Towards women's economic empowerment? : an exploration of survivel-driven and growth-oriented female food entrepreneurs in Kisumu, Kenya

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MADLEN POPIGNATOVA

MASTER INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM

AUGUST 2018

TOWARDS WOMEN’S ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT?

AN EXPLORATION OF SURVIVAL-DRIVEN AND GROWTH-ORIENTED

FEMALE FOOD ENTREPRENEURS IN KISUMU, KENYA

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TOWARDS WOMEN’S ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT?

AN EXPLORATION OF SURVIVAL-DRIVEN AND GROWTH-ORIENTED

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STUDENT

Madlen Popignatova

Student Number: 11116099 Graduate School of Social Sciences University of Amsterdam

MSc International Development Email: madlen.popignatova@gmail.com

SUPERVISOR

Dr. Nicky R.M. Pouw

Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Planning and International Development Studies Graduate School of Social Sciences

University of Amsterdam Niewe Prinsengracht 130 1018VZ Amsterdam The Netherlands E-mail: n.r.m.pouw@uva.nl

SECOND Reader

Dr. Hebe Verrest

Graduate School of Social Sciences University of Amsterdam Niewe Prinsengracht 130

1018VZ Amsterdam The Netherlands

E-mail: H.J.L.M.Verrest@uva.nl

LOCAL SUPERVISOR IN KENYA

PROF. J.B. OKEYO-OWUOR

Victoria Institute for Research in Environment and Development (VIRED International) Opposite Rabour Police Station

Nairobi Road, Kisumu, Kenya E-mail: jbokeyo@gmail.com

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge a number of people for their contribution to this research. First and foremost, I wish to express my sincere gratitude to all Kenyans who took the time to participate in this research. I would like to thank all female food entrepreneurs and key informants for sharing their stories and providing meaningful insights. Prof. J.B. Okeyo-Owuor from VIRED International in Kisumu for his hospitality and local supervision. Mr. Dan Abuto for being a dedicated research assistant and for facilitating the research process. I thank Dr. Hannington Odame and Elsie Kangai from the Centre for African Bio-entrepreneurship (CABE) in Nairobi for their guidance and advice before the start of this research. Eunice Likoko for her help in the field during interviews and focus group discussions.

I would also like to extend my gratitude to a few members of the Graduate School of Social Sciences at the University of Amsterdam. I sincerely thank my supervisor Dr. Nicky Pouw for her consistent feedback and for nurturing my personal growth as a researcher and an academic writer. Eva van der Sleen for her remarkable emotional support and encouragement in carrying out this project. Dr. Hebe Verrest for agreeing to be my second reader and her involvement in my work. I would like to thank Kimberly Loo, a friend and a research partner with whom I had the great pleasure to conduct this research. You have been a fantastic support.

I would also like to thank my mother Vanya for believing in me every step of the way. A big thank you to Dani Haudenschild for being my backbone and for his immense support.

And to many others who have contributed to this research in one way or another. I am grateful for your help.

Asante Sana!

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ABSTRACT

In Kenya, the struggle for women’s economic empowerment has achieved significant progress over the last decades. Various development and business initiatives have contributed towards a mainstreaming of gender issues. At the same time, Kenya is transitioning towards a lower-middle income country. Despite these progress indicators, the benefits are shared unevenly, and the gender gap remains. One particular sector that is affected by these inequalities is food production and distribution, in which women play a central role. A range of studies has demonstrated these gender disparities in Kenyan low-income households by drawing on the concept of food security. While research has shown that women are crucial to food security, less attention has been paid to their entrepreneurial role in the food system. Female peri-urban farmers and female food retailers pursue a variety of entrepreneurial activities. In the city of Kisumu, these female food entrepreneurs constitute an integral part of the food supply. Therefore, this research aims to unravel how female food entrepreneurship in the context of low-income households contributes towards women’s economic empowerment. In particular, this research explores women’s self-perceived impacts of food entrepreneurship and their barriers and constraints. This research draws on a qualitative approach, and employs semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observations. The data collection was conducted over a three-month fieldwork period in Kisumu. The research location compromises the informal settlement and peri-urban farms of Nyalenda A, and the city’s two primary markets: Kibuye and Jubilee. The findings show that female food entrepreneurs operate in various entrepreneurial modes that range from survival-driven to growth-oriented logics. This nuanced topology contributes towards a more complex understanding of female food entrepreneurs in Kisumu. Female food entrepreneurs are also embedded in socio-cultural norms and a gendered division of labour that results in specific gendered barriers and constraints. Women perceive gendered barriers to access land and capital, family constraints, and market challenges to their entrepreneurial activities. Therefore, this thesis argues that female food entrepreneur’s agency contributes towards food security and women’s economic empowerment, but they are faced by gendered barriers and constraints.

Keywords: Female Food Entrepreneurs; Women’s Economic Empowerment; Food Security; Survival-driven and Growth-oriented Entrepreneurship; Gendered Barriers and Constraints; Kenya;

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Conceptual Scheme of Key concepts and their Studied Relationships

Figure 2 Typology of Survival-driven and Growth-oriented Female Food Entrepreneurs Figure 3 Principles of Customary Laws in Kenya

Figure 4 Revised Conceptual Scheme of Key concepts and their Studied Relationships

LIST OF MAPS

Map 1 Map of Kenya Map 2 Research Locations

Map 3 Peri-urban Farm in Nyalenda A

LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS

Photo 1 Sewage in Nyalenda A

Photo 2 Female vegetable retailers at Kibuye Market Photo 3 Female vegetable retailers at Kibuye Market Photo 4 Front View of Jubilee Market

Photo 5 Formal stalls inside the covered structure of Jubilee Market

LIST OF ACRONYMS

ADB Asian Development Bank CSR Corporate Social Responsibility BoP Bottom of the Pyramid

ERS (Kenyan) Economic Recovery Strategy

FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations FFEs Female Food Entrepreneurs

FGD Focus Group Discussions IFFRs Informal Female Food Retailers HDI Human Development Index ILO International Labour Organisation KES Kenyan Shillings

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SDGs Sustainable Development Goals SFFRs Small-scale Female Food Retailers

SFEPFs Small-scale Female Entrepreneurial Peri-urban Farmers WFFTs Wholesale Female Food Traders

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1. INTRODUCTION

“The condition of women in a nation is the real measure of its progress.” ― Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o, Wizard of the Crow

“My own definition is a feminist is a man or a woman who says, yes, there’s a problem with gender as it is today and we must fix it, we must do better. All of us, women and men, must do better.” ― Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, We Should All Be Feminists

1.1. Gender, Food Security, and Entrepreneurship

The struggle for gender equality has achieved significant improvements over the past quarter of a century (World Bank, 2012). The importance of women in all socio-economic domains has increasingly been recognised (Moser, 1989). Gender equality and empowerment of all women and girls have also been positioned in the Sustainable Development Goals (SGDs) (UN, 2018). On the one hand, as stand-alone goal number 5, and on the other as a cross-cutting issue, integrated into 11 out of the 17 targets. Reducing gender inequality has also been referred to as ‘smart economics’ (World Bank, 2015). In Africa South of the Sahara, gender inequality has been also consistently claimed to be an impediment to economic growth (Blackden & Bhanu, 1999). Therefore, increasing investments in women’s economic opportunities have been offered as a ‘win-win’ solution, which will not only reduce the gender gap and empower women, but also result in declined poverty rates and faster growth.

