Commercial gentrification in the Indische buurt
A focus on the impact of commercial gentrification on long term shopkeepers in
the Javastraat
Author: Jasper Kortbeek
Student number: 11054212
E-mail:
jasper-jappie@hotmail.com
Study: Human Geography
Thesis supervisor: N. B. (Bahar) Sakizlioglu
Second reader: Dr. R. I. M. (Rowan) Arundel
Submission date: January 14
th2019
Table of contents
Chapter 1: Introduction 3
Chapter 2: Theoretical framework - 2.1: Gentrification 4 - 2.2: State-led gentrification 4 - 2.3: Commercial gentrification 5 Chapter 3: - 3.1: Problem statement 7 - 3.2: Research questions 7 - 3.3 Conceptual framework 8
Chapter 4: Case selection 9
Chapter 5: Methodology - 5.1: Research type and design 13 - 5.2: Research units 13 - 5.3: Operationalization 14 - 5.4: Research methods 16 - 5.5: Analysis 17
Chapter 6: Commercial gentrification in the Indische buurt 19
Chapter 7: Empirical analysis - 7.1: What is the role of the city municipality in 25 commercial gentrification? - 7.2: What are the impacts of commercial gentrification 30 as experienced by long term shopkeepers within the Javastraat? o 7.2.1: Causes of change 30 o 7.2.2: Emotional experiences of impact 31 o 7.2.3: Economic impacts 33 o 7.2.4: Role of municipality 36 - 7.3: What are the responses of long term shopkeepers 38 on the process of commercial gentrification? o 7.3.1: Individual responses 38 o 7.3.2: Collective responses 40
Chapter 8: Conclusion and Limitations - Answering the research questions 42 - Conclusive thoughts 43 - Discussion 43 - Limitations and recommendations 44 Bibliography: 46 Appendix: - Interview questions 49 - List of respondents 51 - Time schedule 52 - Table of shops located in the Javastraat 53 - ATLAS. Ti codes 57
Chapter 1: Introduction
Gentrification has become a widespread process in many cities. It changes the residential- as well as the commercial landscape of the cities. There are multiple forms of gentrification and this process is occurring in different geographies and has different outcomes at different locations.
Many studies have focused on the form of residential gentrification, while less research has been done on commercial gentrification. Especially, the role of a government within this process has been little studied (Hubbard, 2017, p.1). Urban governments are often trying to improve neighbourhoods by attracting middle-class residents (Hochstenbach, 2017), and these actions have not only influence on the residential landscape of a neighbourhood, but also on the commercial landscape. It is important to know what the impacts of this process are on the shopkeepers that own a business in these neighbourhoods, because this process can lead to difficulties for the original shopkeepers. Are they being displaced? How do they adapt to this situation? These are questions that are of great importance to answer to fill the gap in the academic literature.
To make a contribution to the existing literature, the impacts of, and responses to commercial gentrification will be examined in a case study. The process of commercial gentrification is occurring in Amsterdam, and this thesis will focus on the Indische buurt located in the East part of Amsterdam. Within the Indische buurt, the Javastraat is the main shopping street where most of the commercial enterprises are located, and this is the case on which this thesis is focusing.
Additional to the impacts for and responses of the long term shopkeepers in the Javastraat, the contribution of the municipality of Amsterdam to gentrification and
commercial gentrification in the Indische buurt will be examined. What policy do they apply in relation to gentrification and do they take any action to the consequences that this process has for the long term shopkeepers within the Javastraat?
Thereby, the social relevance of this research is related to the experiences and responses of the long term shopkeepers, and the city governments’ policy. For the shopkeepers, it is crucial to know how they can adapt themselves to the changing neighbourhood. In this way, they can stay attractive for the inhabitants and keep their enterprises open in the Javastraat. This research can help them finding solutions to the problems they may be facing. For the city government, it is important to know how the long term shopkeepers in the Javastraat are influenced by their policy. In this way, they can analyse this policy and, if necessary, make improvements.
The research is structured as follows. First, the concepts related to this research will be elaborated in the theoretical framework. In this framework, the existing literature based on the relative concepts will be discussed. Second is the problem statement in which a brief
description of this research will be described, followed by the main research question, the corresponding sub-questions, and the conceptual diagram, in which the relation between the variables are visualized. Third, there will be a description of the case, namely the Javastraat located in the Indische buurt. After the case selection, the methodology of this thesis will be described, including the research type and design, the research units, the operationalization, the methods used and the way in which the data is analysed. Fifth, the way in which
commercial gentrification is occurring in the Indische buurt is examined, firstly focusing on gentrification in the Indische buurt, followed by the changes in the commercial landscape of the Javastraat. Afterwards, the analysis of the data will be done, including the role of the municipality and the experiences and responses of the long term shopkeepers, followed by a conclusion and discussion.
Chapter 2: Theoretical framework
To answer the research questions, the most important concepts will be elaborated within this theoretical framework. The first concept that will be described is gentrification in general and its possible consequences. Secondly, the influence of the state within this process will be described what is called state-led gentrification. The goal of state-led gentrification and the reason for the implementation of this kind of policy will be elaborated. This affects not only the residential landscape of a neighbourhood but also the commercial landscape. These possible effects will be described in the last part, namely under commercial gentrification. 2.1: Gentrification
The process of gentrification is routinely defined as: “A process involving a change in the
population of land-users such that new users are of a higher socio-economic status than the previous users, together with an associated change in the built environment through a reinvestment in fixed capital” (Clark, 2005, p.25). According to Atkinson (2012) there are
two important elements of gentrification, namely the movement by middle and higher-income classes to cheaper neighbourhoods and the reinvestment in the physical housing stock
(Atkinson, 2012, p.270). Atkinson describes that there are cultural and economic forces driving gentrification and that it is not clear which of these main factors is the leading one. That is why these two forces can be connected: “A range of national, metropolitan and local
neighbourhood dynamics are behind the supply of gentrifiers and help to set the conditions by which social and economic inequalities create the possibility for gentrification activity and displacement” (Atkinson, 2012, p.2).
Due to gentrification, the rental prices are increasing, which can lead to the
displacement of existing households (Knox et al, 2014). It becomes more difficult for lower income households to keep living in gentrifying neighbourhoods (Karsten, 2014). So, this process of gentrification leads to a change in the residential composition of a neighbourhood. Characteristics of people coming into gentrifying neighbourhoods, called ‘gentrifiers’ are mostly white, middle-class households. They are overwhelmingly single individuals or couples without children and nearly all have attended college (Gale, 1985, p.16). The change in the demographics of a neighbourhood can also have consequences for the economic situation of long term shopkeepers (Davidson, 2008).
2.2: State-led gentrification
According to Smith, gentrification has to be seen in relation to systematic changes in the relation between the state, individual and market brought about by neoliberalization. This is characterized by market power, superior to state power (van Gent, 2013). The state can use its power to intervene in order to control and expand the influence of the market (van Gent, 2013). This also occurs in the relation to gentrification, what can be called state-led
gentrification and this has evolved since the 1990s into a highly important urban strategy for many city governments (van Gent, 2013, p. 504).
