Identity politics and the contentious
interactions of the Argentine abortion debate
Collective gender identity and the morality of human rights
Maïte Karstanje
Supervisor and first reader: MSc Eva van Roekel Second reader: Dr. Robert Jan van der Veen
Master thesis Political Science, specialization International Relations June 2015
Index
1. Preface p. 2
2. Introduction p. 3
3. Methodology p. 8
a. 3.1 Qualitative Content Analysis p. 8
b. 3.2 Semi-structured interviews p. 10
4. Theoretical framework p. 12
a. 4.1 Contentious politics p. 12
b. 4.2 Collective identity p. 13
i. 4.2.1 Female identity p. 13
ii. 4.2.2 Moralities of human rights p. 16
c. 4.3 Identity politics p. 19
5. Setting the stage p. 23
a. 5.1 Motherhood p. 23
b. 5.2 Pro-abortion movements p. 25
6. The construction of female identity p. 28
a. 6.1 Feminist identity p. 28
b. 6.2 Motherhood p. 31
c. 6.3 Catholic Church and the patriarchal state p. 33
7. Morality debates of human rights p. 37
a. 7.1 The right to life p. 37
b. 7.2 Mutual use of human rights p. 40
c. 7.3 The right to decide p. 41
d. 7.4 Strategical use of human rights p. 43
8. Conclusion and discussion p. 46
9. References p. 51
1. Preface
A todos activistas que me ayudaron y me inspiraron, muchas gracias por las charlas inspiradoras. Sus luchas personales y políticas me abrieron los ojos a la realidad en que nosotros estamos viviendo.
I would like to dedicate this master thesis to the pro-abortion activists who inspired me academically and personally in being critical upon the way our society is constructed. Without the activists, who always received me warmly and were a big help in developing contacts, this thesis would not have been possible.
Researching and analyzing the situation regarding abortion in Argentina was an intense and a moving process. Through this process I not only developed a better academic understanding of researching social movements and the concept of collective identity, it also motivated me to be more actively aware of my female identity as well as to participate in the collective struggle that we share as women.
Furthermore, I would like to thank my supervisor Eva van Roekel who shared her knowledge of Argentina, and helped me develop a better understanding of the Argentine situation. I want to thank her as well for motivating me to develop certain striking tensions further, which inspired me to critically analyze and develop these perspectives.
I am grateful for my queridos amigos de Argentina for bringing me in contact with pro-abortion activists before arrival, through which my research started to take off. Especially to Eva Colombo for her help with contacts, as well as for always being a soundboard for discussing doubts and ideas.
Finally, I would like to thank my mother, my sister Camie and my fellow student Brigitte for constantly enabling me to discuss my thoughts.
2. Introduction
In the report ‘Illusions of Care: Lack of Accountability for Reproductive Rights in Argentina’, Human Rights Watch (2010: 10) states that the leading cause of maternal mortality in Argentina are the complications of unsafe abortions. Human Rights Watch (2010: 11) mentions official figures in which it is estimated that in Argentina 40 percent of pregnancies per year end in illegal abortions, resulting in 460,000 illegal abortions a year. The same number was mentioned in the ‘Guía Técnica para la Atención Integral de los Abortos No Punibles’ [Technical Guide for Comprehensive Care for Legal Abortions] of the Argentine ministry of health (2007), this guide also stated that in Argentina around a 100 women die each year because of the complications of abortion, caused by the unsafe procedures of illegal abortions.
Under certain circumstances, however, abortion is legal in Argentina. In the second paragraph of article 86 of the Argentine criminal code, the exceptions of legal abortion are stated. It is stated that the abortion performed by a licensed physician with the consent of the pregnant women, is not punishable: 1) if it is done in order to avoid danger to the life or health of the mother and if this danger cannot be avoided by other means; 2) if the pregnancy is a result of a rape or an assault on an idiot or an insane woman. In the second case, the consent of the legal representative in the form of a signature has to be required for the abortion. (Ministerio de la Salud, 2007) Nevertheless, there is a discrepancy between law and practice. Very few of such legal abortions are actually carried out, because women are often unaware of the legal circumstances in which they could obtain a legal abortion, or because complicated procedures and hostile service providers obstruct women in health and justice systems (Human Rights Watch, 2010). Often the cases end up in court, where the court has to decide whether the abortion should be allowed. This over-judicialization of legal abortion is caused by doctors being unaware of the law, as well as by the fear of doctors of what the legal and social consequences would be when providing health services like abortion (Human Rights Watch, 2010). This delay can have consequences for women as the legal procedures take up a lot of time, while an abortion is the safest when it is undertaken within eight weeks of the pregnancy.
strict circumstances, while very unheard of by many women, and even legally feared by doctors, this can lead to the shaming of women and to the prevention of women obtaining legal abortions (Human Rights Watch, 2010). As stated above, it can be difficult for Argentine women to obtain an abortion, therefore it can be imagined how much of these 460.000 annual illegal abortions are practiced in sketchy circumstances with risky procedures. As (illegal) abortion is such a pressing issue in Argentine society, the social relevance of this case-study is more than evident. This research will be derived from a constructivist perspective, through which the construction of female identity in the contentious politics of the abortion debate will be analyzed. This will show how womanhood is a heterogeneous concept in which a lot of tensions exist. Not only the collective identity is constructed through the interaction of contentious politics, the morality debates of human rights are as well strategic constructions. This indicates that concepts as human rights and female identity are not so nuanced as presented in the academic world, making the topic academically relevant as well.
