually. Freire created the concept of ‘conscientization’ which he describes as ‘the means by which men and women deal critically and creatively with reality, and discover how to participate in the transformation of their world’ (Freire, 1970:19). Communities and individuals are capable of analysing power relations in a critical manner as they become conscious of social constructions through ‘conscientization’ (Ibid).

Social ‘reality’ can be explained to a certain extent, as ‘reality’ can never be fully grasped. However, looking at a social phenomenon from multiple perspectives might reveal parts of the multiple ‘realities’ at hand (Creswell, 2003; Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002). In my opinion, reality is socially constructed, which refers to the fact that there is something ‘more than’ this which constitutes ‘reality’. As Morton (2005:664) states, ‘aspects of social life and our interactions with the world that can never fully be theorized or explained, such as the material and active body and its encounters with external forces, the passions and the senses, and non-verbal ways of communicating and knowing through the senses and expression, have been much neglected in social scientific research.’ Hence, according to these points of views, the world cannot be explained merely through linguistic analyses.

(18)

9

1.5 Structure of the thesis

As the success of non-formal education, referring here to participatory theatre programmes, largely depends on the national context and history of conflict, as well as the political and religious motivations of its implementers (Datzberger, 2017), this thesis lies out a description of these contexts in Sri Lanka in chapter two. It is paramount to comprehend the complex history of Sri Lanka prior to the explanation of current context relating to existing reconciliation initiatives, social setting and theatre. Chapter three outlines a theoretical framework. This begins with assessing participatory theatre programmes as a form of knowledge, and examines the academic debate around the concept reconciliation. After explaining three perspectives on reconciliation – structural, relational and identity-related –normativity is discussed. The chapter ends with a conceptual scheme stating the connection between the concepts. Prior to the empirical chapters, chapter four consist of two main sections. First, an extensive methodology description is given including the unit of analysis, data collection, trustworthiness and data analysis regarding this qualitative phenomenological research. Second, ethical considerations regarding this thesis and my own identity within this study are discussed. Chapters five and

six comprise the empirical data and analysis which are elaborated according to the three

sub-questions mentioned above. These chapters contain additional ‘reflection boxes’ which mirror my thoughts on the material described at hand. The objective of this is to give the reader more insight into my thought process and to allow the reader to evaluate my prejudice in the analysis. Chapter seven concludes by formulating a suitable response to the main research question. Additionally, there is a discussion section stating the restrictions and relevance of this thesis, and recommendations for forthcoming research.

(19)

10

Chapter 2. Post-war Sri Lanka

‘War crimes, you say? No matter how many policies you put on paper, in reality, there are no rights and wrongs in war. War itself is a crime. War cannot be justified.’ ― Thisuri Wanniarachchi5

Source: Author, Colombo, HOPE Exhibition, 2017

‘The shadow of war’, R.P. Chaminda Kumara

To grasp the current context of Sri Lanka, one must first comprehend the history of the country, as current concerns often have their roots in events of the past. Therefore, the first section of this chapter aims to describe the historical background of Sri Lanka. The essential components from the colonial past to independence leading to the civil war, are briefly elaborated upon. This is followed by unfolding the current environment regarding the political climate and reconciliation initiatives on national level, which concludes with the narrative of the social elements of the population in Sri Lanka including the position of women and youth.

5_{Thisuri Wanniarachchi (24) is currently the Assistant Director for Sustainable Development of the President, a Sri}

(20)

11

2.1 Historical context: From Serendib to independent Sri Lanka

Reconciliation goes hand-in-hand with the presence of a trauma caused by a conflict from the past. Therefore, it is important to provide an extensive outline of the historical context of the current Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, before the theoretical framework of reconciliation is given in the next chapter. The teardrop-shaped island located in the Indian Ocean has a rich history.By no means is the importance of the history of Sri Lanka before colonialism diminished; however, the occupation of the island by European countries still leaves a strong mark in the present society. Due to the limited scope of this thesis, primarily the history6 of Sri Lanka from the colonial occupation onward is elaborated on in this thesis.

2.1.1 From Serendib to Ceylon (1505 – 1948)

The first Europeans to arrive on the island, were the Portuguese in 1505. They reached the shores of the island and renamed the island from ‘Serendib’ to ‘Ceylon’. The Portuguese aimed to conquer the island from the different kings. However, the Dutch allied with the local rulers to drive the Portuguese away in 1638 and claimed initially to trade with the local ‘factions’. Nonetheless, from 1660 till 1796 they control the whole of Ceylon except for the kingdom of Kandy. This colonial rule ends when the Britten arrived and took over Ceylon. In an unprecedented move, the British Empire managed to in 1815 seize the kingdom of Kandy as well, making Ceylon lose its independence. The occupation of the European countries through colonialism, left its mark in the country which is still currently visible. For example, the architecture of the houses, the presence of Christianity, the fort ruins, the respect the locals have for white people, and the heritage of the caste system.