Urban governments are trying, with several policies, to increase social mixing, to decrease poverty concentration and to attract middle-class residents in order to manage disadvantaged neighbourhoods (Hochstenbach, 2017). In Uitermark et. Al’s words,
“gentrification is a means through which governmental organisations and their partners lure
the middle-classes into disadvantaged areas with the purpose of civilising and controlling these neighbourhoods” (Uitermark et. al, 2007, 127). State actors in the Netherlands consider,
more and more, that gentrification is the only solution to urban problems. In this
understanding, gentrification can help them improve the economic situation and liveability of a disadvantaged neighbourhood (UItermark et. al, 2007).
The spatial concentration of poor household or ethnic minority households have a negative effect on the opportunities for the residents to improve their living conditions (Friedrichs et al, 2003). In this way, social mixing can have positive effects on these living conditions. Policy based on social mixing argues that higher income/ affluent residents will improve the neighbourhood, due to their bigger resources. Other positive effects of social mixing are the advance cohesion, creation of economic opportunities and the counteract of social and ethnic segregation (Huse, 2016).
The social mixing of neighbourhoods has also an influence on the commercial landscape of a neighbourhood. “The loss of shops and service preferred by lower-income
original residents and their replacement by up-market shops and services targeted to incoming wealthier newcomers resonates with the international gentrification experience”
(La Grange & Pretorius, 2016, p. 520). Not only has this process of social mixing influence on the commercial landscape but it can also cause an indirect form of displacement. The middle-class households who move into a gentrifying neighbourhood have different
preferences when it comes to shops or restaurants. This leads to the decrease in clients for the original shopkeepers what can cause serious economic problems for them (Davidson, 2008).
Relating to the Dutch context, gentrification has been relatively mild. Despite this relatively mild form of gentrification, state actors have increasingly used gentrification as a policy tool to decrease social problems within neighbourhoods (Teernstra, 2015). These goals of the national government have been adopted by local governments, and they saw the
differentiation of the housing stock as a highly important policy tool for multiple reasons. The government aimed at attracting higher-income household by differentiating the housing stock. Second, the urban economy is tried to be improved by attracting higher-income households into neighbourhoods. It is assumed that these household will spend more money in these neighbourhoods. Thirdly, the competitiveness of cities is tried to be improved and lastly, social problems were seen as consequence of the concentration of relatively poor household and this will be decreased by mixing the neighbourhoods with different kind of household relating to their income (Teernstra, 2015, pp. 1465).
The way in which the local governments are trying to improve the urban economy in their neighbourhood is by attracting higher income households. In this case, commercial gentrification can be seen as a side effect of residential mixing, but in the analysis of the role of the municipality of Amsterdam within commercial gentrification, attracting higher income households is not the only way in which the urban economy is tried to be improved.
2.3: Commercial gentrification
Zukin (2016) argues that the shopping street is of extreme importance when you look at the status of a neighbourhood. She describes that you can walk through a shopping street in almost any neighbourhood to see the diversity that is causing the growth in cities (Zukin, 2016, p.1). So the change in the shopping street can be related to the change in the socio-economic status of a neighbourhood and their inhabitants. This change in the shopping street in the Indische buurt is called commercial gentrification: “the gentrification of business
premises, which leads to consumption spaces for the middle-class, even if this groups does not represent the entire neighbourhood” (Bridge and Dowling, 2001, p.93).
The consumption patterns and identities of ‘gentrifiers’ are reflected in retail spaces of gentrifying neighbourhoods, but there is a big variation between the nature of these spaces in different gentrifying neighbourhoods (Ernst & Doucet, 2013, p.191). Gentrified commercial districts typically consist of restaurants specializing in different types of international cuisine, cafés and boutiques, thereby giving the area a more cosmopolitan feeling (Ernst & Doucet, 2013, p.191). This process is common in gentrifying neighbourhoods but the role of the government in this process is little studied.
Commercial gentrification has an impact on the long term shopkeepers in a neighbourhood. New restaurants, cafés and shops establish themselves in gentrifying neighbourhoods and are, often, based for the new inhabitants of the neighbourhood. These new businesses are not like the mainstream business and are attractive for the newcomers who differentiate themselves from the original inhabitants (Jeong et al, 2015). According to Zukin (2016), this can lead to the displacement of the working-class and minorities because they are not part of this subculture (Zukin, 2016).
The negative effect of gentrification, namely the pressure of displacement, has been studied a lot in relation to the residential aspect. Most of the literature is based on residential displacement and the displacement pressure on shop owners in gentrifying neighbourhoods has little been studied. Only a few studies had focused on the long-term shopkeepers who are affected by commercial gentrification (Jeong et al, 2015), but there has been a shift towards the process of gentrification related to the retail sector. According to Gonzalez and Wiley (2013), this shift is crucial because, the retail sector can be seen as ‘frontier’ of further gentrification (Jeong et al, 2015, pp.147). According to the results of the study of Jeong et al (2015) in Gyeongridan, long term shopkeepers react different towards the process of
commercial gentrification. “By interviewing long-term shop owners in the neighbourhood, we
uncovered discourses, which are welcoming to, accepting of, and frustrated with the process”
Chapter 3
3.1: Problem statementGentrification has changed the Indische buurt. Not only has there been a residential change but, the commercial landscape has also faced a change. New shops, cafés and restaurant have established themselves in the Javastraat. This process of commercial gentrification has been boosted by the municipality of Amsterdam (Zukin, 2016).
The question is how long term shopkeepers are affected by commercial gentrification and how they react to the consequences of this process. Compared to the literature on
residential gentrification, commercial gentrification attracted less research attention. The literature lacks account on how long term shopkeepers experience and respond to commercial gentrification. This study aims to address this gap by focusing on 1) the role of the municipal authorities in commercial gentrification; 2) how long term shopkeepers experience and respond to commercial gentrification.
3.2: Research question and sub questions
To examine the role of the municipal authorities in commercial gentrification and how long term shopkeepers experience and respond to commercial gentrification, two main questions will be used.
- What is the role of the city municipality in commercial gentrification?
- How does commercial gentrification affect long term shopkeepers and what are their responses to this process?
The role of the municipality of Amsterdam will be underlined within the process of commercial gentrification in the Indische buurt.
The second research question is divided into two sub questions:
1. What are the impacts of commercial gentrification as experienced by long term shopkeepers within the Javastraat?
2. What are the responses of long term shopkeepers on this process of commercial gentrification?
3.3: Conceptual diagram
Figure 1: Conceptual diagram (Made by: Jasper Kortbeek, 2018)
This thesis is mainly focused on the impact of commercial gentrification on the long term shopkeepers within the Javastraat together with long term shopkeepers’ responses to this process. The interventions made by the municipality of Amsterdam in relation to commercial gentrification will also be underlined. As seen in the diagram, this policy has both influence on commercial gentrification itself and on the impact on long term shopkeepers of
commercial gentrification.
