BREAKING THE ICE
THE IMPACT OF IMPORTED FISH ON THE LIVELHOODS
OF FEMALE FISH TRADERS IN ACCRA, GHANA
Zoë Grace Holl
MSC Thesis- February 2017
International Development Studies
University of Amsterdam
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BREAKING THE ICE: HOW IMPORTED FISH IMPACTS THE LIVELIHOODS OF FEMALE FISH
TRADERS IN ACCRA, GHANA.
MSC THESIS
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
January 2017
Zoe Grace Holl
11115866
hollzoe@gmail.com
Supervisor: Maarten Bavinck
Second Reader: Joeri Scholtens
Graduate School of Social Sciences
University of Amsterdam
Date of Submission: January 2017
Word Count: 24 461
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. ABSTRACT 6
II. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 7 III. LIST OF FIGURES 8 IV. LIST OF TABLES 9 1. INTRODUCTION 10 1.1 PROBLEM STATEMENT 11 1.2 RESEARCH AIM 12 1.3 THESIS OUTLINE 12 2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 13 2.1 LIVELIHOODS 13 2.2 GLOBALIZATION 15 2.2.1 INCLUSIVE VALUE CHAINS 16 2.3 GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT 17 2.4 CHAPTER SUMMARY 18
3. METHODOLOGY 19
3.1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 19 3.2 OPERATIONALISATION OF MAJOR CONCEPTS 19 3.3 CONCEPTUAL SCHEME 21 3.4 RESEARCH LOCATIONS 22 3.5 RESEARCH DESIGN 24 3.6 UNIT OF ANALYSIS AND OBSERVATION 24 3.7 METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION 25 3.7.1 OBSERVATIONS AND VISUAL METHODS 25 3.7.2 INTERVIEWS: SEMI-STRUCTURED 25 3.7.3 FOCUS GROUPS 26 3.7.4 QUESTIONNAIRE 26 3.8 SAMPLING METHOD 27 3.9 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND LIMITATIONS 27 3.10 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS 28 3.11 DATA ANALYSIS 28 3.12 CHAPTER SUMMARY 29
4 GHANA’S FISHING INDUSTRY AND THE FISH TRADE 31 4.1 THE EVOLUTION OF THE FISHING SECTOR 31 4.1.1 OVERVIEW 31 4.1.2 TODAY’S CHALLENGES 34 4.2 WOMEN IN GHANA 37 4.2.1 GENDER ROLES 37 4.2.2 WOMEN AND TRADE 38 4.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY 40 5 PROFILES OF RESEARCH POPULATION 41 1.4 GENERAL RESEARCH POPULATION 41 1.5 MEN AMONG THE RESEARCH POPULATION 42
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1.6 WOMEN AMONG THE RESEARCH POPULATION 43 1.7 CHAPTER SUMMARY 45 6 THE INTERNATIONAL VALUE CHAIN 46 6.1 HOW IT OPERATES 46 6.2 PERCEPTIONS BY LOCAL FISHERMEN AND FISH TRADERS 51 6.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY 51 7 THE ORGANISATION OF FEMALE FISH TRADERS’ LIVELIHOOD 53 7.1 LIVELIHOOD ORGANISATION 54 7.2 CHALLENGES 62 7.3 LIVELIHOOD STRATEGY: BUYING IMPORTED FISH ON CREDIT 65 7.4 CHAPTER CONCLUSION 68
8 CONCLUSION 69 8.1 ANSWERING THE RESEARCH QUESTIONS 69 8.1.1 SUB-QUESTIONS 69 8.1.2 MAIN RESEARCH QUESTION 71 8.2 DISCUSSION 72 8.2.1 USING THE SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOOD FRAMEWORK 72 8.2.2 GLOBALIZATION AND FISHERIES 74 8.3 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH 76 8.4 POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS 77 APPENDIX A: LIST OF QUESTIONNAIRE RESPONDENTS 78 APPENDIX B: LIST OF INTERVIEWS, FOCUS GROUPS & DOCUMENTS 80
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Abstract
Globally fish stocks are in decline, mainly due to overfishing which has caused huge imbalances in marine ecosystems, affecting local fishing sectors like Ghana’s. Hence, with a weakened local fishing industry, Ghana has resorted to importing more than 50% of its fish to meet the demand. Bearing in mind that this is a relatively recent development, not much is known about what happens to the imported fish once it is landed, especially the effects it has on the livelihoods of female fish traders. Hence, this thesis aims to answer the following question: How does the increasing import of fish in Ghana impact the livelihoods of Accra’s female fish vendors? The evidence is drawn from a mixed methods research design consisting of structured interviews, a questionnaire, focus groups, and the analysis of documents as well photographs and videos. The analysis points to the fact that overall, the increasing amounts of
available imported fish has a positive impact on Accra’s female fish traders as it enables them to sustain their livelihood throughout the year and overcome the challenges caused by declining catches faced by the local industry. Moreover,
imported fish has an emancipatory and empowering effect on the lives of female fish traders as it enables them to contribute to the wellbeing of their household and pursue their livelihood independently from a male spouse or parent who would traditionally provide the fish they could sell.
However, even though the thesis provides a strong claim that such imports contribute to the sustainability of female fish traders’ livelihood, it also cautions against the fact that sustainable resource management is not necessarily practiced by those imported from.
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Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I would like to thank the University of Amsterdam for this unique programme that allows students to carry out their own projects and learn from practical experience as well as their professors.
To Maarten Bavinck, thank you for encouraging me to follow my interest in gender-related issues and for trusting me to do research within a field that I had no previous experience or knowledge of. Your academic support, clear feedback, timely e-mail responses, and positive input, were more motivating than you can imagine. I am also thankful that you put me in contact with Marloes Kraan, to whom I am grateful for helping me in my interview with W. Van der Zwan in The Hague, and for the post field-work meeting that helped me come to terms with what I had learned.
This research project was made a lot more enjoyable and easy by the people I met in Accra. I need to thank my local supervisor, Dr. Edward Onumah, for providing me with necessary fieldwork support, recommendations on how to push my project forward, and introducing me to Deborah and Doris, who became my trusty
translators in Accra. Thank you to my respondents and the members of W. Van der Zwan and Africa Fish, for their time, help, and sincere cooperation.
Fidelia and Ethel, with whom I lived for the five first weeks, thank you for opening your home to me and encouraging me to be adventurous by tasting the various dishes of Ghanaian cuisine or using the infamous tro-tro to get around.
Cheers to the Somewhere Nice residents for contributing to my life outside of
research by helping me explore what the great city of Accra had to offer, by day and by night, and organizing trips to explore Ghana. Without you all I probably would not have left the country as full of love and amazing memories like I did.
This past year would not have been the same without my incredible friends,
wherever they may be, for always listening to me, whether I was high or low. Much appreciation to the library gang, for always knowing when to take well deserved coffee breaks, the incredible camaraderie, and all the laughs that made this experience so much more enjoyable.