On 4th_{of February 1948, Ceylon was granted independence by the British by means of}

attaining the status of Dominion within the British Commonwealth. For the next 24 years Ceylon functioned as an independent country within the Commonwealth until the 22nd_{of May 1972}

when the country became the Republic of Sri Lanka. After reaching independence in 1948, the country had the prospect to become economically stable, with a high rate of literacy, advanced

6_{Please refer Appendix [1.1] for a timeline which provides an chronological overview of the most essential historical}

(21)

12

infrastructure and to build on a constitution which explicitly sought to protect minorities (Hanson, 2012). However, due to poor decision making and policy implementation of the Sinhalese-majority-led governments over time, the people in the country faced practises of discrimination, the polarisation of ethnic groups, corrupted politics and fierce violence. One essential decision made in 1956 by the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) was the Sinhala Only Act. This act – enforced in 1960 – made Sinhala the official language of Ceylon which automatically disadvantaged the Tamil-speaking minority (Hanson, 2012; Weiss, 2011). This became a major turning point in modern Sri Lankan history.

2.1.2 Twenty-six years of civil war (1983-2009)

The history of state formation, especially the implementation of the Sinhala Only Act, has repeatedly fuelled discrimination in Sri Lanka, leading towards conflict. Throughout the years, the state of Sri Lanka constructed a violent account towards its civilians. For example, government-sponsored death squads killed up to 70,000 people in 1971 and 1987-89 due to the uprisings of the communist and Marxist–Leninist party Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) also known as People's Liberation Front. Thousands of Sinhalese died in these revolts and some found death in horrible ways, such as being trapped in burning tires (Weiss, 2011). Moreover, during the ‘Black July’ riots in 1983 approximately between 1000 and 3000 Tamils were killed, leaving ‘a searing wound in the collective Tamil memory’ (Weiss, 2011:54). Propaganda for a ‘pure Sinhalese race’ dominated the political arena and the society by the thrust of a collective of Buddhist monks. The massacre of 1983 led to the active establishment of the Tamil militant popular rebellion faction named the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE or also referred to as ‘Tamil Tigers’); and can be marked as the start of the grievous civil war for power between the Tamil Tigers and the GoSL (Cunningham & Ladd, 2017; Lopes Cardozo & Hoeks, 2015).

The Tamil Tigers, led by Velupillai Prabakharan as founding member and ‘Supreme Leader’, strived for an independent nation state called Tamil Eelam in the North and East of Sri Lanka (please refer figure 2.1 on page 13). Starting as a military rebellion, the Tamil Tigers

(22)

13 evolved into a terrorist group by using suicide bombers for their attacks. In addition, the exploitation of children by training them to become child soldiers characterises the Tamil Tigers (Weiss, 2011). The rebel group recruited most children ‘by a noxious combination of lethal force, strong-arming, threat, trickery and blackmail’ (Weiss, 2011:69). Through a clever social and financial international network, the Tamil Tigers sustained for a long period of time. However, in 2001 with the event of 9/11, the international community withdraw their support to the Tamil Tigers as they categorised a terrorist group (Weiss, 2011).

Between 1984 and 2006 the GoSL and the Tamil Tigers had several peace talks and ceasefires, however, none appeared to be sustainable over time. From 2004 onwards the Tamil Tigers started losing the conflict. It began by the switch of allegiance of a faction of the LTTE named the Karuna group – based in Eastern Sri Lanka and headed by ‘Colonel’ Karuna – to the government side. This split from the main body of the Tamil Tigers reduced the military strength of the Tamil Tigers by 6,000 cadres, but the suicide attacks increased. Therefore, the peace talks in 2006 between the Tamil Tigers and GoSL in Geneva were fruitless. As the fighting continued, the Sri Lankan Army (SLA) regained full control of Eastern Sri Lanka in 2007, leaving only the Northern Province under the Tamil Tigers control. The SLA slowly but steadily pushed the lines of the Tamil Tigers, which in September 2008, forced the UN to leave Kilinochchi – the administrative capital of the Tamil Tigers. The GoSL could not guarantee safety of the human aid workers, which left the battlefield without any international witnesses. At the beginning of 2009 - the Elephant Pass, Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu fell in quick succession. Despite the recognised No Fire Zone areas, the UN Convoy II was bombarded whereby innocent civilians found their death (Macrae, 2013; Weiss, 2011).