The characteristics of the businesses and the consequences of gentrification, including the residential demographic change and the increase in rental prices might influence the way in which the long term shopkeepers are affected by commercial gentrification.
These are the most important concepts that will be researched within this thesis project.
Commercial gentrification
Impacts and experiences on long term shopkeepers and
their responses Policy municipality of Amsterdam Consequences of gentrification: - Residential demographic change within the neighbourhood - Increase in rental price Characteristics business: - Duration of settlement - Type of shop
Chapter 4: Case selection
This study will focus on a neighbourhood located in Amsterdam. Amsterdam has changed since the 1970s due to globalization. The city attracted migrants from mostly Turkey, Morocco and Surinam, but also white and English speaking foreign residents (Zukin et al, 2016). Amsterdam is recently facing the process of gentrification. This process did not only have influence on the residential landscape of Amsterdam, but also on the commercial landscape.
Globalization influenced the retail landscape of Amsterdam in two ways. Firstly, it created high-status restaurants and shops owned by this group of white, English speaking residents. Secondly, it is also the cause of the existence of many low-status stores owned by ethnic minorities. The latest kind of stores had led to the fair for ‘ghettoization’, what has led to introducing state-led gentrification by urban planners (Zukin et al, 2016).
This case study focuses on the Indische buurt. This neighbourhood is located in the East part of Amsterdam as seen on the map below. The Indische buurt is highlighted in green.
Figure 2: Location of the Indische buurt within Amsterdam (Wikipedia)
The Indische buurt has 22875 inhabitants in the year of 2018 (OIS Amsterdam, 2018). In the following tables, the characteristics of the neighbourhood are described.
Age groups Amount of inhabitants Percentage of total 0-19 4210 18,41% 20-39 9409 41,15% 40-59 5762 25,2% 60-79 3043 13,31% 80+ 451 1,97% Total 22866 100%
Migration background
Amount of
inhabitants Percentage of total Surinam 1841 8,05% Antillean 261 1,14% Turkish 2020 8,83% Moroccan 4318 18,88% Other Non-Western 2687 11,75% Western 3405 14,89% Dutch 8343 36,47% Total 22875 100%
Table 2: Inhabitants Indische buurt based on ethnic background (OIS Amsterdam, 2018)
Average income per household Amsterdam
Average income per household Indische buurt
Average personal
income Amsterdam Average personal income Indische buurt
36800 29850 33500 26250
Table 3: Income level of Amsterdam and the Indische buurt in 2015 (OIS Amsterdam, 2015)
Regarding the age of the inhabitants, the most representative group is the people within the age of 20-39. Regarding the income-level, the situation has changed. There is an increase visible in the income-level of the household living in the Indische buurt, but it is still below the average of Amsterdam (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2017). Both the appearance of a huge amount of relative younger people and the increase in the average income-level are characteristic for a gentrifying neighbourhood (Gale, 1985 & Atkinsons, 2012).
Another common consequence of gentrification is the increase in the WOZ-value of the houses, which implies the value of the houses (Knox et al, 2014). This effect can be found for the Indische buurt. Within three years, the average WOZ-value has increased with 49,7% (OIS Amsterdam, 2018) as seen in the table below.
Average
WOZ-value 2016 Average WOZ-value 2018 Increase in absolute numbers Increase in percentage
206561 309245,5 102684,5 49,71%
Table 4: Average WOZ-value of houses in the Indische buurt (OIS Amsterdam, 2018)
The WOZ-value is used, because there were no statistics available based on the rental prices in the Indische buurt.
Figure 2 illustrates the residential transition within the Oostelijk Havengebied and the Indische buurt. In this case, only the transition within the Indische buurt is relevant. As figure 2 shows, the amount of non-Western migrants has decreased within the Indische buurt during the period of 2005 till 2015. The amount of new-city dwellers, defined as: “People of
autochthonous or western origin aged 18-55 years, who are registered in Amsterdam after their 18th birthday” (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016), has increased within this period of time.
This is a typical transition for a neighbourhood that is undergoing the process of gentrification (Gale, 1985).
Figure 3: Amount of new-city dwellers with a non-western background, 2005-2017 (OIS Amsterdam, 2016) But, social mixing is not only based on the demographics of the neighbourhood but also on the commercial landscape. The municipality of Amsterdam focused on the retail landscape in the the Indische buurt to speed up the process of gentrification within this neighbourhood (Zukin et al, 2016), and came up with a gentrification policy. This policy was implemented in 2007, and the Javastraat became the main target. The impacts of this policy are highly visible in the Javastraat. The retail landscape has changed and this has an impact on the long term shopkeepers established within this street. The commercial enterprises are mostly located in the Javastraat. In the map below, the location of the Javastraat within the Indische buurt is highlighted.
Figure 4: Javastraat, Amsterdam (Google Maps, 2019).
This street is the main shopping street within the Indische buurt. The characteristics of the commercial landscape can be seen in the tables below. These characteristics are collected due to the use of a mini survey. Within this mini survey, the amount of years the shop is located in the Javastraat, the type of shop and the ethnicity of the shopkeeper were asked. In the
Table 5: Duration shop located in the Javastraat (Mini survey, 2018)
Table 6: Ethnicity of shopkeeper within the Javastraat (Mini survey, 2018)
Table 7; Type of shop, located in the Javastraat (Mini survey, 2018)
The changes in the commercial landscape due to the process of commercial gentrification are visible, which will be described in chapter 6.
The reason behind the choice for the Indische buurt is the fact that this neighbourhood is undergoing the process of gentrification at the moment, and the city government is the main driver of this process. The aim of the municipality of Amsterdam was to bring middle-class residents and ‘creative’ businesses into the neighbourhood (Stadsdeel Zeeburg, 2001). This affects the commercial landscape within the neigbhourhood and makes it a representative case for this research.
Duration shop within the Javastraat
Amount of shops Percentage of total
Long term shopkeepers 43 39,1%
Short term shopkeepers 46 41,8%
Duration unknown 21 19,1%
Total 110 100%
Ethnicity shopkeeper Amount of shops Percentage of total
Dutch 29 26,4% Pakistani 5 4,5% Turkish 17 15,5% Moroccan 17 15,5% Indian 3 2,7% Surinam 2 1,8% Afghanistan 2 1,8% Egyptian 3 2,7% Iraqi 2 1,8% Syrian 2 1,8% Others 7 6,4% Unknown 21 19,1% Total 110 100%
Type of shop Amount of shops Percentage of total
Telephone shop 9 8,2% Bakery 6 5,5% Restaurant/ Café 25 22,7% Retail trade 30 27,3% Supermarket/ food products 17 15,5%
Barber/ beauty saloon 6 5,5%
Others 17 15,5%
Chapter 5: Methodology
5.1: Research type and designThe type of research for this thesis is a qualitative research design. Bryman (2012) describes a qualitative research as: A research strategy that usually emphasizes words rather than
quantification in the collection and analysis of data (Bryman, 2012, p.35-36). This thesis will examine a specific topic in depth. This is characteristic for a qualitative research design. Qualitative research is mostly inductive, what means that there will be generated a theory due to the collection of data (Bryman, 2012, p.36). This is partly true for this thesis. Data was gathered and with this data I have answered the research questions. But the deductive part is the part where the concepts within this thesis are discussed. This theory is namely the basis for this research. The information gathered is used in the design of the semi-structured interview, what will later be further elaborated.