To understand abortion in Argentine society, the social importance of motherhood must be stressed. This aspect of womanhood has been emphasized, and the role of women as a mother is encouraged (Sutton, 2010). The Catholic Church has been an important actor in the promotion of motherhood and the glorification of maternal bodies (Sutton, 2010). The Catholic Church not only influences the values of the Argentine society but also influences the policies of the Argentine government (Sutton, 2010; Di Marco, 2011; Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004). This intertwinement between State and Church has profoundly influenced the way that motherhood is perceived in Argentina, and has led to a gender ideal that glorifies motherhood. Therefore, it can be imagined that this gender ideal has influenced how abortion is perceived and judged. As the emphasis on motherhood has a deep origin in Argentine society, its interesting tension with abortion [which can be perceived as the anti-motherhood] can be stated, which provided a motive for this research.
During the 1970s several organizations with feminist orientations emerged in Argentina, these organizations were critical upon the authoritarianism and the subordination of women in society, the household, as well as the Catholic Church (Waylen, 1994, Bastian Duarte, 2012). From 1987 onwards, organizations that focused specifically on abortion emerged, which were active in
organizing workshops and campaigns on the depenalization of abortion (Di Marco, 2011). These organizations mainly emphasize the social control and the autonomy of the female body from a feminist perspective; framing abortion as a matter of social justice (Sutton, 2010, Ferree, 2003). This feminist identity is an important collective identity that unifies the pro-abortion social movements, as it upholds solidarity and commitment (Polletta and Jasper, 2001), as well as it influences the content and direction of contention of these social movements (Baud and Rutten, 2004). Thus, the perspective of pro-abortion social movements on female identity influences their actions and strategies, a finding that will be present as well in the results of this research.
Pro-abortion social movements, thus, aim to challenge the dominant cultural views regarding female identity. These contentious interactions are at the core of social movements (Baud and Rutten, 2004), as existing power holders are challenged in the name of a certain group that is being harmed or threatened with harm (McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly, 1996). The pro-abortion social movements perform contentious politics in the name of women who should have the right to choose over their own bodies, challenging the existing power holders, such as the Argentine state, and the Catholic Church. This interaction is of importance as social movements develop and emerge in relation with other actors (van Drunen, 2010). McAdam et al. (1996) propose a constructivist approach of contentious politics theory in which theories on collective identities and social networks are brought together. To furtherly collaborate on this insight of McAdam et al. (1996), I propose a constructivist perspective in which (powerful) institutions are perceived as social-cultural constructions, through which norms and practices are dispersed. I opt for this approach as social movements and their power-struggles are no rigid entities, rather they are constantly (re)constructed and fluid through their interaction. Interaction is important for the construction of collective identities, as it requires some kind of affirmation or ratification of other actors with their own collective identities (Amenta and Young, 1999). Thus, not only pro-abortion social movements use a certain female identity, opponents will do this as well.
In the above it has been explained how different constructions of female identity are present in the abortion debate in Argentina; the traditional female identity exists that focuses upon motherhood and the family, in contrast there also exist the feminist identity that focuses upon women‘s freedom, equality and the right to decide. These different female identities co-exist and
mutually influence each other in Argentine society, and in the Argentine abortion debate, therefore I have analyzed them both. For the more traditional female identity of the opponents of abortion the right to life of the baby is pivotal, defending the morality of the human right for a dignified life (Morán Faúndes, 2013; Laudano, 2011). However, pro-abortion social movements have constructed another female identity, as it focuses upon women’s autonomy and the right to control one’s own body, on the morality of the human right to decide (Ferree, 2003). Thus, the opponents and proponents both use different constructions of the morality of human rights, which are interrelated with their collective identities. However, how do these constructions of collective identity and morality interact in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate? This has not been researched before.
It has been researched before how motherhood is an emphasized aspect of female identity in Argentina (Sutton, 2010, Craske, 1999), it has as well been researched how pro-abortion social movements have emphasized autonomy and control as important aspects of female identity (Sutton, 2010, Ferree, 2003). However, this division between the traditional female and feminist identity is not that rigid, as it cannot be stated that feminists are anti-mothers. Instead this thesis provides a more nuanced understanding of the collective gender identity of pro-abortion social movements, and how they incorporate traditional values as motherhood into this female identity. Womanhood is much more complex and nuanced than the label of women’s movements explains, as the female identity is not homogenous and rather implies a lot of tensions. This heterogeneity of the female identity has not been researched and analyzed sufficiently which makes it an academic relevant topic. Therefore the focus of this master thesis will be the various constructs of womanhood with regard to the abortion debate in Argentina. Moreover, it provides an insight in the influence of different morality debates of human rights on the contentious politics of pro-abortion movements. In so doing, theories on contentious politics, identity politics, and female identity have been combined. This combination of different theoretical debates provides an understanding of how female identities as well as human rights are heterogeneous constructions that imply tensions and that can be used strategically. Hence, the focus is upon the following research question: ‘How do constructions of the morality of human rights and female identity interact in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate in (and around) Buenos Aires and La Plata?’