However, an increased amount of evidence suggests that the relationship between economic growth and gender inequality is asymmetrical (Kabeer & Natali, 2013). Although gender equality, particularly in education and employment improving of such growth in itself can contribute to certain dimensions, contributed towards the mainstreaming of gender into the international agenda has resulted into further challenges and issues. Today, women still experience higher rates of poverty than men (Momsen, 2009). Discrimination and exclusion of women from economic participation is still prevailing, especially in the Global South. Women’s skills and talents have been largely underused or misallocated. The pay gap or unequal payment for the same work between men and women still persists. Furthermore, the SDGs have been highly criticised for going in the same direction of the sustainable development discourse by remaining in the neoliberal framework. As a result, they strongly advocate for economic growth - one of the key pillars of the neoliberal paradigm (Gupta & Vegelin, 2016). This emphasis on economic growth has led to a trade-off at the expense of social and ecological dimensions. Consequently, global institutions have introduced concepts which are embedded in the neoliberal paradigm by including only one factor alongside the economic one. For example, green growth, inclusive growth or sustainable growth.

The emphasis on economic growth could be also observed through the promotion of women’s entrepreneurship in the Global South (Vossenberg, 2013). Development theory and practices have pushed women’s entrepreneurship as a significant tool to improve welfare and prosperity among low-income groups (Minniti, 2010). However, as entrepreneurship is claimed to be the way forward (Naudé, 2010),

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development strategies have often failed to address the existing gender dimension (Vossenberg, 2016). Therefore, the needs of female entrepreneurs in particular have often been compromised. This could be attributed to the fact that most programs have been formulated in a gender-neutral manner (Vossenberg, 2016). Even though, some gender-specific strategies have significantly expanded the business capacity of individual female entrepreneurs, they have often failed to challenge the gender bias embedded in entrepreneurship (Vossenberg, 2013). Berner, Gomez, & Knorrigna (2012) have pointed out a gender dimension in the distinction between survival and growth-oriented entrepreneurs in the context of the Global South. The former is often driven by ‘necessity’, whilst the latter by ‘opportunity’. In Africa, most survival entrepreneurs tend to be women (Vossenberg, 2013). The fact that they are more necessity driven is often determined by the challenging task of balancing their reproductive (household) and productive (market) roles. Therefore, a critical understanding of female entrepreneurship is needed to be able to identify gender-specific barriers and constraints.

However, most entrepreneurial programs and strategies in the Global South have neglected the interdependence between the household and the market (Verrest, 2013). They have been primarily designed to help growth-oriented entrepreneurs, leaving ‘survivalists’ behind (Vossenberg, 2016). This is often driven by the misconception that survivalists are not interested in economic expansion. Contrarily, as pointed out by Verrest (2013), business growth is often negatively influenced by high levels of vulnerability in the household. Despite having growth-oriented ambitions, entrepreneurs who face vulnerable conditions on a daily basis find it harder to attempt business expansion strategies.

The lack of gender dimension could also be observed in agriculture where women play a significant role (FAO, 2011). Today, women account for 40% of the global labour force and 43% of the world’s agricultural labour force (World Bank, 2012). Particularly in Africa South of the Sahara, the role of women in agriculture remains the highest in the world (UNDP, 2012). However, the historical gendered divisions of labour and cultural norms have imposed structural inequalities on women’s access to resources, services, and labour market opportunities. These barriers and constrains have made it harder for women to access land and capital, which has led to an underperforming agricultural sector and food insecurity. Yet, women’s contribution to the four pillars of food security: availability, access, utilisation and stability, is significant (FAO, 2012). Their roles vary from food producers, processors or traders in the agricultural value chain to household provision (UNDP, 2012). Consequently, women’s empowerment has been identified as the single most important determinant of food security (ADB, 2013). Gender equality also significantly contributes to poverty reduction and improved agricultural productivity (UNDP, 2012). Therefore, the role of women in the food system has been largely acknowledged as a key food supplier to vulnerable groups in Africa South of the Sahara (FAO, 2012).

1.2. Research Objectives

While gendered barriers and constraints faced by women food entrepreneurs in the Global South have been widely acknowledged, little is yet understood how to create favourable conditions to ensure a transition from ‘survival-driven’ to ‘growth-oriented’ entrepreneurs. Therefore, this research aims to explore the particular characteristics of survival-driven and growth-oriented female food entrepreneurs in Kisumu, Kenya, while investigating their self-perceived gendered barriers and constraints. In particular, this research focuses on low-income, female peri-urban farmers, informal female food retailers, and traders, who possess limited entrepreneurial skills and assets for food production and marketing. They often operate in an environment with many constraints at multiple levels, for example, access to land, water sources, access to capital and markets, infrastructure and spatial constraints, among others. This

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research also investigates whether female food entrepreneurship is an effective tool for achieving women’s economic empowerment, and overcoming some of the gendered barriers and constraints.

1.3. Thesis Outline

This thesis is divided into seven chapters. Following this introductory chapter, the second chapter presents a theoretical framework. This is based on a literature review and a discussion of key concepts, comprising inclusive business, entrepreneurship in low-income countries, female entrepreneurship, and women economic empowerment. Chapter three presents the research questions and research methodology, including ethical reflections and limitations. Chapter four discusses the role of women in micro- and small- enterprises and in the food system of Kenya, while also contextualises the research locations. Chapter five and six present and discuss the empirical data. In particular, chapter five explores the characteristics of female food entrepreneurs, the motivation for women to engage in food entrepreneurship, and the self-perceived impacts of their business with respect to food security, poverty reduction, and women’s economic empowerment. Following this, chapter six explores and discusses the barriers and constraints of female food entrepreneurs considering structural barriers (women’s access to land and capital), gendered household constraints, and market challenges. Finally, chapter seven concludes the thesis by synthesising and discussing the key findings, while answering the research questions.

