Orientalism, Borders, & (Im)Migration:
The Human Dimensions of East/West Border-Making and -Crossing
Julianna R.C. Nielsen
Supervised by Dr. Andrew Wender, Department of History
Julianna Nielsen, Dept. of History. Supervised by Dr. Andrew Wender, Dept. of History.
This research was supported by the Jamie Cassels Undergraduate Research Awards. University of Victoria, March 2020.
This project was researched and written on the unceded territories of the Songhees, Esquimalt, and WSÁNEĆ Peoples
Introduction
During the so-called ‘migrant
crisis’ (2015/6– ), thousands of refugees and asylum seekers attempting to cross into Greece suffered
perilous maritime conditions and outright violence along Europe’s eastern shores. Reflecting on this
ongoing humanitarian tragedy, this project aims to trace a 200-year long history framing the violent
dynamics of drawing and enforcing boundaries in relation to cross-border migrations in the Aegean Region.
Three cases have been chosen for consideration.
Not only do these boundaries represent and enact the territorial limits of states and legal jurisdictions,
they overlap with the conceptual frontiers imagined between a ‘European West’ and its ‘Eastern Other.’ With
this in mind, the project considers how bordering practices local to the Aegean Region have been shaped by,
and are themselves constitutive of, this civilizational self-other imaginary. Speaking to the ways in which
global geographies have been constructed within the Western mind, the project leads to a discussion of
Orientalism (and its critiques) with the aim of grounding Edward Said’s literary theory in something as
tangible as bodies crossing boundaries.
i. The Greek War of Independence (1820s)
In this case, aspirations for an independent Greece intersected with the violent re-construction of a Greek nation and homeland, imagined as Hellenic, Christian, and European. The Greek ‘restoration’ was accompanied by ethnic cleansing, wherein an estimated 20,000 Muslim and Jewish civilians, within a matter of weeks, were massacred by Greek rebels who also destroyed mosques and culturally significant sites of the supposed ‘barbarian Other’ (St Clair 2008). European publics and governments intervened in the conflict, militarily defeating Ottoman forces in 1827 and diplomatically asserting the “durable” borders of an independent Greek state with the Treaty of Constantinople in 1832. This Treaty permitted, and expected, the emigration of Muslim ‘Turks’ and Orthodox ‘Greeks’ living on the ‘wrong side’ of the boundary—a boundary designed to partition communities in the multiethnic frontiers.
iii. The ‘Refugee Crisis’ (2015 — )
Violent conflict in Syria, exacerbated by the expansion of Daesh in 2013, has to-date displaced 12.2 million people (UNHCR 2020). Between January 2015 and March 2016, IOM (2016) estimates that over one million people fled to Greece by crossing the Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean seas, a route which claimed the lives of 1,196 people within the same period. Under the Schengen Agreement, Greece’s state borders with Turkey (hosting 3.5 million displaced Syrians) were imagined, securitized, and enforced as the boundaries of Europe. In response to the ‘crisis’ of migration, the 2016 EU-Turkey Statement committed Turkey to take back “all new irregular migrants” (1) to Greece, and committed the EU to, in turn, resettle (a maximum of 72,000) Syrians residing in Turkey. Privileging “geopolitical concerns over the lives of the refugees involved” (Goalwin 2018, 130), the inadequately implemented agreement (Knaus 2016) confined vulnerable populations to overcrowded Greek Islands. Populist discourses, representing racialized Muslim ‘others’ as threats to European civilization (Brubaker 2017), further criminalized the border-crossing activities of refugees and asylum seekers.
Conclusions
Edward Said (1978) defined ‘orientalism’ as “the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient,” as “a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient” (3), and as “a distribution of geopolitical awareness” (12). This project has attempted to add to Said’s engagement with the literary construction of bodies, societies, and lands as ‘Eastern’ and ‘Other’ (against a simultaneously imagined and privileged ‘Western Self’), with a study of boundaries. I argue that an engagement with boundary practices—as institutions, styles, and ideologies which produce and partition ‘East’ and ‘West’—identifies and renders visible the material violences of Orientalism.
In the Greco-Turkish borderlands, these violences are principally seen in the exclusion and forced displacement of minoritized populations from territories imagined and designated as the homeland of a majoritized and singularized community. Defining which bodies are ‘in’ and ‘out’ of place, boundary institutions and practices in the Aegean region have operated as violent sites of exclusion. Overlapping with the boundaries imagined between ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ civilizations, European states and publics have engaged with these borders as their own, constructing and policing the boundaries of Greece as a trans-continental and inter-civilizational concern.
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RESEARCH QUESTION: How are bordering practices local to the Aegean region implicated in and shaped by relations and conflicts between a ‘self-imagined Europe’ and its ‘Eastern other’?
ii. The Greco-Turkish Population
Exchange (1920s)
During the Greco-Turkish war, 1919-1923, minoritized populations were violently expelled from the lands occupied by Greek and Turkish forces. By way of ending the conflict, the Lausanne Convention (Signed on January 30, 1923) stipulated the terms of a “compulsory exchange” (Article 1) of minoritized Orthodox and Muslim populations in the territories held by Greece and Turkey after the abolition of the Ottoman Sultanate in 1922. With the support of Greek and Turkish political elites (re)establishing their countries as nation-states modeled after Europe, the Convention sanctioned the forced relocation of 1.3-1.5 million Orthodox Christians to Greece, and of 400-500 thousand Muslims to Turkey, exempting only minoritized populations in Western Thrace and Istanbul/Constantinople. This project was undertaken with the belief that the stability of international borders—that peace between nations—could be established and maintained through the “unmixing of peoples” (attributed to Lord Curzon, in Brubaker 1995, 192) differentiated by religious affiliations. In the process of becoming ‘Greeks’ or ‘Turks,’ ‘exchangees’ suppressed “the feelings which still connected them to the places where they or their forebears used to live” (Clark 2006, 12).