This research is done in de Indische buurt, especially in the Javastraat, and this is my geographical case. According to Yen (2014), a case study is an empirical inquiry that
investigates a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its ‘real-world’ context (Yen, 2014, p.16). This thesis researched a wider phenomenon, namely commercial gentrification, and this has been done in depth in one specific neighbourhood, what makes it a single representative case study. In this way, it is possible to do a detailed research.
This is an embedded single case study, because there are multiple levels. Commercial gentrification has an influence on the composition of the shopping street in the Javastraat, but it has also influence on the individual long term shopkeepers.
Very important with this design is the fact that the results of this research are not completely representative for other cases (Bryman, 2012). Yet, I can address theoretical issues without making any empirical generalizations. But, the external validity of this case study is low. “External validity is concerned with the question of whether the results of a case study can be
generalized beyond the specific research context” (Bryman, 2012, p.47). Contextual factors
are of great importance. These contextual factors can be different in every neighbourhood and that is why this study minimizes itself in its external validity.
5.2: Research units
The units of research in this single case study are the long term shopkeepers, the policy documents and the area broker of the Indische buurt (Gebiedsmakelaar economie, Indische buurt).
Long-term shopkeepers in the Javastraat were interviewed to gather information about their experiences of commercial gentrification in the neighbourhood they are settled in, and how they respond to this process. This will be done with the use of semi-structured interviews what will be discussed later.
The policy documents will be used to examine the role of the municipality of Amsterdam in the process of commercial gentrification in the Indische buurt. This
information will be included in the design of the semi-structured interview to question the experiences of long term shopkeepers of this role of the municipality of Amsterdam. The following policy documents have been analysed:
- Stadsdeel Zeeburg (2001) Stedelijk Vernieuwingsplan Indische buurt 2001-2005 - Stadsdeel Oost (2010) Bestemmingsplan Indische buurt en Flevopark
- Horecanota Stadsdeel Oost (2012)
Additional to the policy documents, the area broker of the Indische buurt has also been interviewed, to help answer the first main research question, and this data is also used within the examination of the other research question.
5.3: Operationalization
In this part, the concepts that are related to the research question will be made measurable. This is necessary to answer the research question.
State-led gentrification:
This concept underlines the role of the state in the process of commercial gentrification in the Indische buurt. The kind of interventions that are characterizing state-led gentrification and in this case commercial gentrification are related to the promotion of higher-quality businesses into the neighbourhood. This can be done by offering subsidies to higher-quality businesses, investing in the outlook of the shopping street and restrictions for new businesses that want to open their business in the Javastraat. Did the municipality of Amsterdam made any of these interventions to promote commercial gentrification in the Indische buurt?
The demographic change within the neighbourhood is also important when you look at the process of gentrification. The municipality of Amsterdam tried to make the Indische buurt a more mixed neighbourhood. This will be measured by using the statistics available in the online databank of de Gemeente Amsterdam.
Commercial gentrification:
Commercial gentrification is defined as: “the gentrification of business premises, which lead to consumption spaces for the middle-class, even if this group does not represent the entire neighbourhood” (Brdige and Dowling, 2001, p.93).
This will be measured by mapping the commercial landscape of the Javastraat. A mini survey is taken, to divide long term shopkeepers from short term shopkeepers and the type of shop located in the street.
Impacts and experiences of the long term shopkeepers:
Shop keepers that are settled in the Javastraat before 2007 are considered as long term shopkeepers. The impacts and experiences in relation to commercial gentrification that have been measured are divided into two different perspectives, namely the emotional and
economic impacts of commercial gentrification on the long term shopkeepers and how they experience these impacts. How do the long term shopkeepers perceive the changes that have occurred in the Indische buurt, and especially in the Javastraat?
The emotional impacts are related to multiple variables. First is the fact if the
shopkeepers feel displaced after the changes that have occurred. This is measured by asking how their relation is with the other shopkeepers, including long term and short term
shopkeepers. Secondly, do they have any thoughts of moving towards another neighbourhood? Thoughts of moving can have different reasons, but it gives a direct impressions of the situation of a long term shopkeeper, because intentions of moving are minimal if you have a successful enterprise on a certain location, in this case the Javastraat.
The economic impacts and how these are experienced do also have different variables. As described, gentrification leads to an increase in the WOZ-value of the houses. But did the rental prices of the premises owned by long term shopkeepers also increase in the Javastraat? Moreover, is this causing economic problems for the long term shopkeepers?
Due to gentrification the residential demographics of the Indische buurt have changed. This changing demographics can be of influence on the amount of customers the long term shopkeepers have, because the new inhabitants can have different preferences then the
original inhabitants. Does this lead to a decrease in their amount of customers or are they able to attract the new inhabitants?
The municipality does also play a role within the process of commercial gentrification. How do the long term shopkeepers see this role of the municipality? This is measured by
asking about the relation between the municipality of Amsterdam and the long term shopkeepers. Additionally, the availability of subsidies is also researched.
Responses to commercial gentrification:
Their responses have also been measured. What actions do long term shopkeepers take as response on commercial gentrification?
This is measured at two different levels, on the individual level and the enterprise level which implies the cooperation between shopkeepers and the city government. Shopkeepers can individually make adjustments to their products, their outlook of the shop and to the inside of the shop. But, they can also cooperate with each other to improve their situation. The shopkeepers of the Javastraat do have an enterprise association where they can be part of. This association is in contact with the municipality of Amsterdam. In this way, they can cooperate with each other and maybe find solutions for problems they are facing. But do the shopkeepers work together and are they active within this enterprise association?
The operationalization as described above, is briefly displayed in the table below.
Concepts Dimensions Variables
State-led gentrification Interventions made by the municipality of Amsterdam based on gentrification Demographic change due to state interventions
Availability of subsidies, both for new entrepreneurs and original shopkeepers Restrictions for new coming entrepreneurs.
Promotion of middle class consumption
Permits for new coming entrepreneurs
Improvement of public spaces
Diversification of the housing supply within the Indische buurt
Type of newcomers related to their income, migration background and age. Amount of people leaving the neigbhourhood and their demographic background Commercial gentrification Change of commercial
landscape within the neighbourhood
Influx of higher-quality businesses.
Displacement of lower-end shops and attracting low-income people.