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2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This chapter reviews key concepts and theories on inclusive business, entrepreneurship in low-income economies, women`s entrepreneurship, and economic empowerment, and how these concepts are brought into connection with each other for the purpose of this research. The chapter answers the first sub-question “How is the relationship between female entrepreneurship and women`s economic empowerment in low-income economies explained in the literature?” In order to address this question, section 2.1. positions the thesis within the broader context of inclusive business. This is followed by section 2.2., which discusses entrepreneurship in low-income areas by focusing on the relationship between market conditions and poverty, as well as the different types of entrepreneurship. Section 2.3. explores the historical evolution of the conceptualisation of women`s economic empowerment. Then, section 2.4. examines entrepreneurship through a gender-aware lens by focusing on female-specific barriers and constrains as well as the relevance of women`s labour in the agricultural sector. Section 2.5. presents the conceptual scheme. Finally, section 2.6. concludes with a brief answer to the first sub-question.

2.1. Inclusive Business

The continuously growing income inequalities over the past few decades placed inclusiveness high on the development agenda. In 2017, the Global Wealth Report by Credit Suisse Research Institute found that the wealthiest 1% owned more than 50.1% of all household wealth in the world. The impacts of this unequal wealth distribution have affected the world`s poorest the most (Oxfam International, 2017). Their inability to participate in the market economy has resulted in increased poverty, and lack of provision of basic goods and services (Prahalad, 2012). Market inefficiencies have resulted in the ‘poverty penalty’ (Prahalad, 2006, p.11), which describes the phenomenon of poor paying higher prices than the rich for the same goods or services.

Therefore, addressing the problems of the market by redefining the role of business was perceived as an important tool to reduce poverty and inequality (Roesler, Hollmann, Naguib, Oppermann, & Rosendahl, 2013). This idea gained increased attention in the beginning of the new millennium as a way to achieve development objectives (Wach, 2012) by realising the enormous potential of low-income markets (Prahalad, 2012). The introduction of the concept Bottom of the Pyramid (BOP), which referred to the world`s poorest 4 billion people, highlighted the multi-trillion-dollar market opportunity for multinational corporations (MNCs) (Prahalad, 2006). This approach was highly criticised as Prahalad romanticised the poor as “resilient and creative entrepreneurs and value-conscious consumers” (2009, p.25), by putting little emphasis on protective mechanisms for the poor as vulnerable consumers and overemphasising the role of microcredit (Karnani, 2009). Moreover, scholars argued that the poor need to be integrated in the value chains of the market economy not only as consumers (as suggested in BOP), but also on supply side as employees and business owners (Gradl & Knobloch, 2010).

This idea of inclusiveness in business was initially introduced in the 90s (Berdegué, Biénabe, & Peppelenbos, 2008). Yet, it was not until 2005 when the term of inclusive business (IB) was officially coined by the World Business Council for Sustainable Development. The concept evolved by taking the discourse away from corporate social responsibility (CSR) to emphasising the importance of implementing IB as a core model (Wach, 2012). Porter and Kramer (2011) took the approach a step further by arguing towards business creating a shared value rather than focusing solely on profit. ‘Business fighting poverty’ was increasingly perceived as a way of economic success to reconnect with social progress. As a result, IB was also put forward by the development community as a way to achieve inclusive development (Wu, 2013). Some donor agencies endorsed this approach due to its potential to reach a scale beyond development interventions alone (e.g. UNDP, 2008). Moreover, the interest in IB models was so high because they are

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based on profitability and require little to no public funding. This offered a great potential for long-term, sustainable development practices in comparison to the fixed-term donor supported programmes (Wach, 2012).

Despite the undeniable potential of IB to achieve development objectives, measuring its direct and indirect impacts on society has been highly contested (Ashley, 2009). Scholars have pointed out the danger of trying to quantify the measure of ‘social value’ into one variable (Baumüller et al., 2013). Differing drivers of creating IB practices have also raised concerns regarding the extent to which business models can be inclusive. The abundance of IB frameworks have also reflected a lack of a unified approach (Fernandez-Stark & Bamber, 2012). As argued by Likoko & Kini (2017), the relationship between IB and poverty is problematic on implementation level largely due to the varying definitions and ways of operationalising across theory and practice. One of the main arguments among scholars has been that although practitioners’ definition of IB emphasises a pro-poor approach, it has failed they to include the poor in a meaningful way in the value chain (p.86). Baumüller et al. (2014) also argued that IB practices have primarily focused on those who already have some capital and are often living above the poverty line (i.e. $3-4 a day). In addition, the inability of IB to include and benefit the poorest has been attributed to the fact that it reflected western business models. A great amount of research stemmed from corporate business strategies applied in the global south which emphasised the role of corporations and firms as the main drivers of IB. As pointed by Kubzansky (2013), low-income markets require business models which are fundamentally different from those previously applied in high-income countries.

For the purpose of this research, I adopt the broader framework of the Comprehensive Business Model, which states that a business is inclusive if it is ‘innovative, effective, credible, adaptable, makes healthy and affordable products and services for the poor, creates employment and has long-term financial and ecological sustainability’ (Likoko & Kini, 2017, p. 86). In particular, I use the context of the low-income area of Kisumu, Kenya to expand the definition of inclusiveness in business by redefining the meaning and practice of female food entrepreneurship. By rejecting the idea of corporations and firms as the main drivers of IB practices (Wach, 2012), I aim to deconstruct western concepts by focusing on bottom-up perspectives on business. Furthermore, I align this research with the human rights approach to IB, which focuses on the ability of survival female food entrepreneurs in Kisumu, Kenya to be significantly included in the food value chain as food producers in peri-urban gardens, food processors, and food marketeers.

2.2. Entrepreneurship in Low-Income Economies

2.2.1. Market Challenges and Poverty

Despite the idea of superfluous and equal market opportunities for all, supported by the free market proponents, poor people have not experienced a level playing field (Narayan, Pritchett, & Kapoor, 2009). Instead of free markets, they have faced disfavouring conditions which have put the power in the hands of the rich. However, the dominant neo-liberal capitalist paradigm has failed to acknowledge the differences in the investment climate which poor people have experienced (Gupta, Pouw & Ros-Tonen, 2015). It has left everything in the hands of the poor, assuming that they would find a way among the ‘interstices of economic growth processes’ to change their living situation (p. 553). As pointed out by Narayan et al. (2009), this has resulted in the poor operating in the fringes of the informal economy ranging from petty trading, micro-agriculture, and sharecropping.