Eventually in 2009, the SLA violently conquered the Northern part of Sri Lanka from the Tamil Tigers (Cunningham & Ladd, 2017; Duncan & Lopes Cardozo, 2017; Lopes Cardozo & Hoeks, 2015). The government forces the Tamil Tigers and 300,000 civilians back into the ‘cage’

Figure 2.1: Map of Sri Lanka which shows the aimed Eelam of the Tamil Tigers (The Economist, 2007).

(23)

14

at Nandikadal lagoon. In May, Velupillai Prabakharan and almost the entire senior command of the Tamil Tigers were killed, leaving three hundred thousand Tamil civilians detained. While the Sri Lankan military triumph was proudly celebrated by the Sinhalese majority in the country, it was also evident that up to 40,000 civilians had been killed as the GoSL eagerly eliminated the Tamil Tigers by extensively bombing the remaining area irrespective of their responsibility to protect civilians and uphold international agreements (Hanson, 2012; Weiss, 2011). These innocent people of which many had been young children, were trapped between the shootings of Sri Lanka army from the one side, and the Tamil Tigers who used them as a human shield against the forces from another side (Hanson, 2012; Macrae, 2013; Weiss, 2011). This has led to calls for an international investigation into war-crimes and crimes against humanity alleged to have been committed by the GoSL (Hanson, 2012; Macrae, 2013; Weiss, 2011).

To this day, the GoSL has not been transparent nor taken its responsibility regarding the events of the final days of the war in 2009 (Haigh, 2017; Pararajasingham, 2017; Sirilal, 2017). Irrespective of the lack of the GoSL’s responsibility to protect its civilians, the international community failed to protect the civilians of Sri Lanka (Doucet, 2012; Macrae, 2013; Weiss, 2011). Reacting on a report examining the actions of the UN, or rather the lack of actions, during the final months of the 2009 war in Sri Lanka and its aftermath, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon stated that ‘the United Nations system failed to meet its responsibilities’ (Doucet, 2012; UN News, 2012).

2.2 Current context

2.2.1 Political Climate

During the war, a status quo regarding a non-transparent government was accepted (Transparency International Sri Lanka, 2014); however, although acknowledged, such a situation cannot be changed in the short-term, the country still – nine years after the war – encounters corruption on a high-level. As Sri Lanka is being categorised number 91 of the 180 countries listed in the Transparency International Index of 2017 (Transparency International, 2017). The war ended under the regime of Rajapaksa, which made Sri Lanka the first country to defeat terrorism (Weiss, 2011); however, partly due to the high-level of corruption during his presidency, he lost the presidential elections in 2015 to Maithripala Sirisena, the current

(24)

15

President of Sri Lanka (BBC News, 2015; Mashal & Bastians, 2018). The victory of Maithripala Sirisena (UPFA) was with a minor majority of 51.3% of votes, compared to the 47.6% of votes for Mahinda Rajapaksa (SLFP). At the end of the war, the ‘authoritarian and triumphalist regime’ of Rajapaksa neglected the prospect of reconciliation in the country because of a lack of interest ‘in addressing the grievances of victims and affected communities’ (CPA, 2017). With the change of presidency, the opportunity for meaningful reconciliation entered once again, but ‘the full realization of governance reforms is under severe challenge and reconciliation increasingly elusive’ (CPA, 2017).

2.2.2 Reconciliation initiatives at the national level

There are currently multiple organisations focused on reconciliation processes in Sri Lanka on a national level including governmental institutes and non-governmental organisations, and of both local and international origin. Several programmes of non-governmental organisations (NGO), such as CARE International Sri Lanka, Centre for Peace Building and Reconciliation (CPBR), Sri Lankan Development Journalist Forum (SDJF), Freedom Stage Group, Sri Lanka Unites, Act4Change, Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), Theatre of the People, Mind Adventure Theatre Group and Chrysalis Sri Lanka can be associated with peacebuilding including reconciliation processes. At the governmental level, three ministries with complementary functions were recognized to advance reconciliation. These ministries are the Ministry of Prison Reforms, Rehabilitation, Resettlement and Hindu Religious Affairs, the Ministry of National Co-existence, Dialogue and Official Languages, and the Ministry of National Integration and Reconciliation. In 2015, the latter created ‘an ad hoc body […] to specifically focus on strengthening inter-ethnic and inter-religious relationships’ called the Office of National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR) (United Nations Development Programme Sri Lanka, 2016).