This has been researched by a combination of qualitative content analysis and semi-structured interviews. With the qualitative content analysis, the differently constructed morality debates of human rights that are connected to a certain constructed female identity were unraveled. Therefore the material that has been posted online by proponents and opponents has been analyzed. I have used semi-structured interviews to research the influence of these constructions on the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate. By combining these two methods, a clear view emerged of how female identity is regarded and related to abortion in this debate. Moreover, by triangulating the results of these two methods, the importance of the different morality debates of human rights emerged. It exposes how these conflicting ideas, values, and discourses interact and influence the contentious politics of the pro-abortion social movements.
This master thesis will firstly discuss the data gathering process; the choice for the methods qualitative content analysis and semi-structured interviews will be explained. It explains as well the advantages and disadvantages of these methods. Secondly, the relevant theoretical framework will be discussed, as an explanation will be given of the importance of the constructivist approach of contentious politics theory. This will be connected to the collective identities of social movements, which for this case-study will be connected to the female identity and to the different morality debates of human rights. Thirdly, the relevant Argentine context for the case-study will be discussed in the ‘setting the stage’ chapter. The emergence of women’s movements in Argentina will be explained and connected to motherhood, after which the emergence of the pro-abortion social movements will be discussed. Fourthly, the results will be presented in two chapters: chapter six on the construction of female identity, and chapter seven on the construction of the morality of human rights. Finally, in the conclusion the results of the research will be linked to the theoretical framework, through which a final conclusion and further recommendations will be given.
3. Methodology
In this research the choice has been made to combine two methods; qualitative content analysis (QCA) and semi-structured interviews. With the QCA, the morality debates of human rights have been analyzed and connected to the female identity that proponents and opponents of abortion construct in their contentious politics. With the semi-structured interviews, the influence of these debates on the pro-abortion social movements has been researched. This allowed for the research of the contentious interaction of pro-abortion social movements and their opponents with regard to the female identity, as well as the influence of these contentious interactions on the pro-abortion social movements. I have chosen for two qualitative methods, as the research focuses upon the construction and the strategic use of these debates, in which it is of importance how words and concepts are used and interpreted. As this research proposal focuses upon the pro-abortion social movements in (and around) Buenos Aires and La Plata, the research design of a case-study has been chosen. Through this research design an in-depth examination of the situation has been conducted to clarify the unique characteristics of this case (Bryman, 2008: 53). In this upcoming chapter, a further explanation will be given of the chosen methodology, its research sample, and the advantages and disadvantages of the research methods.
3.1 Qualitative Content Analysis
Qualitative content analysis (QCA), also called ethnographic content analysis, consists of the searching of underlying themes in the materials (Bryman, 2008: 529). Hsieh and Shannon (2005: 1278) define QCA in the following way: ‘... qualitative content analysis is defined as a research method for the subjective interpretation of the content of text data through the systematic classification process of coding and identifying themes or patterns.’ In this definition it also comes forward how the researcher looks for themes or patterns in the materials. However, quantitative content analysis also systematically classifies data, what is then the difference between the qualitative and the quantitative version? Quantitative content analysis employs the application of predefined categories to the sources, however, even though qualitative content analysis does entail the application of some initial categorization, there is the possibility of refining the categories and generating new ones during the analysis (Bryman, 2008: 531). Thus, QCA is a process in which the researchers move back and forth between the conceptualization,
the collection of the data, the analysis, and the interpretation (Bryman, 2008: 531). In this hermeneutic approach, this movement is of importance as a linkage is made between the social and historical context of the text’s production, and understanding the perspective of the author of the text (Bryman, 2008: 533). The goal is to be systematic and analytic, without being inflexible, as it is allowed and expected that other categories emerge during the study (Altheide, 1987: 68). QCA has been chosen instead of a critical discourse analysis as the focus is not upon the discourse of the proponents and opponents, thus emphasizing the role of language, rather it is upon the content of the constructions of the collective identity and the morality of human rights (Merkl-Davies, Brennan and Vourvachis, 2014).
On the one hand, the research sample of the QCA is primary sources published online by the opponents of abortion, all Catholic organizations. On the other hand, the research sample of the QCA is primary sources published online by the proponents of abortion, thus the pro-abortion social movements, feminists and their organizations. A purposive sampling has been chosen, which is a strategic manner of sampling that provides the researcher with a variety in the resulting sample (Bryman, 2008). Purposive sampling, also known as judgmental or selective sampling, focuses upon particular characteristics of the population of interest and thus not randomly selects its sample (Lund and Lund, 2012). This was of use for the research sample of the QCA, as the focus was upon the constructed debate by one population of interest, the proponents, and to compare it with another population of interest, the opponents.
I have chosen for this method, as it has allowed to analyze the constructions of female gender identities used by opponents and proponents of abortion, without being stuck to previously determined categories. During the research there appeared results which were not expected beforehand, therefore it was possible to be flexible and incorporate these new categories for further analysis. An example of this modification is that before the analysis of the opponents’ categories as ‘motherhood’ and ‘family’ were expected. However, during the research categories as ‘the human right to life’ and ‘the defense of the life of the child’ were encountered regularly, after which these categories have been added. This is of importance as it prevented being led by the categories that have been encountered during the previously done theoretical research. However, even though this flexibility is an asset, the qualitative character of the content analysis
also complicated the systemization of the results as no exact counting of the categories or documents that were analyzed was possible. Therefore the analysis is more intuitive as the researcher was led by the data.