Moreover, acknowledging the differences of market conditions to the poor within the laissez-faire economic system has also been hindered by the poverty narrative which have historicaly blamed destitution on the poor. This perception could be traced back to the work of the influential Scottish

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economist Adam Smith. In his work, Smith (1776) defined poverty as a social construct shaped by the customs of the time and context. According to him, one could have not fallen into the poverty trap ‘without extremely bad conduct’ (p.686). This statement implied that poverty was something which could be avoided and was certainly a poor man`s fault. Later on, this ideology was further elaborated during the Victorian times, when poverty was associated with a character deficit and moral failings (Narayan et al., 2009: 19). The scholarly literature from the last century also presented similar notions. For example, the American anthropologist Oscar Lewis (1959, 1966) postulated that poor people live in a ‘culture of poverty,’ which assumed laziness, passivity, lack of ambitions, addictions and criminal activity. And more recently, Karelis (2008) also argued that poverty was a self-sustaining condition, not a self-eliminating one. However, a substantial amount of research opposed these arguments. Among them was the critical comparative study by Narayan et al. (2009). Across more than 500 communities in 15 countries, the study found that poor people were indeed not lazy, as they took more initiatives than those better off. Moreover, instead of lack of ambitions, poor people showed self-confidence and high aspirations for the future. Although factors such as alcoholism, drugs, family disintegration, and hopelessness were affecting some of the households in the study, Narayan et al. (2009) found that a small percentage of them were poor. Instead, economic stagnation on both national and local levels, unexpected health and death emergencies, as well as difficulties in financially supporting the family, were the most influential factors keeping people in poverty.

Furthermore, another study found that most of the world's poor were self-employed (Fields, 2012) or engaged in micro-entrepreneurial activities (Westley, 2001). However, due to their low pay, hard work did not translate into moving out of poverty (Fields, 2014). In their case, the ‘invisible hand,’ as introduced by Adam Smith (1776), failed to deliver the predicted unintended societal benefits driven by economic self-interest. Translated into the context of free market economy, the ‘invisible hand’ was very evident in its influence on the market conditions by failing to bring fair market prices guided by supply and demand (Narayan et al., 2009). Instead, it has created rigged markets which allowed the rich to influence prices by making use of their bigger scale.

As a result, poor people have been competing with the rich against all the odds. They have faced multiple obstacles such as lack of capital (Fafchamps, 1997), scale, influence, tax and regulatory requirements of the state, to name a few (Narayan et al., 2009). From the start, poor people have struggled to enter the market as they often lacked primary assets required to get access to opportunities (e.g., fertilisers, land, boats, fishing nets) (DeBerry-Spence & Elliot, 2012). And even when assets were available, owing to the small-scale of their activity, poor people had no negotiating power over the prices of their produce (Narayan et al., 2009). Moreover, their vulnerability to the smallest price fluctuations, such as those of inputs and transport, resulted in low-profit margins. Even in the presence of financial capital, in the form of microfinance activities, poor people remained living in poverty. As argued by Hulme (2000), microfinance activities, which fail to acknowledge the vulnerability of the household, could drag poor people even further into the poverty trap. And finally, governments have also played a crucial role in providing a level playing field when it comes to market conditions. And yet, too often they have also shifted the power in the hands of the rich by imposing costly business licenses (Kabir,2016), land titling and other economic policies which favoured those who were well-off.

2.2.2. Survival vs. Growth-Oriented Micro-Entrepreneurs

At first glance, entrepreneurship in low-income areas has exhibited the same basic logic of a business initiative by trying ‘to invest available capital, apply specialised skills, and make a profit while accepting a

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risk’ (Berner et al., 2012). However, some scholars have identified significant differences in activities, attitudes, and motivation of those doing business at the BoP. Some of them have offered a nuanced understanding of entrepreneurship in low-income areas by identifying two significant groups:

survival-driven and growth-oriented entrepreneurs who have followed different logic (e.g., Grimm, Knorringa, &

Lay, 2012; Vossenberg, 2016). According to Rogerson (1996), survival entrepreneurs were ‘people unable to secure regular wage or access to an economic sector of their choice’ (p.171). Their business initiatives were often performed with limited capital, no business skills or training, and aimed to meet one's basic needs. Survival entrepreneurs also tended to have multiple, although quite unstable, sources of income to support the household (Berner et al., 2012). As identified by the entrepreneurial literature, they also showed a lack of motivation for business expansion (Vossenberg, 2016).

However, as pointed out by Verrest (2013), survival entrepreneurs' lack of motivation to expand their business stemmed from high levels of vulnerability in the household. Even in the presence of growth-oriented ambitions, entrepreneurs who faced precarious conditions on a daily basis found it hard to attempt business development strategies. Moreover, Grimm et al. (2012) argued that survival-driven entrepreneurs were also more risk-averse compared to growth-oriented operators. Due to their vulnerable situation, survival-driven entrepreneurs were unable to assume any risks related to business expansion (Verrest, 2013). Only those who were less susceptible to daily household survival issues were able to take formal financial support in the form of a loan for business expansion. Verrest (2013) also argued that when vulnerable entrepreneurs borrowed a business loan, they ended up spending it on daily expenses and consumption than for the stated aim of business development. This finding indicated the often-neglected embeddedness of survival entrepreneurship in the household dynamics.

On the other hand, growth-oriented entrepreneurs have shared a different motivation for starting a business in comparison to survival-driven ones (Rogerson, 1996). Their basic business skills and some capital, yet very limited, have increased their potential for expanding into a small to medium business. Growth-oriented enterprises have been characterised by having one operator who could be supported by family members or by paid employees ranging from one to the maximum of four (Rogerson, 1996). Due to their potential for expansion, most business development strategies have focused only on growth-oriented enterprises (Verrest, 2013). This approach has been identified as problematic not only because it has neglected the needs of survival-driven entrepreneurs, but also because it has failed to address the diversity among informal entrepreneurs. Furthermore, the typology of entrepreneurship seemed to be more nuanced than the dichotomy of survival-driven and growth-oriented (Berner et al., 2012).

Moreover, entrepreneurial theory and strategies have been criticised for a lack of a gender-aware lens (Vossenberg, 2016). However, a gender dimension has been identified within the conceptual distinction between survival and growth-oriented entrepreneurs (Rodgerson, 1996). As indicated by Grimm et al. (2012), most survival-driven entrepreneurs in Africa were women, and most growth-oriented entrepreneurs were men. This inequality in business activities was largely attributed to the male model of entrepreneurial achievement (Watson, 2002). Consequently, female-owned enterprises have earnt less than the dominant in number, assets and total income male-operated ones (Rodgerson, 1996). This underperformance of women entrepreneurs has been largely attributed to the multiple-level barriers they have faced rather than to a lack of capacity to do business (Klapper & Parker, 2011).

By using the dichotomy of survival-driven and growth-oriented entrepreneurs in low-income economies as a starting point, this research aims to provide a nuanced typology which reflects the different entrepreneurial roles and types of motivations to start a business in the low-income area of Kisumu, Kenya.

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The lack of a gender-aware lens in entrepreneurial literature is also integrated into this research by focusing particularly on female food entrepreneurs. I also use the relationship between household vulnerability and entrepreneurship to explore further its impact on female entrepreneurship.