The aim of ONUR is to move towards ‘a strong, stable, progressive, inclusive and peace-loving nation where all Sri Lankans co-exist in harmony and unity, while diversity and national identity are respected and celebrated with a guarantee of equal opportunity in economic, social, cultural and political spheres for every citizen’ (Office for National Unity and Reconciliation, 2016a). The organisation tries to reach this goal by coordinating and

(25)

16

formulating diverse policies and programmes focussing on eight themes, including Arts & Culture for Reconciliation. ONUR considers art ‘as a means to achieve national unity and reconciliation … which will work in partnership with a diverse group of artists from various fields of Arts and Culture in Sri Lanka’ (Office for National Unity and Reconciliation, 2016b). Until now ONUR has contributed to several events or initiatives regarding reconciliation in relation to art and culture. In contrast, an ex-employee of ONUR7, revealed that ONUR is a severe political

tension field which highly restricts the efficiency and meaning of the organisation. Furthermore, it endures the lack of financial support from the GoSL and the autonomy to make comprehensive decisions. According to the ex-employee, ONUR has merely a symbolic function for civil society regarding reconciliation, rather than actually having the decisiveness to make reconciliation happen. Accordingly, a senior facilitator (34)8 remarked:

‘It is because there are a number of different entities in Sri Lanka. […] There are so many entities like nobody is taking ownership and leadership of many things. so, that what, but we expected that since ONUR was playing a key role, we expected them to play a key role, but they couldn't unfortunately.’

As there are various governmental organisations related to the process of reconciliation in the country, the responsibility of the actual implementation is scattered. Therefore, the accountability of the present absence of the implementation of reconciliation can be pushed off by either entity9.

Besides the establishment of governmental entities for reconciliation, instruments like the Secretariat for Coordinating Reconciliation Mechanisms (SCRM) for monitoring and the Peacebuilding Priority Plan (PPP) to stimulate sustainable peacebuilding were established. This PPP aims to provide a common framework to ensure a coherent coordinated approach regarding peacebuilding. The framework identifies key strategic priorities in the areas of transitional justice, reconciliation, good governance and resettlement and durable solutions whilst emphasizing the inclusion on youth and gender (United Nations Development Programme Sri Lanka, 2016).

7_[B1C] 8_[F4C] 9_{[B1C, F4C]}

(26)

17

This emphasis of the GoSL on the role of youth within reconciliation became evident with the national Conference on the Role of Youth in Reconciliation: ‘Together to Peace, Respect, Safety and Dignity for all’ on 12th_{December 2017.}10_{The conference was supported by}

ONUR and organized by the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSSSL) which operates under the Ministry of Defence at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute. During this conference, multiple governmental features expressed the important role youth play in the reconciliation process.11 For example, the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, Mr. Kapila

Waidyaratne P.C., described the youth as the leaders of the future, and argued that there is a particular interest in youth, as they are important to obtain sustainable peace. 12 The Ministry

of National Integration and Reconciliation and INSSSL acknowledge that ‘the mobilization of youth for reconciliation purposes is key to long lasting peace as they have the capacity to initiate change and make an impact on issues that are close to their heart.’ Hence, the importance of youths’ voice and participation in the decision making of peacebuilding processes is acknowledged on national level by several organisations in Sri Lanka for a sustainable future (Institute of Policy Studies, 2014; Sri Lanka Unites, 2014).; however, including them in the process appears to be like a struggle.

There is currently no consensus about an universal definition of youth at international level (Smith & Ellison, 2012; Lopes Cardozo et al. 2015).13 Though several agencies and organisations

have adopted an age range as main indicator to distinguish youth; however, this age range differs among organisations as shown in table 2.1 (African Union Commission, 2006; Anthony & Brazier, 2011; Glassco & Holguin, 2016; Institute of Policy Studies, 2014; International Labour

10_{http://www.defence.lk/new.asp?fname=Conference_on_the_Role_of_Youth_in_Reconciliation_held_20171212_04}_,

accessed 18-05-2018

11_{[VR1, VR2, VR3, VR4, VR5, VR6]} 12_[VR3]

13_{Please refer Appendix [1.2] below for a clear overview of the different ages per entity.}

[reflection]In my opinion the national conference evolved around ‘experts’ from different fields talking about, but not with youth. All speakers shared the importance to include youth in the reconciliation process, but the clarification about how to actually include youth, was absent. At the conference, the attendance of youth was negligible.

(27)

18

Organization, 2006; Sommers, 2001; The World Bank, 2016; UN Habitat, 2012; UNESCO, 2017; United Nations, 2015; World Health Organization, 2017).