Finally, I absolutely need to thank my family for their unshakable support. Mum and Dad, your words are always a source of reassurance and confidence during the stressful times. You make me realize how lucky I am and the importance of carrying on steadfastly. To Alix, the best sister one could ask for, you are hilarious and our daily chats were, and always will be great source of joy in my life, however far away from each other we may be.
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List of Tables
1. Sociological Characteristics of the General RP 31
2. Marital Status of the General RP 31
3. Level of Education of the General RP 32
4. Occupations of the General RP 32
5. Age of Female Respondents 33
6. Marital Status of Female Respondents 34
7. Where Female Respondents Sell 35
8. Tabular Summary of Local Artisanal vs. International Fish Value Chain 40 9. A Framework for Micro-Analysis of Livelihoods 44 10. Fishmonger Friendship Network 46
11. “Inherited Knowledge” 47
12. Challenges Faced by Fish-Traders 54
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List of Figures
1. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework 5
2. Conceptual Scheme. 12
3. Map of Accra and Tema 14
4. Map of Southern Ghana 15
5. Beach Seine Fishing in Cape Coast, Ghana 22
6. Canoes in Busua, Ghana 23
7. Semi-Industrial Fishing Boat 24 8. The Effect of Human Expansion on Ecosystems 25 9. Informal Fish Trader in Makola Market, Accra 29
10. Africa Fish Cold-Store, Tema 38
11. W. Van der Zwan Fish Carton 39
12. Informational Leaflets distributed by the Ministry of Fisheries 52
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Chapter 1: Introduction
Ghana claimed independence from Great Britain in 1957, making it the first sub-Saharan country to do so. Since then it has witnessed many changes, most notably it managed to successfully transition from a military government to a multi-party
system in 1992. To this day, Ghana consistently ranks in the top three African countries for freedom of the press and freedom of speech
(http://data.worldbank.org/country/ghana). The country’s GDP in 2014 was worth 38.62 billion US $, thus its classification as a Lower Middle Income country by the World Bank. Like many Sub-Saharan countries, Ghana’s economy relies on raw materials and natural resources such as gold, cocoa, diamonds and oil. In 2011, the Food and Agriculture organisation of the United Nations reported that 52% of the population worked in agriculture, and 39% of Ghanaians working in agriculture are women (FAO, 2011).
More specifically of interest to this study is the importance of fisheries in Ghana. Indeed, Ghana’s fisheries contribute 4.5% to the annual GDP and indirectly support the livelihoods of 2.2 million people or 10% of the total population (WARFP, 2011: 2). As many studies have revealed, women “play a crucial role as intermediaries in the processing, distribution and exchange of fish” (Overå, 1993: 110). As such, female fish traders and processors are important nodes in the local fish value chain. Moreover, it can be argued that the position of women in the fishing industry is a source of income and empowerment as Overå states, “these women have made careers in their gender defined roles to the extent that they constitute an elite in their communities”. Furthermore, not only is the Ghanaian fishing industry an important source of employment to men and women alike, it is also instrumental in securing the population’s food security. Indeed, fish is the most valuable source of protein in the Ghanaian diet because of its natural properties and its cheap price. Hence, the fishing industry is an important source of income and cheap protein for a considerable number of Ghanaians, and arguably, empowerment to women.
1.1 Problem Statement
Recently the West Africa Regional Fisheries Program (WARFP) has issued a report stating that the local Ghanaian fisheries sector is vulnerable considering that
“compared to ten years ago the average income received by each canoe each year in Ghana’s important coastal fishery has dropped by as much as 40%.” (WARFP, 2011: 3). As Atta-Mills et.al. have described, the Ghanaian fisheries sector can be described as weakened because of “inadequate trade policies, globalization of the fishing industry, dominance of Europe’s distant water fleets, declarations of exclusive economic zones (EEZs) by neighbouring West African nations, overfishing and a lack
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of good governance contributed to the decline of Ghana as a regional fishing nation, a position it had held since the 18th century.” (2004: 13). Moreover, it has been reported that Ghana now heavily relies on the import of fish in order to meet the local demand. Atta-Mills et.al. traced the increase of fish imports to the 1990s when it grew from “34,000 tonnes in the 1980s, (...) to over 108,000 tonnes in the 1990s.” (2004: 16). More recently, it was reported by the Business and Financial Times online that in 2014, Ghana imported 60% of its fish (http://thebftonline.com/, 22/04/2015).
One of the associations that imports in Ghana is the Pelagic Freezer Trawler Association (PFA), a European company based in the Netherlands that represents the interests of nine European companies from five countries: France, Germany, the Netherlands, Lithuania and the United Kingdom. As its name indicates it is an
association of fishing companies that specialise in pelagic fishing. On the PFA’s website, one can read that these companies are committed to sustainable fishing and fish for human consumption only, contrarily to many companies whose catch goes towards the production of fishmeal. The PFA is active in European, Mauritanian and Pacific waters and sells in those regions as well. As such, the PFA’s activities in Ghana are creating a value chain, about which not much research has been done. For the purpose of this study, the focus will be on one of the Dutch member companies of the PFA: W. Van der Zwan (http://wvanderzwan.nl/nl/), and its activities in Ghana.
1.2 Research Aim
My aim is to assess the possible impacts the value chain created by W. Van der Zwan, and frozen imported fish generally, may have on the livelihood of Accra’s women fish vendors and processors. There has been a considerable amount of research done on the importance of market women in West African countries on ensuring food security in urban settings (Gladwin et.al., 2001; Levin et.al., 1999), and gender relations (Britwun, 2003; Bennett, 2005; Overå, 1993). However, little has been researched on the intersection of globalization and local livelihoods, hence the importance behind researching the dynamics, organisation and adaptation
strategies of fish vending and processing for women in Ghana’s capital city. In an article published in October of 2013 entitled Pelagic Fishing Meets the Public the following statement was made: “The women act as agents for food importers and command good prices for the catch. They are also demanding in terms of quality, and pelagic companies such as PFA (...) work hard upstream to ensure tight grading, durable packaging and eye catching logos on the cartons, which are all vital
marketing tools in Africa” (http://www.seafoodsource.com/, 01/10/2013). Thus, there is evidence that there is a relationship between the market women of Accra and the Pelagic Freezer-Trawler Association and its member companies, yet the details and the terms under which this relationship exist are unclear.
12 The research draws on theories of globalisation, specifically value chains, gender and development, and livelihoods. The guiding principle of this research has been the idea that livelihoods are not only about securing immediate well-being, but also the capacity to maintain this well-being over time. As such, I believe it is important to analyse the evolution of livelihoods, especially in the case of those dependent on fisheries (Anticamara et.al., 2011).