2.3. Women`s Economic Empowerment

Women's empowerment has been part of the International Development discourse since the 1970s (Wu, 2013). Gender inequality has played a significant role in limiting women`s capacities to fully participate in society (Kabir, 2016). Multilateral organisations have produced an extensive and well-documented amount of evidence pointing out gender discrimination in access to jobs, education, health, political representation and other factors (e.g. UNDP's Gender Inequality Index, the World Economic Forum`s Global Gender Gap Index, OECD's Social Institutions and Gender Index) (Kabeer & Natali, 2013). In 2012 the World Development Report on Gender and Development highlighted the importance of women's economic empowerment for poverty reduction and economic growth (World Bank, 2012). The adverse implications of gender inequality were no longer perceived only intrinsically, but also instrumentally as ‘smart economics’ (Kabeer & Natali, 2013). Consequently, women's economic empowerment was identified as a way of making markets inclusive of women at the policy level and empowering them to compete at the agency level (World Bank, 2015).

According to Jones (2012), women's empowerment required looking beyond the market and considering change across different aspects of women's lives. Scholarly literature has produced numerous definitions on women’s economic empowerment. Here I adopt the definition by The International Centre for Research on Women which stated that: ‘A woman is economically empowered when she has both the ability to succeed and advance economically and the power to make and act on economic decisions’ (Wu, 2013, p. 7). According to Naila Kabeer (2012), women's economic empowerment concerns themes of agency, choice, and decision making about the market. Furthermore, Wu (2013) identified economic empowerment as closely linked to the notion of entrepreneurship. It is the capacity and willingness to develop, organise, and manage a business venture along with any of its risks in order to make a profit. relate this definition to the freedom of agency which I adopt from Amartya Sen’s (1999) capability approach. He defined freedom of agency in terms of individual capabilities; the various combinations of functioning that the person can achieve, that someone has a reason to value (Sen, 1999). Reversing the traditional way of economic thinking, Sen (1999) argued that an individual’s freedoms will sustainably benefit growth. In his words, entrepreneurship was exemplary as the freedom of agency to participate in the economy.

However, the approach of achieving women’s economic empowerment only at the agency level is limited. As pointed out by Wu (2013), most women’s empowerment programs have focused solely on agency while neglecting the external factors. For example, strong social and power relations have been identified as crucial to women`s economic empowerment as they have contributed to women’s’ ability to achieve potential and negotiate their rights and interests (Wu, 2013). Moreover, increase in assets, resilience, and return on labour have also led to women's economic advancement (Wu, 2013).

This research builds on these insights by focusing on an in-depth understanding of women’ economic empowerment. By examining the impact of factors on an agency level as well as external ones, I aim to go further than ‘smart economics’. Building on Amartya Sen’s capability approach, I explore the role of entrepreneurship in building women’s individual capabilities which then contribute towards their economic empowerment.

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2.4. Female Entrepreneurship

Women's entrepreneurship has been identified as an important contributor to inclusive development (Vossengerg, 2016). As pointed out in the beginning, women have been increasingly acknowledged as an ‘untapped’ source of entrepreneurial potential for economic growth, prosperity, and welfare (Vossenberg, 2013). However, the academic literature has recognised a significant gender gap in entrepreneurship (Miniti, 2010). This is commonly defined as the ‘differences between men and women in terms of numbers engaged in entrepreneurial activity, motives to start or run a business, industry choice and business performance and growth’ (Vossenberg, 2013, p.2). Nonetheless, there is a lack of consistency in the entrepreneurial literature on what creates this gender gap. Scholars have identified some main domains which affect women`s entrepreneurial engagement.

Despite the growing number of female-owned enterprises worldwide, women face gender-specific barriers and constraints to entrepreneurship which limit their capacity to expand (e.g., Rogerson, 1996, Klapper & Parker, 2011). However, it remains unclear whether female underperformance is a result of individual voluntary choices or whether it is the business environment which impedes female success (Klapper & Parker, 2011). Underperformance has often been linked to women`s lack of ambition for business growth and expansion. However, while this could be observed in some industrialised countries (e.g. Lee-Gosselin & Grise, 1990; Cliff, 1998), where women prefer running a ‘small and stable business’ so they could have more flexibility and time at home, the reality of female entrepreneurs in developing countries looks different. According to Klapper and Parker (2011), women`s performance is largely impacted by external constraints and household factors.

Building on these insights, this research explores further the reasons behind the gender gap in entrepreneurship. In particular, I focus on identifying the different roles of female food entrepreneurs and what motivated them to start a business. Moreover, by exploring whether women’s decisions are guided by voluntary actions and/or the business environment, I aim to provide a deeper insight in what factors influence the success of female food entrepreneurship.

2.5. Conceptual Scheme

This section contains a conceptual scheme (Figure 1.), which illustrates the major concepts discussed in the theoretical framework and their studied relationships. The conceptual scheme depicts how the main focus of this study- female entrepreneurship contributes towards women`s economic empowerment. Yet, their relationship is disrupted by factors such as unfavourable market conditions for the poor, and women`s barriers and constraints to entrepreneurship. Another dimension, which plays a role, is the type of entrepreneurship women perform in low-income economies. As identified by the literature, women primarily engage in survival-driven entrepreneurship, which shares a different logic to the male-dominated growth-oriented one. Moreover, apart from influencing women`s economic empowerment, female entrepreneurship is also linked to food insecurity in low-income economies. Lastly, the study is positioned within the broader framework of inclusive business practices which are essential in removing the obstacles which female entrepreneurs face and which subsequently hinder their economic empowerment. Chapter 5 and 6 in this study provide empirical evidence in support of this conceptual model derived from the theoretical framework.

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Figure 1. Conceptual scheme of key concepts and their studied relationships

2.6. Conclusion

Through a literature review on relevant theory and concepts, this chapter aims to provide an insight into the relationship between female entrepreneurship and women`s economic empowerment in low-income economies. By establishing a theoretical framework, the chapter discusses the relevant concepts and factors which influence this relationship on a structural and agency level. On a structural level, business models lack inclusiveness by failing to integrate people at the BoP in the full value chain. As a result, poor people are mainly perceived as consumers and not as employees or business owners. And yet, most of the worlds` poorest are self-employed or engage in entrepreneurial activities. Nonetheless, they operate in a business climate which disfavours them and puts the power in the hands of the rich. This context is particularly harmful to female entrepreneurs in low-income economies as the majority of them operate at the fringes of the informal economy. More importantly, the literature identifies that their entrepreneurial activity is driven by a survival-driven logic which hinders their ability to grow and move towards growth-oriented entrepreneurship. On the level of agency, entrepreneurial theories and strategies fail to recognise different aspects of women`s lives, such as household and gender roles, which hinder women`s entrepreneurial success. These barriers and constraints influence directly female

entrepreneurship. On the other hand, women`s economic empowerment has been highly hypothesised as a tool for enhancing women’s equality. Despite the highly-supported hypothesis that women`s

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economic empowerment could be enhanced by improving female entrepreneurial conditions, the literature identified there is a lack of gender-aware lens in strengthening female entrepreneurship.