Table 2.1: Overview youth defined by age range per entity

Sri Lanka currently holds the age range of 15 – 29 to identify youth (Institute of Policy Studies, 2014). In 2014, the population of Sri Lanka consisted of 4.64 million young people, which comprise 23.3% of the population (United Nations Development Programme Sri Lanka, 2014). However, youth is more than merely an age range and can be viewed as a transitional stage - between childhood and adulthood - which is both determined and affected by the social and cultural context of a country in which political and economic elements play an influential role (Glassco & Holguin, 2016:5; International Labour Organization, 2006:2; McEvoy-Levy, 2001; Sommers, 2001:3). However, it is important to view youth as persons of being, instead of persons of becoming (Biesta, Lawy, & Kelly, 2009).

2.2.3 Social Context

The wide range of different identities and cultures are present in Sri Lanka, and the lengthy civil war between 1983 and 2009 mainly caused by ethno-nationalism, challenges the country to obtain a sustainable peace (Cunningham & Ladd, 2017; Duncan & Lopes Cardozo, 2017; M. T. A. Lopes Cardozo, 2008). With approximately twenty-one million people, the Sri Lankan

(28)

19

population identifies itself mostly through ethnicity, religion and language lines (Cunningham & Ladd, 2017). In other words, most of the population is identified as Sinhalese, Buddhist as ‘religion’ and speaks, reads and writes Sinhala. Please refer table 2.2 below for a brief overview14

of the population of Sri Lanka by ethnicity, religion, language and age (Department of Census and Statistics, 2015).

Table 2.2: Overview of Population regarding ethnicity, religion, language and age

The emphasis on ethnicity, religion and language linked to ‘the ongoing nationalist mobilisations of society and the resulting Sinhala-Tamil divide, merely serve to mask forms of gender, caste and class inequalities widespread and entrenched in Sri Lankan society’ (Silva et al., 2009:3). Although the general prominence of caste has reduced since the colonial era, caste discrimination has altered into new systems. Where the Hindu predominant in India caste system focusses on distinctions based on religious concepts, the caste system in Sri Lanka depends more on a kind of material status derived from ‘the state, plantation economy, land ownership and tenure, religious organisations and rituals, and firmly-rooted notions of inherent superiority and inferiority’ (Silva et al., 2009). In regard to gender inequality towards women, the disparity is prominent in the cultural norms and values of the society in Sri Lanka15. Hence,

unequal behaviour rooted in caste, class or gender has a negative impact in the reconciliation process of Sri Lanka, as it does not foster a positive relationship between people due to a lack of respect for the other.

14_{For a comprehensive overview refer Appendix [1.2].}

(29)

20

2.2.4 Theatre in Sri Lanka

Before the influence of the colonial era, traces of modern theatre can be found in the most important folk dramas of Serendib at the time: Sokari, Kolam and Nadagam. These traditional folk dramas entailed religious expressions and focussed on harvest festivals and mockeries; as the folk dramas are derived from previous religious mini-plays and sarcastic dramas. However, it all began with the spiritual rituals as the oldest extent form of performance which have been altered by editing and eliminating features over time. Through theatrical folklore and storytelling amongst the communities, theatre was preserved from generation to generation. With the European influence, the drama form of Nurti came about which led to the development of the modern drama in Sri Lanka. The colonial era of the British Empire changed the folk theatre as the English language became the linguistic of the play, the topics changes with the domination of plays like Shakespeare and a division of social class within theatre came about as English plays considered for the high class of society (Gunawardana, n.d.; Wijesundara, n.d.)16. After 1960, the contemporary drama developed and besides the English play, partly due

to play writer Ediriweera Sarachchandra, Sinhalese drama plays become loved by society. During the civil war, theatre became more political as it was a way to express feelings and thoughts about the war (Gunawardana, n.d.; Wijesundara, n.d.). Besides the modern dramas, the folk dramas are still present in Sri Lankan society, but several respondents17 indicate that

art, including theatre, is currently underappreciated in society.

The above is a brief overview of the origin of contemporary theatre in Sri Lanka, however online reliable sources are scarce to give an adequate outline. This study focused on Sinhalese and Tamil theatre including drama plays and participatory theatre. The latter does not have its origin in Sri Lanka but was selected nonetheless. This decision is further elaborated in the following chapter.