Impacts of commercial gentrification as experienced by long term shopkeepers
Shopkeepers experiences of change: - Emotional experiences of commercial gentrification - Economic impacts as experienced. Perceptions of long term shopkeepers of the role of the municipality within the process of commercial gentrification
Loss of place/belonging (Relation with the other entrepreneurs in the Javastraat)
Plans for moving out Competition with other shops
Rise of rental price Access to subsidies
Change in type of customers and loss of customers Responses to commercial
gentrification of long term shopkeepers
Enterprise level (Collective action) Individual level Adjustments to shop - Products - Outlook - Inside of shop Cooperation with the city government, that contribute to the improvement of their shop (access to subsidies) Activity in enterprise associations
Cooperation between long term shopkeepers to improve their situation. Table 8: Operationalization of concepts (Made by: Jasper Kortbeek, 2018)
5.4: Methods
In this thesis, multiple research methods were used to gather the necessary data for the research.
The first research method is a small survey that is used to take a snapshot of the commercial landscape in the Javastraat. Within this survey, the type of shop, the ethnic background of the shopkeeper and the amount of years the shop keepers are located in the Javastraat were asked. This mini survey is done for two reasons. First, the commercial landscape of the Javastraat is quickly illustrated. It gives information about the retail type, duration of the enterprise and the ethnic background of the shopkeeper. This is also useful for the first part of the analysis in which the change in the commercial landscape within the Indische buurt was examined. Second, I could determine potential respondents for this research.
The second research method is the usage of the online databank of de Gemeente Amsterdam. This databank will be used to examine the occurred changes, and the current situation in the Indische buurt. This is useful for the case relevance as described before, and is also used for chapter 6, where the changes in the commercial landscape of the Javastraat are described.
The third research method that will be used is the semi-structured interview. In a semi-structured interview, the interviewer does not follow a strict schedule, but the interviewer does, to a certain extent, follow a script (Bryman, 2012, p.471). In this way, there is a list with topics that I want to discuss during the interview but there is room for
improvisation and follow-up questions, so the interview will not be completely structured. With this flexible way of interviewing, the goal is to gain as much information as possible about the experiences of the long term shopkeepers of commercial gentrification.
Zukin (2016) describes that the municipality of Amsterdam implemented in 2007 a policy based on gentrification and that they focused on the retail landscape in the Indische buurt. I am especially interested in long term shopkeepers. Because of the implementation of this policy in 2007, I characterize long term shopkeepers as the ones that were settled in the Indische buurt before 2007. After taking the mini-survey it was clear which shopkeepers could be considered as long term shopkeepers.
I used the method of snowball sampling to recruit participants. “Snowball sampling is
a sampling technique in which the researcher samples initially a small group of people relevant to the research questions, and these sampled participants propose other participants who have the experience or characteristics relevant to the research” (Bryman, 2012, p.424). I
broadened my sample by using the contacts already interviewed respondents. In this way, I tried to take as many as possible interviews, to increase the validity of the results. I realize that the sample size that is reached in this research is not big enough to be able to generalize the conclusions to all long term shopkeepers in the Javastraat, but within the short time, I tried to recruit as many participants as possible to answer the research questions without
generalizing to other cases. Additional to the amount of respondents, the type of respondents that participated in the interviews is also important in this research. The differentiation in the shops can lead to different perspectives and opinions regarding the impacts of and responses to commercial gentrification. Even though, the amount of respondents is not that high, I was still able to find much data to answer the research questions.
The last research method to gather data is the analysis of policy documents from the municipality of Amsterdam. The role of the municipality in the process of commercial gentrification in the Indische buurt is examined through the analysis of these policy documents. These documents can be very useful because they are unique, and it is their official character what makes them interesting (Bryman, 2012, p.550). Policy documents with information about interventions the municipality of Amsterdam took in relation to commercial gentrification will be used. These documents are from de Gemeente Amsterdam. The policy documents used for the analysis are mentioned in the part where the research units are described. This method is useful for the first main question. The information gathered through this method has also been used in the semi-structured interviews with long term shopkeepers.
5.5: Analysis
The interviews and the policy documents had to be analysed to find out the results.
The policy documents are not analysed with a computer program, but I was especially looking for the goals of the municipality of Amsterdam and the interventions they made in the Indische buurt to find out if these interventions can be related to interventions that have to be made to promote gentrification and especially commercial gentrification.
When the process of taking interviews was done, the interviews were analysed with a program called Atlas.Ti. In this way I can easily divide the answers into different topics. This will be helpful in the analysis of the interviews. This program have kept the process of
analysing well-ordered. In this way, the chance of missing important items was minimal. This was done by using codes and relating them to quotes of the respondents. The codes that have been used are added to the appendix.
Additionally, an advantage of using this computer program is the fact that answers related to a specific topic can easily be found during the complete analysation of the date. In this way, the complete process of analysis was clear and well ordered.
Chapter 6: Commercial gentrification in the Indische buurt
This chapter describes the changes that happened in the Indische buurt related togentrification. This process of gentrification does also have an effect on the commercial landscape in the Javastraat and these changes are illustrated and described due to the use of statistics, the mini survey and the interviews that have been taken from respondents working in a shop in the Javastraat. First, the process of gentrification in the Indische buurt will be described and secondly, there will be focused on the changes that occurred in the Javastraat regarding the shops.
The Indische buurt was and is still known as a multicultural neighbourhood, with many nationalities. Most of the inhabitants were non-Western immigrants and this neighbourhood was labelled as a disadvantaged neighbourhood. In 2007, the Indische buurt was named the ‘Vogelaarwijk” for the bad social conditions on the streets and the bad quality of the living environment (Masterscriptie Glazer, 2017). But, there have been done major improvements in the neighbourhood. This is led by the municipality of Amsterdam who wanted to attract households with a higher socio-economic status which is characteristic for the process called state-led gentrification.
The housing supply has changed. The amount of owner-occupied houses has
increased. The latest numbers show that the amount have increased from 20% in 2011 to 25% in 2016. The amount of corporation stock has decreased from 68% to 60% in 2016 and the amount of private rent has been constant at 32% (Gebiedsanalyse 2016, Gemeente
Amsterdam, 2016). Because of this residential gentrification, the neighbourhood has become more accessible for higher-income households (Masterscriptie Glazer, 2017). Consequently, the demographics have changed. The amount of people called ‘new city dwellers’ has increased and in 2017, 30% of the total inhabitants of the Indische buurt were part of this group. These ‘new city dwellers’ are people between the age of 18-55 who are originally from the Netherlands or Western countries and have moved to the city after their 18th birthday
(Gebiedsanalyse 2016, Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016).
“At one point, certain type of people came living here, and I thought by myself: What is this? This is not characteristic for my neighbourhood. Those were people who just got a baby and they were originally from the countryside. I do not know where they came from, but they loved this neighbourhood and it is just like an oil slick. More and more were coming to live here and you can definitely see the difference with ten years ago, it is all completely changing”
(Respondent 9, 2018).
“Young people in the thirty, they love it to live here” (Respondent 2, 2018).
Additionally, more households with a relatively higher socio-economic status are entering the Indische buurt. These are younger people, including students. The university closely located to the Indische buurt has contributed to the increase in the amount of students.
“It is the diversity, many bars have opened their doors and this is because of the amount of
younger people. This is mainly because of the University, a kilometre from here. This causes public from all over the world, from South- and North-America to Asia and Africa. This is nice, the street is really multicultural nowadays” (Respondent 5, 2018).