Hence, my hope is to contribute to the body of knowledge on the adaptation strategies of women’s local livelihoods when confronted with the ripple effects of globalisation, and the importance of ensuring the development of gender-aware and sensitive value chains.
1.3 Thesis Outline
The second chapter discusses the theories that this thesis builds upon, namely the sustainable livelihoods approach, globalisation, its effect on value chains, and gender and development. In the third chapter, the main research question and sub questions used to frame it are presented, as well as the research design, different methods of enquiry, the data analysis and scope and limitations of the study. This chapter also presents the conceptual scheme, meant to illustrate how the different theories were operationalized and related to one another to answer the research questions. The fourth chapter presents important information about the fishing sector and the role of women in Ghana. Chapter five introduces the reader to the profile of the men and women who constitute the research population. Chapters six and seven, present the main findings. The first discusses the local and international value chains. The second is an analysis of female fish traders’ livelihood organization and their relationship to imported fish. Chapter eight serves as a conclusion where the sub questions are addressed and the main research question is answered in detail. Moreover, the chapter includes a theoretical discussion opened up by the main findings, and recommendations for policy and further research.
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Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework
This chapter serves as a review of the three theories: the sustainable livelihoods approach, globalization, focusing on value chains, and gender and development, that have served as the theoretical foundation of this thesis and informed the different research questions which guided the research.
2.1 Livelihoods
The central focus of this research is how female fish processors and traders make a living while considering the political, economic and social forces, that impact and shape their livelihood strategies. Fish selling and processing is a gendered
livelihood, essential to female fish vendors and processors’ sustenance. Considering that fish vending and processing as a livelihood is the central focus of this research, defining the concept of “livelihoods” and discerning the different ways in which it has been framed is the first part of my theoretical framework.
In the simplest of terms livelihoods can be defined as “the diverse ways in which people make a living and build their worlds” (Bebbington, 1999: 2034). Studies on livelihoods have analysed the “strategic choices, in circumstances where the room for manoeuvre is very limited” (Whitehead, 2010: 575), thus highlighting poor people as active agents of their own lives. Hence such studies are prevalent in the field of international development studies as they bring to light the means by which people can sustain themselves within the broader contexts in which they operate. Moreover, the development of livelihood frameworks has allowed for broader conceptualisations of poverty. Indeed, they put forth the idea that poverty is about more than insufficient income as Whitehead argues “these frameworks incorporate a sustained critique of externally imposed definitions of poverty, especially the one-dimensional income and consumption-line approaches” (Whitehead, 2010: 576). As such, these frameworks are about the capabilities and assets individuals can use to live their life to the best of their abilities.
The first approach to livelihoods that I will base myself on in this research is the sustainable livelihoods framework (SLF) as developed by the British Department for International Development (DfID). I believe that this particular approach will allow me to place the fish women’s livelihood within broader structures and processes and enables for a better understanding of the different factors (such as human, natural, financial, social, and physical capital) that come into play in structuring a livelihood in a particular way.
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Figure 1: The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework. Source: DfID, 2002
Figure 1, shown above, illustrates the different factors that shape the SLF, and thus help us better understand the intricacies of livelihoods in a holistic way. The analysis of the vulnerability context brings to light how shocks, trends and seasonality shape the environment in which people operate. Secondly, the livelihood assets are
important as they point out the capabilities that people have at their disposal to realise their goals and possibly find a way out of poverty. Indeed, the SLF builds on people’s strengths, and recognises everyone’s inherent potential and people’s ability to realise their potential (Kollmair & Gamper, 2002). This aspect of the framework is particularly important to this project as it will enable me to represent empowering figures of women which fits in the gender and development
framework, which will be discussed later. Moreover, by looking into the transforming structures and processes I will be able to look at fish vending from micro and macro levels of analysis. Structures can be defined as the public and private organisations that are in turn determined by processes such as policies, legislation, culture and power relations (Kollmair & Gamper, 2002). Furthermore, the analysis of the
livelihood strategies will enable me to take a comprehensive look at the choices and combination of activities that female fish vendors undertake in order to achieve their goals. Finally, the framework will lead me to evaluate the outcomes of fish vending and processing. Possible outcomes are increased income, well-being, reduced vulnerability and increased food security.
Thus, basing the research on the SLF allows me to analyse fish vending and
processing as a livelihood for women in Accra in a comprehensive and multi-layered manner. However, the sustainable livelihoods framework has been critiqued for being “a simplification and does not represent the full diversity and richness of livelihoods, which can only be understood by qualitative and participatory analysis at
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the local level” (Kollmair & Gamper, 2002, p. 4). Hence, the research will make use of strong qualitative methods that will be explained in chapter three. Furthermore, the SLF has also been criticised for being “weak on the treatment of relations of power and inequality and, by implication, on the institutions that allow access to, or exclude people, households, or communities from resources, whether these are economic, social, political, or natural” (Whitehead, 2010: 577). This critique of the SLF strikes me as very important in the context of this research considering that the notion of access is central to the fish traders’ livelihood. Hence, even though the root of my analysis will be built upon the concepts put forth by the SLF, focusing particularly on the questions of assets and access, my conceptualisation of livelihoods also builds on the one put forth by Bebbington in 1999. Indeed, his framework argues that livelihoods need to be understood in terms of
“the ways in which people are able to expand their asset bases through engaging with other actors through relationships governed by the logics of the state, market and civil society; and the ways in which they are able to deploy and enhance their capabilities both to make living more meaningful and to change the dominant rules and relationships governing the ways in which resources are controlled, distributed and transformed in society.” (Bebbington, 1999: 2021).
Because the primary goal of this research is to understand how the value chain created by the international fish trade impacts the livelihood of Accra’s female fish traders, I will be analysing the relationship between the two phenomena, how they engage with each other and how this relationship is beneficial or not to the
livelihood of the women. Hence, Bebbington’s framework’s questions on livelihoods fit the aim of this research, and the Sustainable Livelihood Framework provides a solid basis on which I will be able to build on in order to understand the
organisation of women’s livelihoods as traders.
2.2 Globalisation
One of the key hypothesis of this research is the notion that the presence of the imported international frozen fish in Ghana influences the way the women fish-vendors and processors of the country’s capital city acquire their fish, and their livelihood as a whole. The existence of an international fish value chain in Ghana, is undoubtedly the result of globalisation. Theories of globalisation vary and are widespread. As Melinda Mills has written,
“globalization can be defined as four interrelated structural shifts that roughly occurred since the 1980s of: (i) internationalisation of markets and declining importance of borders for economic transactions, (ii) tougher tax competition between countries, (iii) rising worldwide interconnectedness through new Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), and (iv) the growing relevance and volatility of markets” (2009: 3).