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3. RESEARCH DESIGN

This chapter lays out the research approach, and is divided into two main section. Frist, section 3.1. presents the research questions. This is followed by section 3.2. that elaborates on the research methodology, including epistemology, methods, sampling approach, and data analysis. The chapter concludes with some ethical reflections and research limitations.

3.1. Research Questions

This research explores how female food entrepreneurship contributes towards women`s economic empowerment. For this, I developed the research questions below.

3.1.1. Main Research Question

The thesis aims to answer the following main research question:

How does female food entrepreneurship contribute towards women`s economic empowerment, and what are their perceived barriers and constraints?

3.1.2. Sub-Questions

In order to help me answer the main research question, I formulated the following five sub-questions. Each of them is answered in the subsequent chapters.

SQ1: How does the literature conceptualise and theorise the relationship between female food entrepreneurship and women’s economic empowerment? (Chapter 2)

SQ2: What types of female entrepreneurship could be distinguished in the food value chain of Nyalenda

A slum, and the two-major fruit and vegetable markets-Kibuye and Jubilee, in Kisumu City? (Chapter 5)

SQ3: How do the self-perceived impacts of business on female food entrepreneurs` lives contribute to

their economic empowerment? (Chapter 5)

SQ4: What barriers and constraints do female food entrepreneurs experience? How do women`s family

roles and responsibilities intersect with their business? (Chapter 6)

SQ5: What market conditions do female food entrepreneurs experience? (Chapter 5 and 6)

3.2. Research Methodology

3.2.1. Epistemology and Ontology

In order to understand how female food entrepreneurship contributes towards women’s economic empowerment, and what are their perceived barriers and constraints, this research employs a qualitative approach, rooted in an interpretivist epistemology and ontology. According to Bryman (2012), epistemology “concerns the question of what is (or should be) regarded as acceptable knowledge in a discipline” (p.27). This leads to different and contested epistemological positions. Applied to the disciplines of social science, there are two dominant approaches to generating knowledge – positivist and interpretivist. The former takes a generalistic and universality approach to research, which seeks to establish abstract laws which can be applied to a large number of phenomena (Hudson & Ozanne, 1988). In contrast, interpretivism adopts a particularist and pluriversality approach which emphasises the importance of context and time. An interpretivist epistemology is relevant for this research, as I seek to understand female food entrepreneurs’ subjective experiences which are bound to the context of peri-urbanisation and food insecurity.

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Interpretivism is also reflected in the ontological assumptions of this research, which refers to the nature of social reality (Bryman, 2012). An interpretivist ontology denies the existence of a single, objective reality. Instead, it emphasises the importance of individuals’ perceptions. As argued by Berger and Luckmann (1966), reality is socially constructed and produced through interactions. As researchers, we then ‘read life’ as a text and provide interpretations (Xuehong, 2002). For this research, it is important to identify that gender and social norms are socially constructed and embedded within the institutional context. Epistemology and ontology have further implications for the research design in terms of methods and research questions (Yanow, 2006, p.6). In congruence with the epistemological and ontological stance discussed above, I employ a variety of qualitative methods.

3.2.2. Theoretical Perspective

The meta theory of this research is built on inclusivity. In particular, I focus on inclusive development which considers human well-being in multiple dimensions. This includes the material, subjective and relational sense of it. Inclusive development also tackles sustainability issues embedded in social and ecological factors as well as on voice and empowerment. In line with this framework, I focus on the inclusivity of business and women’s economic empowerment.

This theoretical perspective is linked to the previously discussed epistemology and motivates the qualitative and explorative approach of this research. In order to understand the subjectivity of inclusiveness, I adopt a qualitative and interpretivist approach. Moreover, finding out more about women’s economic empowerment requires a bottom-up perspective which is context specific and aware of social norms and constructs around gender.

3.2.3. Methods

As mentioned above, this research employs a qualitative approach. As identified by Markel (2014), this method is most suitable when researching women`s economic empowerment. In particular, a qualitative approach enables to unpack complex social problems and study women’s capacities such as agency and decision-making capabilities (Creswell, 2008). To this end, this research draws on an inductive approach to emphasise the lived experiences and opinions of female food entrepreneurs.

This research employs three different qualitative methods, including participant observations, semi-structured interviews, and focus group discussions to get a better understanding of the complex themes. Triangulation is used to collect different data in order to help answer the research questions. Furthermore, the employment of multiple methods contributes towards a better understanding of the data regarding coherence and incoherence. As mentioned above, this research is rooted in an interpretivist epistemology, and therefore rejects positivist notions of validity and reliability. Instead, this research follows what Lincoln and Guba (1985) conceptualise as trustworthiness and authenticity to build a coherent and rigorous research framework (see section 7.2 for methodological reflections).

Participant Observations

This research employs participant observations, which are characterised as inductive processes based on everyday life observations. In particular, on a spectrum between a complete observer and a participant, I position my approach as participating observer which allows a higher degree of involvement as a researcher (Gold, 1958, as cited in Bryman, 2012, p.440). As part of this, I visited multiple times the peri-urban farm in the city slum of Nyalenda A to observe the farmers’ and retailers’ daily tasks. I also frequently visited Kibuye and Jubilee markets to observe female food entrepreneurs and market dynamics. These

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participant observations were also complemented by casual conversations with farmers, retailers, and traders. This provided important insights into their roles in the food value chain. I then noted these impressions and reflections in a fieldwork diary. However, interacting with the local community, as part of the participant observations, was sometimes limited due to a language barrier and the employment of a translator. On a few occasions, this contributed to the occurrence of “reactivity”, which arises when people know they are being observed (Bernard, 1994, as cited in Kawulisch, 2005).

Semi-Structured Interviews

The second method I employ is semi-structured interviews which allowed me to gain insights into the lives of female food entrepreneurs. The flexible nature of semi-structured interviews provides a useful way to explore topics in depth. In preparation for the interviews, I complied an interview guide based on Bryman’s (2012) recommendations, including a factsheet, comprehensible language style, and interview questions formulated in a way to help answer the research questions. I first tested the interview guide, and then based on the feedback from the local supervisor adjusted accordingly. After that, with the help of the research assistant, the interview guide was translated into Luo, while clarifying and adjusting some aspects.

For this research, I conducted a total of 23 semi-structured interviews (see appendix I), 19 of which were with female food entrepreneurs in Nyalenda A, Kibuye, and Jubilee market. The interviews with the peri-urban farmers in Nyalenda A were conducted in Luo with the assistance of the translator. The majority of the interviews with retailers and traders at the two market locations were conducted in English. In addition, I also conducted 3 expert interviews with informants from the Kenya Women Microfinance Bank (KWFT), Care Kenya, and the Home Economics department of Kisumu County.