3.2 Semi-structured Interviews
The semi-structured interviews have been chosen instead of structured or unstructured interviews, as the interviews are conducted with a guideline, in the form of an interview guide, in which a set of topics are included that the interviewer wants to discuss. However, this type of interview also gives room for the interviewer to ask questions that are previously not added to the interview guide, depending on the answers of the interviewee (Bryman, 2008: 438). For the conduction of the interviews, the flexibility of the interviewer is crucial, as it gives the researcher possible insights in the ways the interviewees view their social world (Bryman, 2008: 442). Therefore the interviewee is given liberty in how to respond to the questions, and the interviewer will focus upon how the interviewee frames and understands events and issues (Bryman, 2008: 438). Through the qualitative content analysis a focus has been created on what should be discussed, therefore I have chosen semi-structured interviews over unstructured interviews, as more specific issues can be addressed in the semi-structured version (Bryman, 2008: 439). Another reason why the preference was on semi-structured interviews over unstructured ones, is that all the questions of the interview guide will be asked in the semi-structured interviews, with a similar wording, therefore, it is possible to compare the answers of the interviewees (Bryman, 2008: 438). A purposive sampling has been chosen, as the sampling has strategically been done, to create a good correspondence between research questions and sampling (Bryman, 2008: 458). With the purposive sample it was not aimed to construct a general Argentine perspective on abortion, rather the focus was upon the view of pro-abortion social movements and their contentious politics. Sampling has been conducted to ensure a variety in the resulting sample, as it was aimed to have sample members of different movements with different perspectives (Bryman, 2008: 415). Members of pro-abortion social movements in (and around) Buenos Aires and La Plata, two academics, and one activist living partly in Amsterdam and in Argentina have been interviewed. These two Argentine cities have been chosen as it are two important political cities with universities, in which a lot of movement activity is present.
During the research it has been noticed that the method of semi-structured interviews suited, as it provided the possibility to get into a (seemingly natural) conversation with the respondents about their movement and activism. This resulted in the respondent telling about their personal and collective experiences, leaving the researcher to ask questions when striking tensions in their story came up. In this conversation a lot of the questions were automatically answered, and therefore in the end only some remaining questions had to be asked. However, as the time period of doing research was fairly short, it was not possible to do follow-up interviews. This was unfortunate as in some cases interesting tensions only became clear after several interviews, and therefore in the earlier interviews these were not questioned sufficiently. For qualitative research being flexible is of importance, and in this case the room and time for it sometimes lacked. For future research it is of importance to also regard this qualitative method for the time consuming method it is, as being flexible and having more time to spend in the field will provide richer opportunities.
4. Theoretical framework
4.1 Contentious politics
McAdam et al. (1996: 21) define a social movement in the following way: ‘A social movement is a sustained interaction between mighty people and others lacking might: a continuing challenge to existing power holders in the name of a population whose interlocutors declare it to be unjustly suffering harm or threatened with such harm.’ With this, the interaction of social movements with other actors, and especially the power struggle between actors, is emphasized. Baud and Rutten (2004: 5) state that these contentious interactions are at the core of social movements, as concerned social movements make demands in the name of aggrieved populations and uphold challenges against authorities and other powerful opponents. Social movements enact contentious politics, which involve the mobilization of support on the one hand, and confrontation with power holders or opponents, on the other hand. The contentious politics theory is the overarching debate that will be used for the discussion of the Argentine abortion debate. However, as McAdam et al. (1996) explain, contentious politics theory lacks the connection between collective identities and social network theories, something which could be reached through a constructivist approach. I want to propose a constructivist perspective of contentious politics that aims to reveal how the practices, identities, and institutions that are perceived as natural, facts, or as given, rather, are produced by the human agency of social construction (Hopf, 1998: 182). Thus, social movements and their politics are not fixed entities, but rather are constantly (re)constructed through interaction with different actors as institutions, supporters, and opponents. Therefore the power struggle should not be perceived statically as one entity challenging another entity, but rather as an interaction between entities, which influences their collective identity, strategies, ideas, and actions. In this research the focus is upon the content of the collective identity, and how this is influenced and constructed by the interaction that takes place in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate.