“The neighbourhood has become more expensive. The prices of the houses have increased, no social rental housing anymore. This place is not suitable anymore for the older generation,
the generation before this generation, the people who have less to spend” (Respondent 4,
2018).
The municipality of Amsterdam was also aiming at the renovation of the housing supply and the improvement of the public spaces. An example is the change in the colour of the houses. They did this by ‘sandblasting’ the houses. This is a process were the dark colour is being ‘washed’, and this leads to a clearer and lighter colour of the houses, what gives a nice result as seen in the pictures on the next page. These are pictures from Google StreetView and gives an image of the Balistraat, located in the Indische buurt, in 2008 and in 2018.
Figure 5: Balistraat, Indische buurt June 2008 (Google Streetview, 2018).
Figure 6: Balistraat, Indische buurt May 2018 (Google Streetview, 2018).
The Javaplein was also part of the plan. This square had a great potential to become a nice meeting place for the inhabitants of the Indische buurt. The transformation of the ‘Badhuis’ into a café/ restaurant and the arrival of the Coffee Company made a contribution to the improvement of the Javaplein as meeting place (Masterthesis Glazer, 2017).
External factors are also contributing to the attractiveness of the neighbourhood. With the development of Ijburg, the Indische buurt is not at the edge of the city anymore, but is seen as ‘edge of the city centre’. All these factors are contributing to the positive development
in the Indische buurt and has changed it from a neighbourhood with many problems into a highly attractive neighbourhood for relatively higher socio-economic households and students.
Additionally, the commercial landscape in the Javastraat has changed. A mini survey is taken to illustrate the commercial landscape of the Javastraat. In this way, a map is created in which the shops are being divided according to the amount of years they are located in the Javastraat. The amount of new shops can quickly be seen.
Figure 7: Map of the commercial landscape within the Javastraat based upon duration of the shops (Mini survey, Made by: Jasper Kortbeek, 2018)
The blue blocks are long term shops and the green blocks are short terms shops. Shops from which the duration of settlement is unknown are illustrated as white blocks.
The Javastraat was known for its one-sided type of shops.
“The Javastraat was known as a ‘cucumber shop’, we had so many vegetable affairs”
(Respondent 9, 2018)
“Formerly you could count maybe 15 supermarkets within 100 meters. This has decreased and there have established different kind of shops in the street” (Respondent 5, 2018).
This has changed in the last ten years. As seen on the map in figure 7, 46 new shops have moved into the Javastraat including restaurants, bars, coffee shops and clothing stores of high-quality. Many of the new enterprises are contributing to commercial gentrification.
Commercial gentrification is defined as: “the gentrification of business premises, which leads
to consumption spaces for the middle-class, even if this group does not represent the entire neighbourhood” (Bridge and Dowling, 2001, p.93). The enterprises that are establishing in a
gentrifying neighbourhood are mostly of higher quality than the already located enterprises.
“Gentrified commercial districts typically consist of restaurants specializing in different kind of international cuisine, cafés and boutiques, thereby giving the area a more cosmopolitan feeling” (Ernst & Doucet, 2013). Examples of these kind of enterprises are Bar Basquiat,
Burger ‘n Shake, Licht & Meubels (who was one the pioneers in the change in the commercial landscape), de Balkonie, Blitskikker, Hartje Oost and Div. The bars and restaurant that have established are relative more expensive than the original ones and the food on the menu is renewing and of higher-quality. Div.Herenkabinet is a clothing shop only for men. This shop is relatively expensive and has clothing of high-quality.
In the following table, the shops that have established in the Javastraat and contributed to the process of commercial gentrification are categorized into different types.
Name/ Category Type Year of
establishment Nationality owner Catering industry:
Fondue Oost Restaurant 2015 Dutch
Venkel Lunchroom 2018 Dutch
Gallizia Restaurant 2015 Dutch (Italian roots)
Ijs van Oost Icecream - -
La Fucina Restaurant 2015 Italian
Rum Barrel Café 2015 Dutch
De Jonge Admiraal
Café/ Bakery 2014 Dutch
Bar Basquiat Bar/ Restaurant 2015 Dutch
Sushito Restaurant 2018 -
Burger ‘n Shake Restaurant 2018 Moroccan
Walter Woodbury Restaurant/Bar 2014 Dutch
Fyrre Restaurant 2017 Dutch
Retail sector:
We are pets Pet shop 2018 Argentina De Balkonie Plant and gift shop 2018 Dutch
STØV Gift shop/home
accessories 2018 Indonesian
Licht & Meubels Furniture 2009 Dutch
Java Bookshop Bookshop 2010 Dutch
Feliz Plant and gift shop 2018 Dutch
Div. Damesboudoir Clothing store 2015 Dutch
Saber Nuts Nut shop 2018 Syrian
Div. Herenkabinet Clothing store 2012 Dutch Mixed:
Hartje Oost Coffee bar/clothing
store 2013 Dutch
Blitskikker Coffee bar/ daycare/ barber
2018 Dutch
Table 9: New enterprises contributing to commercial gentrification (Made by: Jasper Kortbeek, 2018). These shops are characteristic for commercial gentrification because of a combination of supply, price, ambiance, and the contribution they make to an urban lifestyle (Brocken, 2015). Commercial gentrification and residential gentrification have a reversing relation. Zukin (2016) argues that the change in the type of shops in a neighbourhood can be related to the change in the socio-economic status and the inhabitants of this neighbourhood. The changing demographics contribute to the process of commercial gentrification, but the process of commercial gentrification also contributes to the changing demographics.
“The type of people that are present in the street are making the street of course” (Respondent 2, 2018).
The type of people within a neighbourhood have an influence of the type of new
entrepreneurs that are willing to establish their shop in the neighbourhood. One respondent has established a restaurant in 2010, located at the Javaplein. This shopkeeper does not belong to the long term shopkeepers but was a very interesting respondent because of his reason for settlement. He was aware of the growing centre of Amsterdam, and the improvements that were going to be realized at the Javaplein. Together with the changing type of residents in the Indische buurt, he saw his opportunity for his type of restaurant and opened his doors in 2010. “We started this business in 2010, and I live here since 2006. I saw that the neighbourhood
was undergoing a big change. I came to live here because it was still a bit ghetto and it was affordable, but I knew that Amsterdam was expanding and the centre was also growing. This was also visible here. I saw that the neighbourhood was getting renovated and this square was also improved in 2009. I saw the opportunity with my two companions, that if we started our business here, we are already here and we would have a name” (Respondent 1, 2018).
The improvements that have been made in the neighbourhood by the municipality have made him choose for the Indische buurt as location for his enterprise. This shows that the changes in the neighbourhood are contributing to the process of commercial gentrification.
This upgrade in the commercial landscape has also contributed to changing type of residents living in the Indische buurt. Demand and supply is in better balance, when it comes
to the references of higher socio-economic households. This makes the Indische buurt more attractive for higher-income households. An increase in the amount of people with a relatively higher income than the original inhabitants have occurred.