16_{Scientific online information is limited.} 17_{[P1K, P3J, P6J, P10K, P11K, P12K, F4C, F6C]}

(30)

21

Chapter 3. Towards a Theoretical Framework

’Will there be people who will have the conscience to contribute to the country by changing themselves first? That is the need of the moment.’ ― Nilantha Ilangamuwa18

Source: Author, Colombo, HOPE Exhibition, 2017 ‘Coexistence’, Sabreen Ahmed

This chapter starts by explaining the main concepts of the research which begins with clarifying the concept of participatory theatre, working towards a non-formal learning approach. In addition, this chapter sets the scene for ensuing discussions on why the term ‘reconciliation’ is so difficult to grasp in the context of post-war Sri Lanka. In other words, the westernised and internationalised notions of reconciliation are contested which provides the base for the discussion in chapter five relating to the context of Sri Lanka. This leads to an elaboration of three perspectives on reconciliation, to be exact the structural, relational and identity-related perspectives. Consequently, an attempt is made to create a conceptual scheme which visualizes the connections between the main elements. However, a critical note towards the use of existing theoretical frameworks will feature at the end of the chapter.

18_{Nilantha Ilangamuwa is the editor and the founder of the Sri Lanka Guardian, an online daily newspaper.}

(31)

22

3.1 Participatory theatre as a form of knowledge

To start, participatory theatre entails theatre with a certain interaction with the audience, either during or after the play. Described by Mtukwa (2015:86), ‘participatory theatre uses theatrical methodology to help people understand and rehearse solutions to their problems through addressing personal needs and socio-political concerns of a given group’. By using theatrical methodology, the objective is to create awareness among the audience regarding particular issues in the expectation for social change. To create a safe space to express one’s experience and feelings, is one of the essential values of arts in peacebuilding (ibid). Similar to reconciliation, the effect of theatre is not prearranged nor rapid as ‘it is a process that is created by those who find meaning in it’ (Mtukwa, 2015:99). However, it is crucial that there is time and space to reflect when the drama has ended, as reflection stimulates participants and audience to learn from one another; how their own behaviour influenced others, and to what extent does that counter or foster conflict. Thus, time to reflect and a space to express the feelings one experiences during the theatre is critical as it generates new insights, solutions, meanings and interpretations of the conflict or issue at hand.

Consequently, participatory theatre programmes draw their approach for peacebuilding from Paul Freire and Augusto Boal (2006). In short, Freire rejects the traditional way of learning, and argues for engaging in a dialogue as the core method of learning and knowing, and therefore views all participating parties as equals. The social in contrast to the individualistic character of the process of knowing is acknowledged. He views dialogue ‘as an indispensable component of the process of both learning and knowing’, and embraces ‘collaboration and the development of critical skills of analysis, interpretation, and articulation’ (Participatory Theatre for Conflict Transformation: Training Manual, 2007:7). Consequently, drawing from the theory of Freire, Augusto Boal, founder of the Theatre of the Oppressed from Brazil, stated that ‘art is a form of knowledge’. Consequently, theatre is a form of knowledge. Theatre should and can be a means of transforming society. In accordance, Boal developed forum theatre, which can be defined as ‘a process in which an unresolved problem is shown theatrically to an audience, after which the audience is invited to suggest and enact solutions’ (Shank & Schirch, 2008:230). In this light, art is a special form of knowledge which is subjective and sensory (Boal, 2006). The process of the creative act opens us to different ways of knowing - we can ‘know’ things kinetically, visually, orally, and metaphorically. Thus, theatre becomes a

(32)

23

way of knowing and critiquing the world which leads from ‘knowing’ creatively to ‘acting’ creatively (Lederach, 2005).

Therefore, participatory theatre programmes can be considered as a non-formal learning approach as ‘non-formal education is planned and organized, offering specific learning environments and opportunities’ in contrast to informal education which occurs without structure and planning (Bush & Saltarelli, 2000:ix). According to Bush & Saltarelli (2000:3), ‘non-formal education can play an essential role in conflict transformation, whether to sensitize a society to inequities in a system; to foster tolerance and inter-group understanding; to promote healing and reconciliation; or to nurture the idea and capacities for peace.’ Consistent with non-formal education, the (studied) participatory theatre programmes intend to teach youth about pluralistic values and develop capacity building skills by organizing a particular learning space in a school environment.

However as art-based peacebuilding approaches are considered to be non-formal, there can be a lack of legitimacy on national state-level regarding participatory theatre programmes. Another challenge that needs to be taken into account, contains the risk of re-traumatization of victims. Facilitators need to have adequate training and if necessary, aftercare by counselling should be provided. In addition and similar to any peacebuilding approach, there is the difficulty of justice versus peace. Although perpetrators should not get impunity regarding their actions, recognition of these actions is crucial to move towards forgiveness and peace (Mtukwa, 2015). This relates to the identity-related perspective of reconciliation, which is discussed after debating the definition and concept of reconciliation in the following section.