Hence, the opening up of labour and trade between countries around the world has changed the way people consume. Globalisation is commonly referred to as a “double- edged sword” (Fløysand, 1999:1) and as such, can bring both positive and
16 negative consequences. Indeed, globalisation can both “patch up market gaps and bring producers and consumers closer together” all while bringing in “regional and international competition into local markets” (Senders et.al. 2013: 9). Commodity wise, food is one of the most globalised commodities (Quaye et.al., 2010). In the context of this research the food in question is fish, both locally and globally produced, which as the World Bank (2008) specified, is the most globalized of all agricultural products. When analysed regarding its effect on fisheries, it has been argued that globalisation has been a “purveyor of poverty” (Thorpe & Bennett, 2001: 143). Indeed, a 1997 study demonstrated “how the emergence of a global market for raw whitefish not only dislocated local employment systems in Finnmark (Norway), but also created a new breed of fishing capital owners who had a reduced responsibility to the local community” (Thorpe & Bennett, 2001: 143). Nowadays, such patterns can be observed from Latin America to West Africa. Even though Ghana’s local fishing industry remains very important, international companies, such as the Dutch W. Van der Zwan, import important quantities in Ghana. Hence there is evidence of global influences on the fishing industry in Ghana that could possibly affect the local community’s livelihoods. As Mills argues: “Although globalization remains an inherently broad and complex construct, it is possible to partially
operationalise and examine the impact of this macro-level force on different nations and the individuals within them.” (Mills, 2009:7) Thus the aim of this research is to understand specifically how these global developments affect local-level
development and how globalisation shapes and mediates local influences (Quaye et.al, 2010).
2.2.1 Value Chains
Globalisation in this research will specifically be analysed in relation to its effect on the fishing industry’s value chain and the place that women hold within it. Indeed, “if globalisation in the productive sphere implies functional integration between
internationally dispersed activities, then the value chain perspective is an effective means of conceptualising the forms that the integration takes” (Gereffi et.al., 2001: 2). Hence, in the context of this study, value chain will be defined as:
“an analytical as well as operational model. The model takes up the fact that a product is rarely directly consumed at the place of its production. It is transformed, combined with other products, transported, packaged, displayed etc. until it reaches the final consumer. In this process the raw materials, intermediate products and final products are owned by various actors who are linked by trade and services and each add value to the product” (Senders et.al., 2013: 9).
Such a definition places the different actors involved at the centre of value chains, like nodes in a chain, which will allow me to analyse the place of women and the extent to which they are included in the international fish value chain, and the possible impacts their inclusion and/or exclusion from it has on their livelihood. The importance of analysing value chains with a focus on gender has been subject for discussion in development studies. As Barrientos points out, “in a globalised
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economy, with rising levels of female employment, both men and women are actively involved in economic activities along value chains. Gender thus forms an integral element in how each of these activities is performed” (Barrientos, 2001: 84). As such, the analysis of the dynamics and impacts of a value chain would be
incomplete without taking into account the gender relations that are at play in shaping it. Moreover, not only do women form integral parts of value chains, the relationship between women as a node in a value chain and the operations of a specific chain is interesting to analyse. Indeed, women can either “have an
important influence on the way value chains function. Conversely, in localities where they are operating, value chains can have an influence on the gender division of labour.” (Barrientos, 2001: 83). It is exactly this relationship that this research will be investigating.
2.3 Gender and Development
The last theory from which I will draw in this research is that of Gender and Development. Considering that the primary actors from the Ghanaian fishing
industry that were observed were the women fish vendors and processors, I believe it is important to look at factors that contribute to the establishment of women as fish vendors and processors in the first place. Gender and Development is a theory that emerged out of Women in Development theory, which claimed that it is
important to analyse women’s roles and recognize the importance of the work women do in society. Recognising the role of women in the economy is important, especially considering that too often “policy making fails to take these roles into account” (Akua Opokua Bitwun, 2016: 73). The latter approach however has been criticised because it looks at women in isolation. Gender and Development on the other hand encompasses the cultural and societal constructions of gender, and the roles attributed to men and women accordingly. Considering that roles within the Ghanaian fishing industry are divided according to one’s gender, such an approach is relevant in analysing how women’s livelihoods differ from men’s. In the limits of this research project, considering that “in urban areas of West Africa women are 60-80% of the workforce in trading...” and “in Ghana women play a crucial role in the economy, controlling a large share of market activity” (Levin et.al. 1999: 1978), I believe that an analysis of the conception of gender roles is imperative. Hence, not only is a gender and development approach necessary in recognising the
importance of women’s work in society, it also allows for the questioning of
established gender roles and their characterisation as “empowering” or not. Indeed, both interpretations have been argued. On the one hand, it has been pointed out that “female market systems, while compatible with women’s gender roles as housekeepers and caregivers, provide avenues for female autonomy” (Shultz, 2004 in Akua Opokua Bitwun, 2016:69). While, on the other, it has also been noted that market women in Ghana “have been compressed into this modus vivid by an
18 anthropologically famous combination of patriarchy and matrimony, and by a
century of intervention by colonial and post-colonial governments” (Robertson, 1996 :188), and that those working in the fishing industry “are continuously under
pressure to secure an independent income in order to meet their domestic
provisioning role” (Akua Opokua Bitwun, 2016: 82). Hence, a gender lens is useful in the context of this research not only because the principal actors under investigation are the women fish vendors and processors, but also because a comprehensive analysis of the benefits and constraints such an activity has on the lives of these women is important in order to determine whether or not it is a source of
“autonomy” and “empowerment” which would reflect a certain level of equality between men and women in Ghanaian society. The gender relations between men and women are core elements in the functioning of the Ghanaian fishing industry, as Ragnhild Overå pointed out in her study “the complementarity of the genders in the sharing of work tasks” (1993: 110). Hence, I believe it is important to study the way in which women’s livelihoods shape their identity, relationships and roles within society. Especially in the context of this research, which aims to report the impacts that the international value chain has on the female fish traders of Accra’s livelihood, taking into consideration the possibility that its organisation may be changing and the fact that different strategies fish traders use in order to adapt may be emerging, it is important to highlight the role of gender in shaping their livelihood.
2.4 Chapter Summary
Hence, the three concepts explained above: livelihoods, globalisation, specifically its creation of value chains, and gender and development, should be viewed in
combination. Livelihoods have been widely studied in the field of international development, as they are an inherent part of peoples’ lives worldwide. In the world we live in today, these livelihoods are often affected by the dynamics of
globalisation in various ways. One such way that I will focus on in this research is how they are affected by increasingly international value chains in the context of this particular study, which is specific to Ghana, the value chain will be analysed in light of the individuals that work within it. Gender relations, recognised as an organising force within society by the Gender and Development theory, must be seen as an inherent part of the structuring of value chains. Hence, the research will look into the role of gender in the “local” fish value chain, as it is modified by inclusion in
international trade flows, as well as the way the different value chains have and are possibly affecting gender relations within the fishing sector of Ghana.