Overall, the Indische buurt has changed in a positive way. Renovating and demolition-new construction projects have improved the quality of the housing in the neighbourhood. Additionally, the distribution in social rent, private rent and owner-occupied housing have changed. More houses have been made available for owner-occupied and less for social rental, but the Indische buurt is still recognizable for its relative high amount of social rent-housing. In the upcoming plans for the Indische buurt in relation to housing, the relatively high amount of social rental houses will remain (Area broker Indische buurt
‘Gebiedsmakelaar’, 2018). The process of gentrification has also influenced the commercial landscape. Commercial gentrification has led to an increase in the amount of high-quality catering establishments and higher-quality clothing and furniture shops. This change in housing and commercial enterprises contributed to the change in the residents of the neighbourhood. Higher socio-economic households have entered the Indische buurt.
Chapter 7: Empirical analysis
7.1: What is the role of the city municipality in commercial gentrification?
The municipality of Amsterdam played a role within the process of gentrification in the Indische buurt, not only in residential gentrification but also in commercial gentrification. In the policy documents that have been published, several interventions made by the city government are described that contributed to this process.
The urban renewal plan for the Indische buurt 2001-2005 is one of the published policy documents, made by the district Zeeburg. This is a document in which the plans for the physical renewals within the Indische buurt are described. The main focus lays on economic-, social- and physical renewal of the Indische buurt. The four main goals are:
1. Improvement of the quality of the public space, infrastructure and green structure. 2. Improvement of the quality and differentiation of the housing supply.
3. Improvement of the social structure and security 4. Improvement of the economic structure
The amount of public spaces and the quality of these spaces were of minimal quality within the Indische buurt in this period. In these years, the Javaplein only functioned as a crossing for traffic, but this crossing had big potential to become a nice meeting place for the
inhabitants of the Indische buurt. Within public spaces, the way in which the people experience those places is of great importance. A smart plan from the municipality of Amsterdam was to add art in the public spaces, what caused more liveliness in the
neighbourhood. The upgrade of public spaces is partly contributing to the improvement of the outlook of the Indische buurt. In this way, the municipality tries to promote gentrification by attracting middle-class and higher-class household to a relatively cheaper neighbourhood what is one of the elements of gentrification according to Atkinson (2012).
The city government also tried to increase the attractiveness of the neighbourhood for higher-income households by adapting the housing supply. The composition of the housing supply was very one-sided. It mostly existed of small rental houses for single-person households. Arrangements were made between the municipality and housing corporations about the period till 2005. The municipality of Amsterdam aimed at creating a differentiated housing supply available for different types of households, with the goal that different types of households could live next to each other within the Indische buurt. A minimum of 25% of the housing supply have to consist of houses intended for high income households. 75% have to consist of the core stock available for households with a lower income (Stadsdeel Zeeburg, 2001). This goal had to be reached by adapting the existing houses instead of demolishing those houses. These adjustments to the housing supply has actually happened. The
adjustments to the housing supply in the Indische buurt can be seen as a direct intervention to promote the process of gentrification. According to Atkinson (2012), the reinvestment in the physical housing stock is also a crucial element of gentrification.
The improvement of the social structure and safety was also an important goal to reach. There are many neighbourhood organizations, what improves the social cohesion within the neighbourhood, but many inhabitants felt unsafe in the Indische buurt, not only in the evening but also by daylight (Stadsdeel Zeeburg, 2001). Additionally, the youth crime is higher than the average of Amsterdam. Physical improvements had to be made at places that were known as ‘unsafe’. Also the neighbourhood organizations can be improved and
expanded to increase the social cohesion in the neighbourhood what contributes to the feeling of safety in the neighbourhood.
The last goal of the municipality is the improvement of the economic structure. There is a high amount of shops in the Indische buurt, mostly located in the Javastraat but this
commercial landscape is a little one-sided. Most of the shops are local shops focused on the inhabitants of the Indische buurt who are mostly non-Western in this period of time. A high amount of the shopkeepers in the Javastreet were also non-Western. The Javastraat was attractive for the inhabitants of the Indische buurt, but not so much for people outside the Indische buurt. The municipality of Amsterdam focused on the improvement of the
commercial landscape by stimulating the establishment of diverse shops in the Javstraat. How this is done will be described in the following parts.
In 2007, district Zeeburg, Ymere, De Alliantie en Eigen Haard cooperated in a program, what continued the previous policy of the municipality of Amsterdam. The main aspects in these program were also the improvement of the housing supply, tackling of social problems within the neighbourhood, improving the economic position, improving the quality of public spaces and improving the safety in the Indische buurt.
Now, I will focus on the ways in which city government tries to improve the commercial landscape in the Javastraat. The district Zeeburg was eligible for a subsidy of 15 million from the European Union to stimulate the economic development of Amsterdam (Stadsdeel
Zeeburg, 2001). A part of this subsidy was invested in improving the commercial landscape in the Javastraat. This was done in the following way:
- Attract and retain desired shops within the Indische buurt - Encounter shops that are active in criminal practices
In some parts of the neighbourhood, new shops of high quality were tried to attract, but in some parts there was no need to attract new shops. By attracting new high-quality shops and minimizing the presence of shops of low quality, the district Zeeburg tries to improve the commercial landscape in the Indische buurt.
Disrict Zeeburg subsidised a maximum of 60% of the physical investments in a business premises (Heath, 2007). This was, among other things, used for the renovation of facades or the purchase of security cameras and rolling shutters. Other shops, who were not favoured, like call-companies were excluded from this subsidy and gained a subsidy if they left the neighbourhood (Heath, 2007). This last aspect can be questioned. The area broker (‘gebiedsmakelaar economie’) from the Indische buurt, who’s main functions is based upon the economic development of the Indische buurt, says the following about the capabilities of the municipality to make a distinction between favoured and less favoured shops in the Javastraat:
“Diversity in the Javastraat is of great importance. With the extension of the catering policy, this diversity has come. We did not attract entrepreneurs from the municipality, the owners of the premises always rent it themselves, but we made sure they did not have any criminal background” (Area broker ‘Gebiedsmakelaar Indische buurt, 2018).
When I asked him about the ability of the municipality to stop the establishment of a less favoured type of shop, this was his answer:
“We are not allowed to do that. As long as a certain store falls within the destination the building has, we cannot stop them. Sometimes we give some advice like: We think this would be nice for the street. We are not going to make this up by ourselves, we do this in
cooperation with the shopkeepers” (Area broker ‘Gebiedsmakelaar’ Indische buurt, 2018).
The municipality tries to work together with the shopkeepers in the Javastraat to attract a certain type of enterprises of high-quality, but they are not qualified to decide what kind of shops can and cannot open their doors in the Javastraat. To continue on the availability of
subsidies, the municipality of Amsterdam does give subsidies to improve the commercial landscape in the Javastraat. This subsidy does not go directly towards individual shopkeepers but it goes to the enterprise association (Area broker Indische buurt ‘Gebiedsmakelaar, 2018). Moreover, the city government did not promote the arrival of higher-quality enterprises by giving them access to subsidies. In cooperation with the shopkeepers active in the enterprise association, decisions are made how to invest these subsidies in order to improve the
Javastraat.