3.2 Reconciliation: An unfinished process…

There are several perceptions of reconciliation which make it a highly contested definition and concept (Bloomfield, Barnes, & Huyse, 2003; Borisenko, 2016; Hamber & Kelly, 2009; Nadler, 2012). On the one hand, academics and international entities aim to provide a formal definition and conceptualization of reconciliation through a top-down theoretical approach; however, on the other hand, reconciliation can be defined through a more informal perception by a grassroots level, bottom-up approach. This section discusses the debate around the formal

(33)

24

definition of reconciliation between scholars which sets a base for the discussion in chapter five of the informal perception of reconciliation in the context of post-war Sri Lanka.

3.2.1 Formal debate: No consensus from the top-down

Reconciliation can be tracked back to the pronoun reconcile, in Latin ‘reconciliare’ which means (re-) ‘back’ (conciliare) ‘bring together’(Hamber & Kelly, 2009:287). Correspondingly, the word find its origin in the religion, Christianity. While the original may appear simple, nowadays, the word holds certain ambiguity. Currently, the word reconciliation is conceptually vague as Meierhenrich notes it ‘suffers from an astounding lack of clarity’ (Meierhenrich, 2008:196). The concept is abstract and simultaneously considered to be an outcome as well as a process (Nadler, 2012). Like Hamber and Kelly state ‘a detailed yet universal understanding of what reconciliation means is not available’ (2009:286). Reconciliation can be regarded intricate, as it is not a singular intervention but consists of dynamic circular long-term processes, related to post-conflict situations (Bloomfield et al., 2003; Borisenko, 2016; Novelli, Lopes Cardozo, & Smith, 2015). However, Hermann observes that ‘the lack of widely accepted definition […] makes reconciliation little more than a fashionable buzzword’ (2004:40). Likewise, Gibson states that ‘no one seems to know what it means’ (2006:85).

Nevertheless, attempts have been made by Western scholars to define reconciliation. According to Bloomfield et al. (2003:12) ‘effective reconciliation is the best guarantee that the violence of the past will not return. If we can build a new relationship between us that is built on respect and a real understanding of each other’s needs, fears and aspirations, the habits and patterns of cooperation that we then develop are the best safeguard against a return to violent division.’ Bloomfield et al. (2003:12) simplifies reconciliation as ‘a process through which a society moves from a divided past to a shared future’, after outlining the complexity of reconciliation and stating what reconciliation is and is not (please refer figure 3.1 on page 25).

(34)

25

Figure 3.1: The reconciliation processes overview

Source:

(Bloomfield et al., 2003:14)

Similar to Bloomfield et al. (2003), Borisenko (2016:21) states that reconciliation ‘is a process of restoring broken relationships, and rebuilding trust so that affected people can live together and rebuild their communities.’ Likewise, drawn from Hamber & Kelly (2004), Novelli et al. (2015:12) suggest that reconciliation entails ‘dealing with the past and historical memory, truth and reparations, transitional justice processes, issues related to bringing communities together, processes of forgiving and healing and the broader processes of social and psycho‐social healing’. Lederach further suggests that social healing and reconciliation are tied together as a collective process: ‘Social healing is about deepening and expanding space [for healing] rather than a process of phases and sequential steps leading to an end product’ (Lederach & Lederach, 2010:101). Drawing from Lederach, Hamber and Kelly state that ‘reconciliation is both a backward and a forward looking process’ which is a ‘morally loaded’ concept with various people including their own ideological bias (2009:293).

Although Lederach (Lederach & Lederach, 2010) rejects reconciliation being a process of phrases, in the Sri Lankan context, a local organisation named Sri Lanka Unites19 does define

19_{Sri Lanka Unites is led by young professionals to promote reconciliation among youth with diverse religious and}

ethical backgrounds to move Sri Lanka towards a nation with sustainable peace by uniting youth into a movement.

(35)

26

reconciliation as a sequential process consisting of three layers: healing, repairing and transforming (Sri Lanka Unites, 2014). First, individuals are required to acknowledge the negative ‘impact of tribal or ethnic division, civil war and violence’ (ibid) that took place in the Sri Lankan history. This is crucial for the nation to heal. Secondly, structures need to be changed in such a manner that they avoid a repetition of the past and resist structural violence. Thirdly, a transformation is necessary towards the more inclusive national identity to ensure every person in Sri Lanka feels a form of belonging (ibid). The UN Sri Lanka defined reconciliation as ‘positive relationships and mutual understanding between and among different groups contribute to peaceful co-existence and a sense of belonging in Sri Lanka’ (Sri Lanka

Peacebuilding Priority Plan, 2016:19). Aligning with this definition, the GoSL and the UN used

the Theory of Change regarding reconciliation in the PPP Report, entailing that ‘IF individuals from different groups (ethno-religious, socio-economic and gender) interact on a level playing field THEN they will increase levels of mutual understanding, improve/strengthen their relationship and find common ground’ (Sri Lanka Peacebuilding Priority Plan, 2016:19).