Constructivism perceives the world as something that is constantly under construction. With this perspective constructivists differ with positivism and materialism, which take the world as something that is already established (Adler, 2013: 113). Important for constructivism is the communication of norms and practices through which actors develop their relations and
understand their social world, as when norms would not be present during actions the actions would be without meaning (Hopf, 1998: 173). For this construction of meaning, identities are necessary, as identities guarantee some predictability and order: it tells you and others who they are, while also telling you who others are (Hopf, 1998: 174-5). However the producer of identity is not in control of what their identity means to others, that is dependent of the meaning that others construct (Hopf, 1998: 175). For constructivism, context is crucial as people acquire epistemic, normative, and ideological consciousness, rules, and discourses from the context through which they construct an understanding of the social world (Adler, 2013: 121). In constructivism identity is regarded within a historical, cultural, political, and social context. This differs with the way neorealism views identity, as is assumes that all units in global politics have only one significant identity, which does not change in meaning across time and space (Hopf, 1998: 175-6). Constructivism is a tendency in International Relations that perceives the social world very differently than more dominant streams as realism and liberalism, as constructivism emphasizes the urgency of context and the construction of identities and social facts that are created by interaction between actors. This suits the collective identity theories of social movements, as these theories also emphasize the importance of construction by interaction. Through this constructivist perspective it will be researched how collective identity is constructed in the contentious politics of the pro-abortion social movements in Argentina. In the next section the female gender identity as a collective identity will be explained, which will be connected to different constructions of the morality debate of human rights. With this it will be shown how womanhood is a nuanced concept.
4.2 Collective identity
4.2.1 Female identity
For the pro-abortion social movements their gender identity is of particular importance. Women’s gender identity can be defined as the meaning women attach to their membership in the category ‘female’ (Ely, 1995: 591). Positive, negative, or ambiguous feelings may arise when women identify with this category, depending on the given setting and the nature and prominence of comparative distinctions between men and women (Ely, 1995: 591). Women’s group- and self-attributions, including stereotypic attributions, are affected by these distinctions,
for example when women apply female labor stereotypes on themselves influencing their choice of study (Ely, 1995: 591). People may be categorized and identified among many dimensions, but gender classification provides us with certain expectations, basic information, and shared cultural assumptions (Katz, 1979: 3). Gender is a prominent categorization as gender-role socialization is a long process that begins at birth and continues through life; therefore it becomes an integral part of who we are, how others respond to us, and how we think of ourselves (Katz, 1979: 3). The above shows the importance and influence of gender identity, however, the interpretation of gender identity can differ among women. More traditional actors may emphasize motherhood regarding the female identity, by stressing the uniqueness of this role in comparison to men. However, feminists and pro-abortion social movements may emphasize autonomy, and demand the same rights as men.
Liss and Erchull (2010: 8) state how a woman with a fully embraced feminist identity could be classified as holding liberal or even radical gender believes (contrasted by conservative gender believes), being aware of gender inequalities, and believing in the importance to work together to achieve feminist goals. However, to arrive at this fully embraced feminist identity the woman goes through a process of five steps, according to the model that has been developed by Downing and Roush (1985): First, the passive acceptance stage where women accept their traditional gender roles and do not question them, second the revelation stage where women become aware of inequality, third, the embeddedness-emanation stage where women start to interact with like-minded women, fourth the synthesis stage where their sense of themselves as women becomes integrated with their sense of themselves as individuals, and finally the active commitment stage in which women start working on behalf of women’s rights as their feminist identity compels them to act in order to change society (Liss and Erchull, 2010: 85). Through this feminist identity appears as a political identity, through which patriarchal and traditional values are discursively constructed as the enemy (Di Marco, 2011: 297). Nevertheless, I criticize the dichotomy between a traditional and a feminist identity, as I hold the perspective that the collective female (and feminist) identity is much more nuanced than comes forward in this dichotomy. This heterogeneity of female identity will come forward in the results of this research.
Feminism incorporates a broad range of ideas, encompassing both an ideology and a movement for sociopolitical change, which is based on the criticism of male dominance and female subordination (Offen, 1988: 151-2). It can be stated how feminism struggles with the more dominant patriarchal powers, these anti-authority struggles are not as much an attack on an institution, group, or elite of power, but rather an attack on a technique or form of power (Foucault, 1982: 781). In the daily life of the feminists this is a struggle: ‘This form of power applies itself to immediate everyday life which categorizes the individual, marks him by his own individuality, attaches him to his own identity, imposes a law of truth on him which he must recognize and which others have to recognize in him.’ (Foucault, 1982: 781). With this it can be stated how the feminist identity is something individual as well as collective, as it connects the personal to the political.
Ireland (1993: 5) states how abortion rights are central to the emergence of new female identities and personal freedoms for women, as a difference is emphasized between a woman’s reproductive capacity and her sexuality. In these new female identities motherhood is one facet of their female identity, and is not automatically central to the development of women’s sense of themselves (Ireland, 1993: 6). This contrasts with more traditional female identities in which maternity has been the cornerstone (Ireland, 1993: 7). Feminism has implemented a cultural context in which the reproductive capacity and the institution of motherhood are beginning to be disentangled from feminine identity (Ireland, 1993: 19). Rosenberg (2013: 104) states that a woman that aborts resists the compulsive patterns of female identity, which institutes motherhood as an inescapable mandate, disrupts the idea of the female body in service of biological reproduction, and self-institutes as a subject with the right of a free chosen motherhood. As the woman stops to be the subject to the femininity of the maternal patriarchalism, she makes room to create another signification of her life (Rosenberg 2013: 107). However, can you claim that having an abortion truly frees women from their compulsive roles and from the patriarchal system, leading to the activation of their feminist identities? The results of this research show that an explanation as these are shortsighted as the female identity in relation with abortions is much more ambiguous in Argentine reality.