Focus Group Discussions

The third method I employ is focus group discussions which provide an in-depth understanding of shared perceptions and interpretations among female food entrepreneurs. They are ‘participants who have experienced the central phenomenon or the key concept being explored in the study’ (Creswell &Plano Clark, 2011, p.173). By conducting focus group discussions, I seek to understand consensus and tensions regarding the integration of female food entrepreneurs into the local economy. This open and flexible method encouraged participants to generate an analysis of their common experiences, as well as enable criticism and expression of difficulties. The employment of focus group discussions reveals complementary dimensions of understanding along semi-structured interviews (Kitzinger, 1995).

I conducted three focus group discussions (see appendix III). The first one took place in Nyalenda A. It consisted of 11 participants, including a mix of female peri-urban farmers and retailers. The second focus group was held at Kibuye market with 9 female food retailers and traders. The third focus group was conducted at Jubilee Market with 5 food traders. Some of the focus group participants were previously also involved in the semi-structured interviews. The focus group discussions were conducted mainly in Luo and English. Similarly to the semi-structured interviews, the translation influenced the quality of the focus group discussions to a certain extent.

3.2.4. Units of Analysis

This research focuses on the micro-level to explore and understand female food entrepreneurs’ perspective in the food value chain. Therefore, the main unit of analysis are women food producers and traders, who engage in entrepreneurial activities by producing or selling their produce for or to the local market. In other words, female food entrepreneurs are identified as traders at the Kibuye and Jubilee

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markets and peri-urban farmers in the city slum of Nyalenda A. The focus on female food entrepreneurs provides a broader scope of the local food value chain.

3.2.5. Sampling

This research employs a non-probability sampling approach, and in particular a convenience sampling method (Bryman 2012, p.201). This means that relevant interview participants for the research were identified by continence. For example, women retailers and traders at Kibuye and Jubilee market were identified with the help of the research assistance and NGO (VIRED) based on excising connections with this research project. Especially the female peri-urban farmers were approached thought existing connections by VIRED. The convenience sampling method is especially appropriate for an exploratory research. At the same time, a key criterion for this exploratory research was theoretical data saturation. In other words, there has been enough data collected to adequately answer the research questions.

3.2.6. Data Analysis

For data analysis, this research uses the software Atlas.ti to code the transcribed semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. According to Peters and Wester (2007, p.638), coding is a ‘creative process that is guided by constant reflecting on research questions, observation material, and conceptual frame’. Therefore, the coding of data has been simultaneously an inductive and deductive process. On the one hand, relevant and emerging themes form the data have compiled into various codes. On the other hand, theoretical concepts form the literature have been applied to code the data. In this way, the data analysis was characterised by a constant process between working with the data and theory.

3.2.7. Ethical Considerations

For researchers, it is important to consider their own position when doing research, as this can influence the data collection process. Especially the home – abroad dynamic, including different cultural norms can create challenges but also opportunities. Therefore, I used the first two weeks of the fieldwork period to get used to the research context and establish connections with people. For me, a reflexive research approach was also useful.

Furthermore, the employment of research methods is not only guided by the academic literature, but also by ethical considerations and practical research limitations. The ethical principles for this research have been informed by Diener and Crandall (1978). First, research that causes harm in any way to research participants is not acceptable. A key step to minimise any harm to research participants is the anonymisation of participants’ names. In particular, some statements by the research participants regarding the gender roles in society, and in particular the role of men in the family could be sensitive. I have taken steps to ensure that the research data remains confidential, while also handling the data with care when publishing any research output. Second, I employed informed consent for this research as an ethical principle. In practice, I summarised the research scope to the participants in English or Luo, and informed them about their anonymity in the research and their right to withdraw any time. In this way, participation was also voluntarily, as participants were free to withdraw at any time from participation in the research (Bryman, 2012, p.153). Also, when conducting interviews and focus group discussions, I asked the participants for their permission to record the conversations for the sole purpose of the research project. Third, the principle of privacy was another aspect of this research, which is closely linked to informed consent and anonymity (Bryman, 2012, p.142). The privacy of research participant was expected throughout the fieldwork. For example, I asked the research participants which location they would prefer for the interview or focus group. Most participants agreed to meet at their work place, for example at the market or in other public spaces. In this way, research data was also handled with care and kept

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confidential to insure privacy. The fourth ethical principle by Diener and Crandall is in regard to depiction. This is related to informed consent, and I employed transparency to address this issue in my research. I provided all research participants with a transparent overview of my research scope. I also informed the interview participants that I was not able to provide any monetary compensation for their participation.

3.2.8. Limitations

One of the limitations of this research was the language barrier, which was attempted to navigate by the employment of a translator. Dan Abuto was indispensable to this research with translation and access to the field. Despite many research participants speaking some English, it was easier and more comfortable for most of them to speak in Luo. The translation was in this case helpful, while at the same time, things can get lost in the process of translation and interpretation. The translation process could have also been a barrier to some women to participate in the research. This might have affected and or influenced the quality of the data to some extent. Second, getting access to the field was in some cases difficult, in particular to the Kibuye and Jubilee market. However, Dan Abuto was again very helpful as he already had established connections. This helped me in the process of my research.

Another limitation to this research was the time constrain for my fieldwork and for the women participating in this research. In particular, women choose to schedule time to participate in this research. In order for convince and to not disturb the schedule of the women participation in the research, most interviews were conducted at the market at the request of the interview participants. In general, all interviewed were conducted in public spaces. On the other hand, the limited time period for my fieldwork also limited the scope of the research.

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4. EMPIRICAL CONTEXT

This chapter provides an insight of the empirical context of this research, which has been conducted in the city of Kisumu in Western Kenya. Section 4.1. provides a brief country profile of Kenya with respect to gender inequality and entrepreneurship. This is followed by section 4.2. that elaborates on the city of Kisumu in which the research has been conducted. Finally, section 4.3. contextualises the three research locations: Nyalenda A, Kibuye and Jubilee markets.

4.1. Country Profile

Kenya is a country situated on East-Africa`s coast with a population of 45 million people (Ham, Butler, & Thomas, 2015). Despite having a high urbanisation rate of 24%, the country`s urban growth is considered manageable as it is not expanding as rapidly as the rest of Africa South of the Sahara (Cira et al., 2016). Moreover, according to the Human Development Report in 2016, the country ranks 146th _{out of 188,} placing it on the lower end of medium human development. However, Kenya experiences a staggering unemployment rate of 40% as well as significantly high levels of absolute poverty (29%) (UN-Habitat, 2006).

In general, Kenya has high levels of gender disparities. According to the Gender Inequality Index (GII), the country ranks 135 out of 159 nations (HDR, 2016). The GII index also indicated that women have lower representation in the parliament by holding only 20.8% of the seats, have lower access to secondary education (27.8%) compared to men (34.1%), and lower participation in the labour market (62.1%) versus men (72.1%) (ibid). These numbers represent the generally perceived subordinate status of women embedded in Kenya`s socio-cultural conceptions of gender roles and responsibilities. They often lead to women`s low decision-making power over the household resources as well as control over the productive ones such as land (NGEC, 2013).