In short, reconciliation in the formal academic debate is an universally applied concept, with an ambiguous and contested meaning, but is seemed to be used as a blanket term to refer to all other war-torn localities, which is, in my view, a problematic construction. Similarly in the context of Sri Lanka, the term reconciliation is debated by different entities on national level. However, the purpose of this thesis is to further explore the Sri Lankan way of reconciling its population from a bottom-up approach including the local knowledge and perception which will be discussed in chapter five.

3.3 The Pyramid: Three times a perspective on reconciliation

In order not to use an absolute working definition, this study uses multiple perspectives regarding reconciliation as a starting point towards a conceptualization of reconciliation. Reconciliation is regarded as a multi-scalar concept (Duncan & Lopes Cardozo, 2017; Nadler, 2012). In the field of education and drawing from the theory of Dale (2005), Duncan & Lopes Cardozo (2017) created a multi-scalar model concerning the reconciliation process which distinguishes three levels of reconciliation from the macro to the micro level. Similarly, in the field of psychology, a distinction is made between interpersonal reconciliation and intergroup

(36)

27

reconciliation (Nadler, 2012). The former focuses ‘on psychological variables that explain people’s willingness to apologies for wrongdoings and victim’s willingness to forgive these transgressions’ (Nadler, 2012:294). To make reconciliation possible, one can consider that there is a required healing from within necessary. In other words, someone needs to have a certain inner peace to continue the process of reconciliation.

Complimentary, the inter-group reconciliation refers to ‘broad changes on numerous social and psychological dimensions in dealing with the multifaceted nature of intergroup conflicts’ (Nadler, 2012:294). As the cause of intergroup conflict is commonly multidimensional, it is a matter of fact, that actual reconciliation can only occur when there are changes on corresponding dimensions. Therefore, Nadler (2012) discusses the conceptualization of intergroup reconciliation processes according to three perspectives: structural, relational and identity-related. These three perspectives provide each a different sight to understand a given intergroup conflict and the ways to end it. It is acknowledged that these perspectives overlap in practice but are distinct for the sake of conceptual clarity. To further clarify before explaining each perspective distinctly, Nadler (2012:295) visualizes the three perspectives in the shape of a pyramid20_{as displayed in figure 3.2; where the structural perspective forms the base, followed}

by the relational perspective which leads to the identity-related perspective.

Figure 3.2: Pyramid of the perspectives of intergroup reconciliation

Source: Author’s elaboration based on Nadler (2012)

20_{The intergroup reconciliation pyramid is used in the conceptual scheme too as the three perspectives are used}

Post-war Sri Lanka : participatory theatre for reconciliation : perceptions of youth participants and facilitators

Perceptions of youth participants and

facilitators

Master Thesis : Mandy R. Koenraads

International Development Studies

Graduate School of Social Sciences

Post-War

Sri Lanka

UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM

Graduate School of Social Sciences

PARTICIPATORY THEATRE FOR RECONCILIATION IN POST-WAR SRI LANKA:

PERCEPTIONS OF YOUTH PARTICIPANTS AND FACILITATORS

A Master Thesis in

International Development Studies

by

Mandy Rosanne Koenraads

under the supervision of

Dr Mieke Lopes Cardozo

Dr Simone Datzberger

13 June 2018

Abstract

Table of Contents

List of Tables and Figures

List of Abbreviations

Acknowledgements

Chapter 1. Introduction

1.1 Problem statement

1.2 Knowledge gap

1.3 Research Questions

1.4 Knowledge and reality is constructed through interaction

1.5 Structure of the thesis

Chapter 2. Post-war Sri Lanka

2.1 Historical context: From Serendib to independent Sri Lanka

2.1.1 From Serendib to Ceylon (1505 – 1948)

2.1.2 Twenty-six years of civil war (1983-2009)

2.2 Current context

2.2.1 Political Climate

2.2.2 Reconciliation initiatives at the national level

2.2.3 Social Context

2.2.4 Theatre in Sri Lanka

Chapter 3.

Towards a Theoretical Framework

3.1 Participatory theatre as a form of knowledge

3.2 Reconciliation: An unfinished process…

3.2.1 Formal debate: No consensus from the top-down

3.3 The Pyramid: Three times a perspective on reconciliation