In the academic world social movements that focus upon improving the situation of women are called women’s movements, however, as the above has illustrated the female identity is not homogenous and does imply different perspectives, ideas and strategies. Acknowledgment of heterogeneity is at the core of this thesis as it shows how female identity is differently constructed in identity politics. There exist different interpretations in Argentina of womanhood, therefore it can be imagined how tensions on women’s rights are also present in Argentine society. One aspect on which feminist may differ with regard to more traditional female actors may be their use and interpretation of the morality of human rights, this will be furtherly elaborated on in the next paragraphs.
4.2.2. Moralities of human rights
Human rights have been advanced to legal institutional standards, as individual entitlements developed from modern European thought on natural law (Tibi, 1994: 278). They are individualistic in the sense of one part, or individual, against the whole, in which the whole is the overall political structure of the state (Tibi, 1994: 289). Human rights became international law through the United Nations with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948 and the covenants of 1966 (Tibi, 1994: 278). However, international law may exist but this universality of human rights can be questioned as existing cultures and civilizations contrast considerably with regard to their norms and values (Tibi, 1994: 280). Therefore Tibi (1994: 280) state how it is of importance to create cross-cultural foundations for a universal morality shared by civilizations. Tibi (1994: 282) explains how it is of importance to build a bridge between civilizations through an international morality of human rights, however, as human rights is an individualistic Western concept it clashes with other more collective cultures, as the Islamic civilizations. However, I would like to propose the idea that the morality of human rights may also clash within societies, as I will show is the case in Argentina. Tibi (1994) views the international world and politics from a realist perspective in which a focus is put upon conflicts, states and civilizations and its relation with human rights. A constructivist perspective of the morality of human rights perceives human rights as constructions of institutions. Through the wide range of human rights different constructions of morality can be conducted.
But what is exactly the morality of human rights? Perry (2004: 5) states how the International Bill of Human Rights consist of three documents: the ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, the ‘International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights’, and the ‘International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights’. The Universal Declaration mentions in its preamble ‘the inherent dignity… of all members of the human family’ from which Perry (2004: 6) follows: ‘the fundamental conviction at the heart of the morality of human rights is this: Each and every (born) human being--each and every member of the species homo sapiens--has inherent dignity and is therefore inviolable.’ The majority of modern democracies have promised to promote and ensure these international agreements, among the many agreed upon rights are the rights to life, the right of equality and non-discrimination, to right to be free of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, the right to personal security, the right to enjoy the maximum possible physical and mental health, and the right of freedom of conscience and religion (Busdygan, 2013: 125).
From this it can be conducted that dignity is inherent to being a human being, it can also be conducted that all human beings are inviolable, which includes that no one should violate any human being, which leads to not tolerating others violating another human being (Perry, 2004: 7). Nevertheless, how do you handle a violator without becoming a violator? With this I want to show the contradictions that are inherent to human rights, and which also can be connected to the abortion debate. A tension that Busdygan (2013: 125) mentions is the tension between two fundamental rights that are mentioned in the declarations: the right to life (also unborn) and the right to be free from interference in reproductive decisions. Freedom and life are values that are key for people's dignity, as there is no dignity possible if the life of a human being is not guaranteed, nor is there freedom when a person cannot make decisions about their own body (Busdygan, 2013: 126). As proponents of abortion may defend the life of the woman and the inherent dignity of her life, the opponents may defend the life of the baby and the inherent dignity of his/her life. These are contradicting constructions of the morality of human rights that cause conflict within societies. There is not one single morality, rather there are many and therefore it becomes a question of which are going to prevail (Perry, 2004: 57). As moralities of human rights are constructed it can be imagined how these constructions are used strategically in line with the collective identity and therefore support their actions, ideas, and demands.
For feminists a core value is autonomy and abortion is often framed as a matter of choice, which women, as right-bearing citizens should be able to exercise freely (Ferree, 2003: 352). When recognizing the moral ability of women to make a deliberate decision regarding abortion, the state would symbolically acknowledge women’s full personhood as well as draw back its coercive power from a significant arena of women’s life (Ferree, 2003: 352). As abortion is criminalized or prevented, the maternal bodily giving has been enforced through state politics (Sutton, 2010: 97). The pro-abortion movements have claimed the right to abort not as a reproductive right anchored in bodily autonomy, but as a civil or individual freedom right (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 10). However, as is stated by Daich and Tarducci (2012: 10) this appealing to the liberal individualism has meant to appeal to contradicting rights (the right of the fetus versus the right of the women). This is where the feminist political identity becomes crucial as it explains how it is not an individual right but rather a collective one, as it is the product of the feminist resistance against the structural and systematic oppression, the obligated heterosexuality that makes motherhood compulsory (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 10). The demand for women to have the capacity to decide over their own bodies has been linked by social movements to the more general struggle for secularism, diversity and citizenship (Di Marco, 2011: 297). In which they are opposing the influence of the Catholic Church in almost all aspects of the social, cultural, and political life of the country, mainly the opposition of the Church in the realization of women’s rights (Di Marco, 2011: 298).