The municipality of Amsterdam does not only focus on attracting higher-end enterprises to the Javastraat. The diversity of the Javastraat has to be retained. That is the reason why the city government tries to help long term shopkeepers. A project has been started three years ago, which main goal is to help long term shopkeepers with increasing their attractiveness.
“We have hired a project leader, to give something back to the entrepreneurs in the street. She helps the long term shopkeepers to connect better with the current market. Entrepreneurs who see their amount of customers decrease due to the changes occurring in the Indische buurt, are helped by her by giving advice and a design for their shop. Starting point is that she gives the advice, but the entrepreneurs need to make the investments by themselves. We, as municipality, pay for the project leader, but not for the changes that are applied in the shops” (Area broker ‘Gebiedsmakelaar’ Indische buurt, 2018).
Despite the good intention, not many shopkeepers have made use of this project, due to two reasons. The investments have to be paid by themselves and the project leader did set up strict restrictions. The municipality of Amsterdam needs to be sure the investment will be worth it. This means that the shopkeepers need to prove they are able to pay for the investments, and their shop need to have an added value for the whole shopping street. The project has started three years ago and 7 shopkeepers did made use of the project, including one respondent I have spoken to. He was very positive about the results of the project and mentioned that he does have new inhabitants as customers in his shop.
“I was the first who got along with the changes in the Indische buurt. This was a project created by the city government. I owe my name of my shop to the municipality of Amsterdam. I created the name with a woman who helped me, but he municipality sponsored the name. I am very happy about that” (Respondent 4, 2018).
Another project that gained a part of the subsidy is the Ruimtelijk Economische
Structuurvisie(RES), that has been set in 2001. This was made to distinguish between areas of the neighbourhood where the establishment of new shops would be encouraged and in what areas of the neighbourhood this would be slowed down. This was meant to achieve a healthy and well-functioning economy within the Indische buurt (Stadsdeel Oost, 2010).
In 2009, the district council signed the “Horecavisie” Indische buurt. This document includes the goals to achieve when it comes to the amount, quality and types of catering establishments that are present in the Indische buurt. The desired types of caterings are of high-quality, what leads to an improvement of the current types of caterings. The municipality of Amsterdam wants to attract people with a higher income. The idea behind this focus on the catering sector is that higher quality catering establishments would lead to an overall upgrade of the
commercial landscape in the Indische buurt. People with a higher income will come to the Indsiche buurt and will stay for a longer time in, for example, the Javastraat. The result of this policy will be described in the next chapter.
In this document, the catering establishments have been categorized into five different types. This is meant for the type of catering establishments the city government tries to attract.
Category Description
Horeca I Fastfood restaurant, café, snackbar, lunchroom, coffeehouse or ice cream parlour. Small food, non-alcoholic drinks or ice cream
Horeca IIa Rental of rooms for occasions Horeca IIb Disco/ club
Horeca III Café or bar where alcohol is being served Horeca IV Restaurant/ Bistro where you can eat and
drink
Horeca V Hotel or another kind of place where you can stay for at least one night.
Horeca C Cultural catering establishments Table 10: Catering categories (Stadsdeel Oost, Gemeente Amsterdam, 2010).
This plan is based on multiple places in the Indische buurt, but most of the catering
establishments are located in the Javastraat. The municipality of Amsterdam aims at attracting catering establishments of category Horeca I and Horeca V. According to the plan, this can have positive contribution to the commercial landscape in this street. To be able to settle in the Indische buurt as catering establishment, the following criteria needs to be fulfilled (Horecanota Stadsdeel Oost, 2012, p.14):
- Clear own identity, well organized and spacious - High quality appearance and food
- Skilled staff
- The catering fits within in the neighbourhood and contributes to the quality of the other companies in the neighbourhood
- There is something extra, like a WIFI connection
- The look of the catering establishment is unique and the style is timeless. - The company is of value for the neighbourhood
- The owner of the company needs to have a well-thought business plan
- The catering establishment needs to be different than the current ones, who are already settled in the neighbourhood.
Stadsdeel Oost will not favour catering establishments like snack bars or coffee places, in places where these are already present. An active policy based on the catering sector can be seen as an engine within an improving economy. This is shown in the East part of Amsterdam where well-functioning catering establishments helped to the improvement of the local
economy (Stadsdeel Oost, 2010). This policy is contributing to the process of commercial gentrification in the Javastraat. The municipality of Amsterdam does make restrictions for new coming catering establishment, what causes an influx of higher-quality enterprises. Additionally, the municipality of Amsterdam is in cooperation with the police to decrease criminal activities within enterprises in the Javastraat. In 2015, a Dutch newspaper named ‘Het Parool’ published an article in which is described how five shops have been closed within 2 years due to criminal activities (Het Parool, 2015). Both the restrictions and action against criminality are contributing to an improvement of the commercial landscape of the Javastraat.
Bridge and Dowling defined commercial gentrification as the following: “the gentrification of
business premises, which leads to consumption spaces for the middle-class, even if this group does not represent the entire neighbourhood” (Bridge and Dowling, 2001, p.93). The influx
of higher-quality enterprises is occurring in the Javastraat and this is promoted by the municipality of Amsterdam.
The impacts of the policy made by the municipality of Amsterdam are visible in the Javastraat.
Figure 7 and 8 show two different types of catering establishments that are settled in the Javastraat. The difference is highly visible between the first one, who can be labelled as a restaurant/snackbar and the second one, a modern coffee bar who just settled in the Javastraat.
Figure 8: Restaurant/ takeaway Figure 9: New coffee bar: Hartje Oost
Figure 8: http://buurtwinkels.amsterdammuseum.nl/8883/nl/restaurant-mevlana-nr-199-javastraat-foto-monique Figure 9: https://www.yourlittleblackbook.me/nl/hartje-oost-amsterdam-koffieboetiek-op-de-javastraat/
This is just one example of a new enterprise that have opened their doors in the Javastraat, but there are many more and the outlook of the complete Javastraat have been improved during the years.
All by all, the policy documents describe several ways in which the municipality of
Amsterdam tried to improve the Indische buurt. This is done by focusing on the quality of the public spaces, the housing supply, the social security and the economic structure.
Hochstenbach (2017) argued in his article that city governments are seeing gentrification as a policy tool to improve disadvantaged neighbourhoods, and according to Atkinson (2012), the two most important elements of gentrification are the movement by middle-class and higher-income classes to cheaper neighbourhood, and the reinvestment in the physical housing stock (Atkinson, 2012). Both gentrification processes are happening in the Indische buurt. The municipality of Amsterdam is promoting the process of gentrification and commercial gentrification, which can be defined as state-led gentrification. Unless this promotion, the municipality also aims at retaining the diversity of the Javastraat, by helping the long term shopkeepers. How the long term shopkeepers experience this promotion of gentrification and the help of the city government will be described in the analysis of the collected data.