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Chapter 3: Research Methodology and
Methods
The third chapter starts out by presenting the research questions and the research design that are the roots of this thesis. An overview of the conceptualization of the major concepts and of the main research locations is given in order to provide the reader with more information regarding how the questions were approached and where they were explored. Finally, an explanation of the methods used, both qualitative and quantitative, to gather and analyse the collected data.
3.1 Research Questions
The aim of this research is to understand the impact of foreign imported fish on the livelihood strategies of the women fish traders of Ghana’s capital city, Accra, and its surrounding area.
Hence the principle research question of this research is:
How does the increasing import of fish in Ghana impact the livelihoods of Accra’s female fish vendors?
To answer this main question, the research is also shaped by the following four sub-questions:
1. Why does Ghana import fish?
2. How does the local fish value-chain operate in comparison to the international one?
3. How are fish vendors’ livelihoods organized and to what extent are they informed and shaped by gender?
4. What place does imported fish occupy within fish vendors’ livelihood strategies? Questions one to three are designed to lay the foundations for understanding the context in which the fishing industry operates nowadays, hence setting the stage for the main research question. The fourth question is asked to situate imported fish within female fish traders’ livelihoods to trigger discussion leading to the main question.
3.2 Operationalisation of Major Concepts
The previous chapter analysed the different theories that shape the basis of this research by taking an in depth look at the relevant literature published so far. These concepts are: the sustainable livelihoods approach (SLA), inclusive value chains, and gender and development. To research such theories, they must be broken down into measurable concepts. Hence, the SLA, inclusive value chains, and gender and
20 development are divided into dimensions, which are made into variables, which are in turn measured by indicators. I will now give an overview of this operationalisation; a full table is presented in the appendix.
The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach
As was discussed in the previous chapter, this research draws heavily on theories about sustainable livelihoods. Indeed, the main research question addresses the impact imported fish has on the livelihood strategies of female fish traders. Hence, drawing on the sustainable livelihoods approach, I considered the respondents’ assets and capabilities, questions of access and the context in which they worked. Value Chains
In this research value chains are defined as the transformation process of a product from its sourcing to its consumption. Hence, here the concept of value chain is divided into two dimensions: local and international. For comparison’s sake, I used the same variables and indicators for both value chains. Indeed, to compare the local and international fish value chain I considered the kinds of fish they offer, where it arrives, its processing (where? by who? how?), selling (where? by who? how?) and consumption (by who?).
Gender
Considering that the principle actors in this study are female fish vendors, I wanted to know how their livelihood is shaped and informed by their gender. Hence, to “measure” gender, I divided the concept into three dimensions: identity, roles and relationships. Identity is understood by age, race/ethnicity and birthplace. An individual’s role, must be understood as divided between the household and the “outside world”, in this case the city of Accra. The role within the household is analysed by asking about the division of tasks and the use of income, and the role in the city is understood through a woman’s occupation. Finally, gender was measured in terms of the relationships a woman has. Again, relationships were understood as divided between the household and the “outside world”, which was narrowed down to the place of work, which in the case of this study is embodied in the different markets in Accra and Tema. Household relationships were measured in terms of number of children and whether they were married or not. Market relationships were understood in terms of place within the market hierarchy and the number of years they had been working in said market.
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3.3 Conceptual scheme
Figure 2: Conceptual Scheme. Source: author
The conceptual scheme is an attempt to illustrate a problematic that I have investigated through research. In this case, my conceptual scheme addresses my main research question as well as the sub questions, and some aspects of the
theoretical framework which inform the research throughout. First of all, the principle research question: how does the increasing import of fish in Ghana impact the
livelihoods of Accra’s female fish vendors? is addressed in this scheme through the arrow with “impact?” written on it which is directed from the “imported fish” bubble towards the large square which represents the framework used to understand and analyse livelihoods. In this research, the notion of livelihoods is approached through the sustainable livelihoods approach (SLA). The SLA posits that people have five different kinds of assets: physical (P), financial (F), natural (N), human (H), and social (S). These assets inform the strategies they will use in organising their livelihood, and hence its outcome. In turn, the outcome can contribute to developing the assets further. As such, the part of the conceptual scheme addressing the research’s approach to analysing livelihoods is represented within the square representing the local fish, as fish processing by women is a livelihood that was first developed within the local fishing industry.
Secondly, the sub-question: how does the local fish value-chain operate in comparison to the international one? is addressed through the arrow with
“differences?” written on it that points from the imported fish bubble to the local fish one. Moreover, both representations of local and imported fish comprise the
22 different questions that are asked in order to understand more about their
respective value chain, which will enable me to draw conclusions on the different ways in which they operate. In the “imported fish” bubble the question “why?” is added because one of the sub questions of this thesis is: why does Ghana import fish? Finally, the last part of the research that is represented in this conceptual scheme is the gender aspect of the research. Indeed, considering that the principle actors of this study are the female fish traders, gender plays an important part. The questions regarding the importance of looking into gender specific issues in the realm of international development is widely addressed in the theoretical
framework. In this conceptual scheme, the operationalisation of “gender” as a concept is represented, which helps to understand how the sub question: how are the fish vendors’ livelihood strategies informed and shaped by their gender? was approached in this research. Moreover, the question of whether or not trading local and/or imported fish is “empowering” or not, as a livelihood, is addressed.
3.4 Research Locations
The research took place over a period of 10 weeks, from June 23rd to August 31st 2016, primarily in the capital city of Ghana, Accra. The city, which stretches along the Atlantic coast, has an estimated population of 2.7 million people, however this number goes up to 4 million people counting the Greater Metropolitan Area, making it the eleventh largest in all of Africa. The city has very distinct
neighbourhoods, with James and Usher Town to the south marking the colonial origins of the city, Osu and Cantonments to the East which are home to the growing expat community, and Nima to the north which is the largest slum in Accra. All these neighbourhoods play their part in making Accra a vibrant yet complicated city to navigate.
More specifically, the principle research sites for this research were Accra’s main markets, namely: Makola, Kaneshie, and Jamestown (all indicated in figure3). All three of these markets were distinct from each other. Makola is the largest and busiest market in Accra due to its central location. It has a central structure, by which I mean buildings and alleyways organised according to what is sold, but many
traders pour out on to the streets. There is no structure as to what is sold and where in Makola. On the other hand, Kaneshie, situated outside of the Ring Road
delineating central Accra, is a structured indoors market where specific amenities are sold at specific spots, making the location of possible respondents much easier. Finally, the Jamestown market is probably the most specialised fish market in Accra due to its proximity to the sea and the fact that Jamestown is home to a large community of fishermen and fish traders. Hence, Accra’s different markets were important sites for participant observation and interactions with female fish traders. To learn more about imported fish, a considerable part of research was conducted in Tema harbour, which is to the east of Accra. Tema is the largest harbour in Ghana and the centre of activities revolving around imports and exports. It is there that I
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could spend time at the different cold stores where women come to buy fish and learn about their livelihood through interviews and questionnaires.