In the case of abortion cultural concepts that are interconnected with the female body, such as motherhood, fertility and the heterosexual family, are put in a tense relation. In this sense abortion does not only break the process of biological reproduction but also the social and cultural reproduction of the power on the sexuality and body of women (Morán Faúndes, 2013: 40). The main sectors that have opposed the legalization of abortion can be associated with the agenda of the Catholic hierarchy, including not only religious leaders, but also medical and legal sectors and civil organizations, articulating a movement that they call ‘pro-life’ (Morán Faúndes, 2013: 40). The central axe of the Catholic conservative discourse focuses upon the idea of the life of a new human being that begins from the moment of fertilization, and therefore all threats against this life implies an assassination (Morán Faúndes, 2013: 41). The Catholic sector raised the signification of the defense of life from conception, in which the fetus is identified as a
person with the right to decide and the right to be heard, associating abortion with murder (Laudano, 2011: 64). They position themselves as defending the right to life of those who cannot talk and cannot decide, of a defenseless person (Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004: 195). So, on the one hand there is the perspective that a new life is anchored to the biological moment of fertilization, on the other hand, a juridical character is connected to this life and therefore all actions against this human life becomes an attack against the right to life (Morán Faúndes, 2013: 41-2).
In the above it has been explained how female identity is a construction with a lot of ambiguity and tension. One manner of constructing a female identity is the feminist identity, which connects the personal to the political, and which serves as a collective identity. But why are collective identities important for social movements? This will be explained in the next section.
4.3 Identity Politics
Rupp and Taylor (1999: 364) have stated how feminism should be perceived as not only a gender ideology as it is also a collective identity. Feminist struggles take place within a social movement community which includes the activists who see gender as an important category of analysis, who are critical upon the female disadvantage, and who are working together to improve the situation of women (Rupp and Taylor, 1999: 364). The participants in a movement construct a shared sense of identity through collective action, as on the one hand similarities are emphasized, and on the other hand the (shared) differences from whom they oppose are emphasized (Reger, Myers and Einwohner, 2008: 4). This creating of boundaries, through creating an ‘us’ and a ‘them’ is also something that comes forward in the following definition of Polletta and Jasper (2001: 298):
‘Collective identity describes imagined as well as concrete communities, involves an act of perception and construction as well as the discovery of pre-existing bonds, interests, and boundaries. It is fluid and relational, emerging out of interactions with a number of different audiences (bystanders, allies, opponents, news media, state authorities), rather than fixed. It channels words and actions, enabling some claims and deeds but delegitimizing others. It provides categories by which individuals divide up and make sense of the social world.’
However, it can be doubted if these categories of ‘us’ and ‘them’ that are created by collective identity are as rigid as Polletta and Jasper (2001), or Reger et al (2008) assume. Polletta and Jasper (2001) already state how collective identities are fluid and relational, and as they are influenced by interactions, it can be imagined how these categories change and overlap. This allows for an understanding of feminism as a constantly negotiated and altered political identity through their work within their social movement communities, therefore this feminist identity can be seen as an accomplishment of the wider movement (Rupp and Taylor, 1999: 365). Even though social movements have a shared collective identity, it is important to acknowledge the differences of identity and interests, as feminist identity does not include one ideology or political approach (Rupp and Taylor, 1999: 366). Categories as ‘us’ and ‘them’ are less fixed as theory might present them, and this heterogeneity influences social movements in their strategies and actions. Interaction is of particular importance, as social movements emerge and develop in relation to other political actors, and especially the state (van Drunen, 2010: 30). Amenta and Young (1999: 35) state how collective identities require a sort of affirmation or ratification from outside actors, this because actors in civil society (as the media), as well as the state can be instrumental in the development of collective identity. Through the interaction within the movement the collective identity is constructed, preserved and mobilized as three processes of the formation of political identities are present: ‘the creation of boundaries that mark off a group; the development of a consciousness of the group's distinct and shared disadvantages; and the politicization of everyday life, embodied in symbols and actions that connect the members of the group and link their everyday experiences to larger social injustices.’ (Rupp and Taylor, 1999: 365).
Van Drunen (2010: 28), in her work on social movements and victimhood in Argentina, mentions the sharing of a collective identity as contributing to the sustainability of social movements, as collective identity is needed for collective action to develop into a movement. Collective identity is important for a movement as it is crucial in upholding solidarity and commitment (Polletta and Jasper, 2001: 291). Collective identities are also of importance for movements as they determine the content and direction of contention: the challenging of power holders (Baud and Rutten, 2004: 1). Therefore, collective identity is important for the strength
and legitimacy of social movements, however, collective identity gets strengthened as well through social movement activity (Van Drunen, 2010: 28). Hence, the creation of a collective identity can be seen as a process in which collective action is crucial. Reger et al. (2008: 4) call this identity works, which grounds on a constructivist perspective of identity in social movements, as through collective action, negotiation, and interpretive work identities are constructed and maintained. Thus, the collective identity of a social movement is not something that is static, rather it is fluid and relational, and can be influenced by the interaction with outside actors. I perceive this as identity politics, as these collective identities are of influence on the content and direction of the politics of the movements, which is a strategic way of using identities. This strategic use of collective identities will be furtherly explained by the process of framing.
