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View of Daniëlle Teeuwen, Financing Poor Relief through Charitable Collections in Dutch Towns, c. 1600-1800

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op een totaal van 375 pagina’s. Grafieken ‘lezen’ beter dan de eindeloze tabellen die wel in het boek staan. Het gebruik ervan dwingt de auteur na te denken over indicatoren die een fenomeen als industrialisatie beschrijven. Die indicatoren zijn grafisch goed weer te geven en helpen om de informatie te onthouden.

Ronald van der Bie, Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek

Daniëlle Teeuwen, Financing Poor Relief through Charitable Collections in Dutch Towns, c. 1600-1800 (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2016) 240 p. ISBN 978-90-8964-793-1

The strategies used by citizens of Dutch towns to successfully provide poor relief are the focus of Teeuwen’s work. Using a range of primary sources Teeuwen examines three key issues: who provided charitable relief; how that relief was financed and what motivated people to make donations. Similarities and differen-ces between towns and over time are revealed through a comparison of Delft, Utrecht, Zwolle and ’s-Hertogenbosch across c.1580-c.1800. As well as engaging with scholarly literature, Teeuwen also relates her research to contemporary de-bates surrounding welfare provision and government austerity measures.

Two structures for welfare provision operated between c.1580-c.1800. The first was a combination of national legislation and compulsory taxation, which was the main system used in England. In contrast, locally organised initiatives reliant on voluntary donations were more common in the Dutch Republic. Teeuwen’s work provides some comparisons of the relative effectiveness of these systems, focusing on provision given to people in their own homes. The long time-span of her research permits her to cover periods of economic prosperity and recession and assess their impact on poor relief.

The book is structured thematically, with comparisons between locations and over time made within the chapters.‘Organizing poor relief’ examines how local governments allocated relief, including who was eligible to receive it. In all four towns, economic pressures in the late seventeenth-century led to restrictions being placed on who could receive charity, including those based on period of residence in the town.‘Financing outdoor poor relief’ considers the key sources of income that charities relied upon. Collections and almsboxes were particularly important sour-ces of revenue in all the towns. While income from wills and the rents from real-estate were important elements of charitable income in England during this period, it is interesting to note that they seem to have been less significant in the Dutch Republic. However the development of trading companies and financial markets meant that bonds and shares were popular ways to invest resources. The Delft

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Chamber of Charity, for example, owned shares from the Dutch East India and Dutch West India companies. In some towns subsidies were also significant sources of income, for example in Zwolle a portion of the town’s excise duty on peat was allocated to charity. However it seems that civic governments were anxious that charities did not become too dependent on subsidies, and preferred to restrict their use to periods of particular hardship. Instead, charities were encouraged to stage ‘extraordinary’ collections when additional funding was required.

‘Organizing collections’, the subject of the book’s fourth chapter, examines how charities balanced their need for money with the willingness of residents to do-nate. Just as today, there was the danger of over-saturation of demands, especially during periods of crisis. Rotas of collections were therefore tightly planned to ensure that citizens did not receive door-to-door collections more than once a week. Locally based charities were given priority and when requests were made from external charities these were often declined, or restricted to days when a civic collection was not also being held. Behaviour of collectors was regulated, for example collectors were expected to be polite to people and formal and informal vetting procedures for appointing collectors were common. Some charities used salaried collectors but it was more common, and desirable, for collectors to be drawn from members of the local clergy or community leaders. If the donors knew the collectors personally it was felt that they would trust that donations would be spent correctly, and might be inclined to donate a higher amount.

‘The rhetoric of giving’ examines the strategies that charities used to ensure that their fundraising endeavours were as successful as possible. Teeuwen demonstrates that church teachings and civic announcements of collections were communicated in ways that promoted feelings of compassion for the recipients and trust that money would not be misappropriated. Benefits that donors might receive, either indirectly through contributing to a well-governed town or directly in the afterlife, were alluded to. Finally, there was recognition that people could only give according to their wealth, and so even small donations were praised. The success of this later policy is demonstrated in the chapter on‘Donating to collections’, which presents a statistical analysis of money collected door-to-door and in almsboxes, as recorded in surviving registers. A notable result is that open-plate collections encouraged more generosity than closed-box collections!

Overall, this is a well-structured book with a clear direction to its argument. The examination of how economic and social demands were balanced in an urban set-ting will make it of interest to economic, social and urban historians of both me-dieval and early modern periods. Issues raised in the book also highlight opportu-nities for interdisciplinary collaborations with colleagues in the social sciences.

Catherine Casson, University of Manchester

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