Even though the research focuses on Accra’s female fish traders, I ventured out of the greater Accra area to more traditional fishing communities in the Western region namely the Cape Coast area and Dixcove. In Cape Coast, fishermen still use beach seine fishing techniques and the women sort the fish directly on the beach as it is dragged in as I could observe and film. This helped me learn more about the context of the local fishing industry. Moreover, I went to one of the most western villages, Dixcove, where I conducted focus group discussions and learned about how people who are isolated and far from Tema cope with declining fish stocks and the lean season.
Figure 3: Map of Accra and Tema, also indicating the Makola and Kaneshie markets, as well as the Jamestown area (Source: Grant & Yankson, 2003)
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Figure 4: Map of Southern Ghana showing main research locations from left to right: Dixcove, Cape Coast, Accra, and Tema. (source: Google maps)
3.5 Research Design
Due to the descriptive nature of my research, I decided to use a mixed methods research design that includes qualitative methods such as semi structured interviews, focus groups and observations, which are complemented by quantitative data
obtained through a questionnaire.
In development studies the use of mixed methods is particularly important as the concepts and ideas that are explored are complex and multifaceted. Hence I used a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods for complementarity, and to ensure that when analysed together, the data collected generated complementary insights and helped create a bigger picture. Moreover, through triangulation, the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods ensures greater credibility,
transferability, dependability, and confirmability (Sumner, 2008: 114), which are the alternative criteria to assess rigour in development studies research.
3.6 Unit of Analysis and Observation
Given that the central focus of this research is the relationship between imported fish and the female fish vendors and processors of Accra and how the former affects the latter, the main unit of analysis of this study is Accra’s female fish traders. I looked at women’s assets in relation to their access to the produce they sell and the different strategies they have elaborated to sustain their activities over time. Upon my arrival, I also included the women who work in Tema harbour as they are those first in contact with imported fish. I also included female fish traders from Dixcove to provide comparison as they are those most removed from imported fish.
The research used three units of observation. The first was the individual fish traders I met in the different markets and locations. Secondly, I was in close contact with different members of the W. Van der Zwan’s operations in Ghana to understand the nature and the structure of their activities and their perception on the role of
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imported fish and the impact it has on the Ghanaian population. Finally, the last unit of observation I used to understand the relationship between imported fish and female fish traders of Accra the Post-Harvest Commission of the Ministry of Fisheries (which I will refer to as the Ministry of Fisheries for short) to include its opinion on the impact of international trading on local dynamics.
3.7 Methods of Data Collection
3.7.1 Observations and Visual Methods
The first method used I would like to mention here is participant and non-participant observations alike. The observation process was ongoing throughout the fieldwork period and allowed me continually be aware of my environment and engage with my subject. As Bryman argues, participant observation is an important method of qualitative enquiry as it enables the researcher to “record in as much detail as
possible the behaviour of participants with the aim of developing a narrative account of that behaviour” (2012: 257). Indeed, observations were recorded in a field diary and allowed me to document information about the set-up of the different markets, the behaviour of the fish traders, and their interactions with clients for example. These observations were recorded “as they occurred” (Creswell, 2009: 179) and were important in regards to contextualising and gaining a deeper understanding of the organisation of female fish traders livelihoods and the international fish value chain. The observations were complemented using visual methods of data collection, namely photography and video. Indeed, as Creswell wrote: “The recording of documents and visual materials can be based on the researcher’s structure for taking notes” (Creswell, 2009: 183). Video was used in the market in Tema and on the beach at Cape Coast, and photographic documentation was used throughout. This process was very helpful again for contextualisation and to trigger my memory throughout the thesis writing process. Moreover, it allowed me to include visual representations of the different people, phenomena or places that are being described and analysed in the thesis to capture the reader’s attention visually (Creswell, 2009: 180).
Hence, the observations were recorded in note form as well as through visual aids like photography and video to provide useful complementary information to the interviews and focus groups.
3.7.2 Interviews: semi-structured
As Bryman points out, “interviewing is an extremely prominent method in the
qualitative researcher’s armoury” (Bryman, 2012: 404). Indeed, I used interviews as a means to gain “a holistic picture of the subject of study with emphasis on portraying the everyday experiences of individuals” (Creswell, 2009: 196). Over the course of my ten weeks in Ghana, I conducted eleven semi-structured interviews. I based my interview guide on the observations I had collected beforehand to ensure they were
26 context-specific. The respondents were varied, from middle-women working in Tema, cold-store owners and managers. Of the eleven interviews, three were in depth with key respondents: the director of W. Van der Zwan in The Hague, the manager of their cold-store in Tema, and a member of the of the Ministry of
Fisheries in Accra. They all provided essential information about the state of fisheries and the fish trade in Ghana and the role female fish traders play within the local and international value chain. The shorter interviews pointed out useful information regarding the livelihoods of female fish traders, the challenges they encounter, and the role of imported fish in alleviating them.
3.7.3 Focus Groups
The third qualitative method of data collection used in this research was the focus group. Three groups of between five and seven participants were interviewed in the Western village of Dixcove. The first group consisted of fishermen, the second female fish traders, and the thirds female fish traders who were members of the National Association of Fish Traders and Processors of Accra (NAFPTA). The focus groups were conducted in the participants chosen location with the help of a local translator, known by all the respondents. I was lucky to be able to conduct the focus groups in combination with a fellow student from the IDS masters. I believe that working together in organising the questions helped us cross-check the information gathered. We started each focus groups by introducing ourselves and our research topics and how the information would be used. We also made it clear that this was non-governmental research and as such the information would be distributed in a thesis in the hopes of pushing forward the academic debates surrounding our respective topics.
As Bryman argues, “the focus group offers the researcher the opportunity to study the ways in which individuals collectively make sense of a phenomenon and
construct meanings around it” (2012: 504). In effect, the focus groups allowed me to gain a better understanding of a population who depends on fish to sustain
themselves’ perception of the international fish trade and the impact it has on their livelihood. Moreover, the focus groups allow for “issues that concern them (the participants) can surface” (Bryman, 2012: 503). As a matter of fact, the focus groups revealed the research population’s concern over the expanding offshore oil
exploration and the negative impact it has on the fishing community of the area. This information contributed to my contextual knowledge and encouraged me to include unexpected information and contribute to exposes the grievances of fisher communities.