The World Bank`s Country Assistance Strategy points out that ‘women are more likely to be poor and vulnerable to adverse shocks than men’ (World Bank, 2004). As a result, women experience higher levels of poverty compared to men. A record of 54% in rural and 63% in urban women and girls live below the poverty line (Government of Kenya, 1997). Access to health care is also affecting women

disproportionally. For example, prevalence of HIV/AIDS among women is almost twice as high compared to men (8% versus 4.3%) (NGEC, 2013).

4.1.1. Women-owned Micro and Small Enterprises (MSEs)

Micro and Small Enterprises (MSEs), employing from 1 to 50 people, have been a substantial part of Kenya`s job market (World Bank, 2015). Operating in either the formal or informal sector, MSEs create employment opportunities for approximately 65% of the population (ERS) (ibid). However, large retrenchments in both the public and private sector have drastically increased the rise of MSEs, the majority of which operate in the informal sector. In 2004, that amounted to 76.5% (ILO, 2008). Moreover, according to the Kenya Economic Recovery Strategy (ERS) and the National Economic Survey in 2006, MSEs reduced poverty with 10%, from 56% in 2004 to 46% in 2006 (World Bank, 2015). The development of MSEs could be observed across all sectors of Kenya`s economy (World Bank, 2015). Though, 70% of MSEs are in the trade sector (ILO, 2008). This translates into a great majority of entrepreneurs buying and selling commodities (ILO, 2008). However, despite MSEs great contribution to Kenya`s employment sector, very few micro-enterprises manage to expand into small-enterprises in order to significantly contribute to economic growth and job creation.

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Women in Kenya experience substantial barriers to paid work (NGEC, 2013). According to the Government of Kenya economic survey in 2005, an estimate of only 30% of women were in waged employment (World Bank, 2015). Yet, women also account for nearly half of all MSEs in Kenya (ILO, 2008), 70% of which are in trade or the service sector (Government of Kenya, 2005). Therefore, MSEs hold a great potential in creating employment for women. However, owing to the gender disparities in Kenya, women tend operate at the lower end of the informal sector. As a result, 70% of all micro-enterprises are female-owned (Ellis et al., 2007). Usually informal (unregistered) and very small, these businesses are operated by women who lack entrepreneurial knowledge and are further constrained by their household responsibilities and marital status (ILO, 2008).

In addition, female-owned businesses in Kenya tend to be smaller, earn less and have a limited capacity to growth (Ellis et al., 2007). More than 85% of female-owned MSEs do not have any other employees (ibid). They also have a lower average gross income of 42$ (KES 4,344) per month compared to 74$ (KES 7,727) for men (ibid). Adding to that, female-headed MSEs have a lower average annual growth of 7% compared to 11% for male-headed ones. However, despite these clear gender differences in entrepreneurial success, the self-perceived positive impacts of MSEs reported by Kenyan female entrepreneurs have been undeniable (e.g. Stangl et al., 2007). Consequently, understanding the barriers and constraints which impede their success is crucial for improving women`s access to opportunities.

4.1.2. Female`s Importance in Food-provisioning in Kenya

The importance of women in agriculture remains the highest in Africa South of the Sahara (UNDP, 2012). Their roles often cover the whole food value chain ranging from food producers, processors to marketers. As mentioned earlier, women in Africa South of the Sahara contribute significantly to food security. Defined by the Food Agricultural Organisation (2012), this is “a situation in which all people, at all times, have physical, social and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life”. In order to achieve food security, four dimensions need to be fulfilled simultaneously: food availability, food access, food utilisation and stability (FAO, 2012). While food availability refers to the macro-level of provisioning, food access focuses on individual’s physical, economic/financial acquiring of food. Additionally, people need to have a ‘safe and nutritious diet’, as defined by food utilisation. However, in the presence of climate crisis, political and economic factors, the stability of food security is often affected. if the food status vary over time could change over time resulting in two main categories of food insecurity: chronic or transitory.

As agriculture remains the backbone of the Kenyan economy, more than 75 percent of its population is employed in this sector (Obade, 2014). Moreover, women account for 75 percent of the total agricultural force and 80 percent of Kenya`s farmers (Arend, 2011). However, the country experiences growing rates of food insecurity. Ten percent of the total population has been reported to live in permanent state of food instability (USDA, 2009). According to Kimani-Murage et al. (2011), women and children are those affected the most. Furthermore, food insecurity consistently rises as a pressing issue among the urban poor (Kimani-Murage et al., 2014). In Kenya, most of the urban population lives in slums where malnutrition is a major problem. Consequently, female food entrepreneurs play a crucial role in providing quality food to vulnerable groups (FAO, 2012). Therefore, the link between female entrepreneurship and increased food security has been largely acknowledged.

Towards women's economic empowerment? : an exploration of survivel-driven and growth-oriented female food entrepreneurs in Kisumu, Kenya

MADLEN POPIGNATOVA

MASTER INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM

AUGUST 2018

TOWARDS WOMEN’S ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT?

AN EXPLORATION OF SURVIVAL-DRIVEN AND GROWTH-ORIENTED

FEMALE FOOD ENTREPRENEURS IN KISUMU, KENYA

TOWARDS WOMEN’S ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT?

AN EXPLORATION OF SURVIVAL-DRIVEN AND GROWTH-ORIENTED

STUDENT

Madlen Popignatova

SUPERVISOR

Dr. Nicky R.M. Pouw

SECOND Reader

Dr. Hebe Verrest

LOCAL SUPERVISOR IN KENYA

PROF. J.B. OKEYO-OWUOR

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

ABSTRACT

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES

LIST OF MAPS

LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS

LIST OF ACRONYMS

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. Gender, Food Security, and Entrepreneurship

1.2. Research Objectives

1.3. Thesis Outline

2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1. Inclusive Business

2.2. Entrepreneurship in Low-Income Economies

2.2.1. Market Challenges and Poverty

2.2.2. Survival vs. Growth-Oriented Micro-Entrepreneurs

2.3. Women`s Economic Empowerment

2.4. Female Entrepreneurship

2.5. Conceptual Scheme

2.6. Conclusion

3. RESEARCH DESIGN

3.1. Research Questions

3.1.1. Main Research Question

3.1.2. Sub-Questions

3.2. Research Methodology

3.2.1. Epistemology and Ontology

3.2.2. Theoretical Perspective

3.2.3. Methods

Participant Observations

Semi-Structured Interviews

Focus Group Discussions

3.2.4. Units of Analysis

3.2.5. Sampling

3.2.6. Data Analysis

3.2.7. Ethical Considerations

3.2.8. Limitations

4. EMPIRICAL CONTEXT

4.1. Country Profile

4.1.1. Women-owned Micro and Small Enterprises (MSEs)

4.1.2. Female`s Importance in Food-provisioning in Kenya