3.7.4 Questionnaire
So far I have given an overview of the qualitative methods of enquiry used in this thesis, however an important amount of data was collected using a quantitative method: the questionnaire. Questionnaires have been praised for allowing the
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researcher to “control the input that triggers people’s responses so that their output can be reliably compared” (Bernard, 2006: 251). I used a personal face to face questionnaire as I anticipate that some of the respondents may be illiterate or non-literate. Additionally, such a way of administering the questionnaire allowed me to probe the respondents when I sensed that they were not responding fully to obtain more complete information (Bernard, 2006). In total, twenty female fish traders answered the questionnaire. However, the interview and focus group guides included the same questions, hence 47 respondents were accounted for in the analysis. As Bernard points out, researchers can use “ethnography to develop good questions for a questionnaire, but you’ll also use ethnography to flesh out and interpret the results” (2006: 298). As such, in order to make the most use of the mixed methods design of this research, the questionnaire was organised based on observations, the sustainable livelihoods framework, and previous interviews, and the results are presented as complementary to those obtained through the
qualitative methods of enquiry.
3.8 Sampling Method
Considering that the research was conducted in a very large, densely populated area, random sampling revealed itself to be difficult. Hence I started out with purposive sampling, asking my translators to bring me to the most important markets in Accra, and then choosing women who sold fresh fish mostly, and when possible, those where it was clear that the fish they sold was imported. In order to decipher this, we would look for rests of cartons that were used to transport the fish. In some cases, a fish trader would refer us to another which resulted in snowball sampling. For example, when I would interview the managers of cold-stores in markets or Tema, in some cases they would refer me to their middle-women, who in turn would present some of their customers for me to interview.
3.9 Ethical Considerations
Although the nature of this study does not present any obvious ethically controversial themes, any research involving the participation of individuals necessitates a reflection on the possible sensitive issues that may come through. Diener and Crandall (1978) broke down the possible ethical issues that recur in different forms into four categories: “whether there is harm to participants - whether there is a lack of informed consent - whether there is an invasion of privacy -
whether deception is involved” (Bryman, 2012: 135). Considering that the different methods used in this research touched upon subjects such as financial stability, food security and gender roles, the information uncovered by the research did not cause any direct harm to the participants. The issues of lack of informed consent and deception were addressed as I ensured that the participants knew my intentions and
28 partook in the different interviews and focus groups on a purely voluntary basis. In order to ensure that consent was obtained, I always asked my translators to
integrate the issue of verbal informed consent at the beginning of the encounters. The “invasion of privacy” is the one category in which my research encountered some ethical dilemmas. Indeed, as far as qualitative methods are concerned, the objective is to obtain personal insights into a particular topic. Hence, the discussions with participants led me to uncover subjects like poverty and nutritional status which are emotionally charged and required me to approach them with sensitivity and tact. Moreover, many of the women I interviewed worked in informal arrangements, thus confidentiality was a necessary ethical measure to protect the identity of the women involved. Finally, I depended on voluntary disclosure of information from the participants in order to respect their limits, and ensure I was not taking advantage of their situation.
3.10 Scope and Limitations
The scope of my research extends to the fish traders of Accra, Tema, and Dixcove, the members of W. Van der Zwan in the Netherlands and in Ghana. Ghana was my chosen location due to importance of the fishing industry in the country which dates to pre-colonial times. Accra was selected for different reasons. Firstly, it is the capital of Ghana and the most populated city in the country, hence it is an important
trading centre and has many important markets, making questions of fish vendors and processors’ livelihood strategies and adaptation important. Secondly, as a coastal city close to the main harbour, Tema, the demand for fish is high and makes for an important part of the population’s diet and protein intake, hence making the study of fish vendors and processors livelihoods context specific and relevant. The scope of the research is limited to the selling and processing of fish by the female fish traders and W. Van der Zwan. Considering that I will only be in Ghana for 10 weeks, I will be unable to research the full extent of the value chain created by the PFA, and W. Van der Zwan specifically, from the catching to the consumption of the fish. An in-depth study of the relationship between the PFA, and the international value chain at large, and patterns of fish consumption and the city’s population food security would be a valuable and logical extension of this research, yet this was beyond the time and resources available to me. The first limitation I encountered was the language barrier. Even though English is the national language of Ghana, like many post-colonial countries, local dialects remain very strong, especially among the lower educated population. Hence, for my interviews with the PFA and government representatives I did not encounter too many issues. However, with the market fish traders, hiring translators was necessary. Secondly, doing research in such a large city proved to be challenging. Indeed, it was much harder to make myself known to the participants and for me to quickly and effectively determine
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which markets were most relevant to my research. The last limitation I encountered was the lack of knowledge female fish traders had vis-à-vis the international fish value chain. Indeed, in my first version of the questionnaire and interviews, I used the term “imported” to refer to international fish but many women said they did not know what it was. Hence, I had to change to foreign and frozen to make sure they understood. However, even then many traders could not give me much information, even though they were indeed selling imported fish. This knowledge gap would become an important finding in itself.
3.11 Data Analysis
First, while in the field I recorded observation notes, general impressions and ideas of where the research was heading on a daily basis in a fieldwork diary. These notes were very valuable when it came to analysing the data as they enabled for greater reflexivity regarding the relationship between the theoretical framework the research bases itself on and the reality of the situations I was be analysing. As such, the
collection of daily observation notes ensured internal validity, again in the hope that there is “a high level of congruence between concepts and observations” (Bryman, 2012: 390).
Secondly, considering that most the data collected was qualitative in nature I
started by organising the interview and focus group notes according to their themes and the questions they addressed. I only recorded and transcribed one interview with a member of the post-harvest department of the Fisheries Commission. The other interviews conducted with women in the markets were not recorded because I intended on making them as informal as possible and the markets were very noisy and crowded, hence I preferred taking notes on site and using my memory to the best of its capabilities. These notes were analysed manually by highlighting quoted of interest and relating them to the different questions and theories.
Finally, the results from the questionnaire were analysed using the quantitative analysis programme SPSS. I added the responses from the interviews and focus groups to those from the questionnaire when possible and analysed them in the same way through SPSS.
I used descriptive statistics to draw information on the different common
characteristics of the fish traders of Accra’s market, Tema harbour, and Dixcove. The software was very useful to make comparisons between the different respondents, which were exposed in chapter 5.
Furthermore, the data from both the qualitative and quantitative research was used simultaneously and comparatively as to ensure triangulation and hence greater validity and reliability.
3.12 Chapter Summary
30 the concepts that shape it were conceptualized. Moreover, descriptions of the
different locations were given in order to place the research within its geographic context. As a methodology chapter, details were given on the different methods used to collect information in the field, as well as how said information was analysed.
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Chapter 4: Ghana’s Fishing Industry and the
Fish Trade
Considering that this research focuses on the livelihood of Ghanaian women fish traders, before analysing the impact the recent increase in imported fish has on their strategies and organisation, it is important to set the context in which this research took place. I will firstly present the state of the Ghanaian fishing sector, its
background and evolution, as well as the challenges it is confronted to. Secondly, I will discuss the roles of women in contemporary Ghanaian society in order to better situate the female fish traders’ livelihood within the broader context of Ghanaian culture.
4.1 Evolution of the Fishing Industry
4.1.1 Overview
The first records of the history of Ghana’s fishing sector date back to “1471, when European explorers first arrived on the shores of the Gulf of Guinea and noted the existence of a thriving fishing settlements in their logs (records)” (Endemaño Walker, 2001: 391). The development of the fishing industry as one of the key sectors of the Ghanaian economy is probably linked to the strong presence of Fante fishers along the coast. As Atta-Mills et. al. (2004) point out, in the 1700s and 1800s the “Fante fishers from Ghana introduced ocean fishing to communities along the coast of the country” (13). As far as we know, women have always played an important role in the fishing sector. For example, one of the most important techniques in artisanal
fishing, which uses the beach seine net, was introduced “between 1850-1860 by Afedima, a female entrepreneur from the Anlo town (Volta region in the East of Ghana) of Woe” (Akyeampong, 2007: 175). The beach seine net to this day is deployed by fishermen in a canoe while a group of fishermen, and male children, drag it on to the beach, capturing all the fish in its path. Thus, artisanal fishing as it was in the nineteenth century is still very much alive today in coastal fishing
communities. As a matter of fact, the artisanal fishing industry remains extremely important as the principle contributor to the economic power of the fishing industry. More precisely, as Akyeampong (2007) mentions, “the vast majority of 400 000 tons of fish landed in Ghana is caught, processed, handled and traded largely by small scale or artisanal operators, mainly along the coast of Ghana” (173). Hence
corroborating Vercruijsse’s observations that “the (artisanal) industry is still thriving and has not been obliterated by the capital-intensive, modern sector which has developed since the early 1950s” (1984: 5). Indeed, even though artisanal fishing is still very much present in Ghana, the fishing sector was affected by the pressures of modernisation and “by the middle of the 20th century, the development of a semi-
32 industrial fishing presence in foreign waters had established Ghana as a fishing power throughout West Africa” (Atta-Mills et.al., 2004: 14). Thus, today three types of fishing can be identified in Ghana: artisanal, semi-industrial, and industrial, which are categorized according to the techniques they use and in terms of scale.
First of all, I would like to mention that “globally, small scale fisheries on aggregate are more ecologically sustainable and livelihood promoting than large scale
industrial fisheries” (Johnson, 2006: 754), hence the importance of mentioning them within this study. In Ghana, artisanal fishing takes many different forms, however the two I was able to identify along Ghana’s coast were beach seine fishing, described earlier, and canoe fishing. These canoes are twenty to twenty-five feet long,
propelled by a sail, paddle or exterior motors, and can carry a crew of four to seven fishermen (Vercruijsse, 1984: 26). Canoe fishing remains the dominant form of fishing in Ghana (Perry & Sumaila, 2006 :129), with 12 000 boats, of which 6 405 are motorised, accounted for (FAO, 2016).
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Figure 6: Canoes in Busua, Ghana. Source: author.
The second form of fishing present in Ghana is what can best be described as the “semi-industrial” sector. By “semi-industrial” I refer to in-between vessels who make use of mechanized techniques to catch fish, however their capacity remains less important than that of the industrial boats. This year, the FAO published a country profile for Ghana on the state of its fisheries and reported that there were 150 semi-industrial vessels used for commercial purposes. Most of these boats are “dual purpose” and can use either trawls or purse seines and operate during the upwelling seasons. Although the semi-industrial fleet competes with the artisanal sector, they only contribute to about 2 percent (FAO, 2016) of the total marine landings in terms of volume. Moreover, they operate for the most part close to the industrial ports of Tema and Takoradi, and hence are not as widespread and present as the canoes.
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Figure 7: Semi-industrial fishing boat, Tema Harbour, Ghana. Source: author
Finally, the third form of fishing taking place in Ghanaian waters is industrial fishing. The FAO has reported that there are currently 84 industrial trawlers registered in Ghanaian waters (FAO, 2016). The catch of these trawlers represents 6% of the total marine production (FAO, 2016). Hence, they are more important than the semi-industrial trawlers, but still less than the artisanal sector. These semi-industrial trawlers exploit tunas and high-value cephalopods, which are frozen at sea for export (FAO, 2016). Hence, the industrial sector is very important as a producer of exportable fish and hence a source of foreign exchange for the Ghanaian economy.
4.1.2 Today’s Challenges
Recently the West Africa Regional Fisheries Program (WARFP) issued a report stating that the local Ghanaian fisheries sector is vulnerable considering that “compared to ten years ago the average income received by each canoe each year in Ghana’s important coastal fishery has dropped by as much as 40%.” (WARFP, 2011: 3). As Atta-Mills et.al. have described, the Ghanaian fisheries sector can be described as weakened because of “inadequate trade policies, globalization of the fishing industry, dominance of Europe’s distant water fleets, declarations of exclusive
economic zones (EEZs) by neighbouring West African nations, overfishing and a lack of good governance.” (2004: 13). The results obtained through interviews and focus groups conducted during fieldwork corroborate that the Ghanaian fishing industry is indeed under threat because of overfishing and global environmental issues for example. Hence these two situations will be examined in addition to the more
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specific problems faced by local fishermen confronted to Ghana’s recent offshore oil exploration.
Figure 8, below, describes the “historical sequence of human disturbances affecting coastal ecosystems. Fishing (step 1) always preceded other human disturbance in all cases examined. This is the basis for our hypothesis of the primacy of overfishing in the deterioration of coastal ecosystems worldwide.” (Jackson et.al, 2011: 635).
Figure 8: “The Effect of Human Expansion on Ecosystems”. Source: Jackson et.al, 2011: 635
As figure four above illustrates, it is widely believed that “ecological extinction caused by overfishing precedes all other pervasive human disturbance to coastal ecosystems” (Jackson et.al, 2011: 629). Ghanaian marine resources have not been spared of this global phenomenon. Overfishing is known to be harmful to the
sustainability of fishing, and in the “2000s, under public pressure, EU fleets stopped fishing in coastal waters off much of West Africa, except Mauritania and Morocco” (Pala, 2013: 3). However, EU fleets were replaced by Chinese vessels, largely
bottom-trawlers, who are known to have violated near-shore no-fishing zones (Pala, 2013: 3). As a matter of fact, China, is under-reporting its overseas fishing catches in West African waters. The country has reported catches estimated at 368 000 tonnes, whereas it has been demonstrated that their catch actually amounts to 4.6 million tonnes, of which 2.9 million come from West Africa. (Pala, 2013: 1). Not only are such quantities destructive to natural oceanic habitat due to deep sea trawling practices, they also directly have a crippling impact on local artisanal fishing communities. Such detrimental practices are directly linked to broader
environmental concerns. Hence, as long as there will be vessels fishing over the legal amount, rules regarding sustainable fishing will be difficult to ensure as competition between different actors will be heightened. Furthermore, overfishing