For collective identity the process of framing is of importance, as "frames" are the interpretive packages that activists develop to mobilize potential adherents and constituents.’ (Polletta and Jasper, 2001: 291). With these frames, movements explain the pressing injustice that is done as well as the agency that is needed to change it, besides that, frames construct the identity of the opposition (Polletta and Jasper, 2001: 291). Collective identities are used by activists as strategies of protest, defining it differently depending on the strategic situation (Polletta and Jasper, 2001: 294). Thus, the framing of collective identities can be perceived as something that social movements can enact strategically to strengthen their movement internally, as well as to win over external actors or allies. Social movements and their participants are not the only ones that are engaged in the process of framing, they also compete with the frames used in media, and by states. (van Drunen, 2010: 32). Frames develop in a context of interaction with other agents (van Drunen, 2010, Baud and Rutten, 2004). Thus, the reality construction of the collective identities of social movements is influenced by framing, not only by the frames used by the members of the movement, it is also influenced by the frames that are used by other actors.
By combining theories of contentious politics, identity politics, and female identity, the focus is upon the way that the pro-abortion social movements are internally organized, on the one hand, as well as their interaction with other actors of the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate. For the movement to be able to enact these contentious politics, it is of importance that
the social movement is well organized internally by constructing a collective identity that strengthens the movement. However, social movements are heterogeneous, and even though they may have a shared collective identity, categories may not be rigid, but rather flexible and relational. Interaction influences the collective identity as in this contentious interaction collective identity can be framed differently. In the above it has been explained how female identities and the related moralities of human rights are constructed and used strategically to legitimize and explain their actions, strategies, and aims. Different female identities will construct different moralities of human rights and vice versa, how this influences contentious politics remains unclear. This linking of the contentious politics of pro-abortion social movements in Argentina to collective gender identity and morality debates of human rights has not been conducted in previous research. In the next chapter, an overview will be given of the development of (traditional) women’s movements and pro-abortion movements in Argentina. This overview is important as it provides an understanding of the context in which the proponents and opponents of abortion have emerged, which is critical for the understanding of Argentine’s female identity.
5. Setting the stage
In this chapter, the context in which pro-abortion social movements in Argentina have emerged will be explained. It will be shown how in Argentine society an emphasis exists on motherhood and on more traditional female gender roles, moreover, it will also be shown how feminist movements have emerged that emphasize other female gender roles to which concepts as autonomy, and control over one’s own body are central.
5.1 Motherhood
In the 1970s and the 1980s, women’s movements in Latin America started to emerge in which a connection was made between political participation and motherhood (Craske, 1999). A common identity of motherhood among Latin American women exists: this common identity is used as a mobilization strategy (Craske, 1999: 120). To understand the context in which pro-abortion social movements emerged in Argentina, it is of importance to discuss the country’s history regarding motherhood. Two important actors that emphasized the importance of motherhood while also placing it from the private into the public sphere were Evita and ‘Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo’:
From 1946 until 1955 (and again from 1973-1974) populist leader Juan Domingo Perón was the president of Argentina, he and his wife Eva Duarte de Perón (Evita) were very popular among the working class and the poor (Sutton, 2010: 21). The Peróns were promotive of women’s activities outside the house, and developed policies that encouraged this, while at the same time, emphasizing motherhood, family, and (by Evita) the subordination to Juan Perón (Craske, 1999: 80). This participation of women into political life was legitimized by the role of women as wives and mothers, as it was an extension of women’s private responsibilities into a broader network (Grammático, 2010: 129). Even though Evita emphasized traditional aspects of the female identity, she contributed to the placement of femininity into public space, this was also done by ‘Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo’ [the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo]. This is an important women’s movement that emerged during the military period from the 1970s to the 1990s (Craske, 1999). In search of their disappeared husbands, sons, and daughters, women started to encounter one another, and organizations emerged as a way to support each other and to make
the search more efficient (Craske, 1999). The movement of Las Madres redefined motherhood, from something individual and private to something collective and public, a ‘maternidad social’ [social motherhood] (Di Marco, 2011: 257). Las Madres stated "Nosotros no defendemos ideologías, defendemos la vida" [We do not defend ideologies, we defend life], as they refused any identification with political parties or feminism (Safa, 1990: 362). Las Madres used their mother-identity as a strategy to achieve justice, as they have restructured motherhood from something passive and private into something political, and as they used motherhood in a strategic way to challenge the traditional (male) way of politics (Zarco, 2011: 244).
Sutton (2010: 96) states that particularly in Argentina motherhood is a celebrated, expected, naturalized and idealized role for women. Complex processes such as conception, pregnancy, childbirth and parenting are reduced to the word “mother”, which constitutes not only the social and physic identity of women but also that of the society or the nation that is understood as one big family (Chaneton & Vacarezza, 2011: 39). Women have been encouraged to embrace motherhood, regardless of their own ambitions and needs, by powerful ideological influences that are embedded in Argentina’s cultural norms and institutions (Sutton, 2010: 97). The Catholic Church has promoted motherhood and glorified maternal bodies through its religious rituals and beliefs, for example by promoting Virgin Mary (the symbol of celibacy and motherhood) (Sutton, 2010: 97). This strong presence in the public and private spheres of Argentina has made Catholicism more than just a religion that the major part of the Argentine population supports (Di Marco, 2011: 275). In Argentina, the religious orientations of the Vatican are the model by which the Argentine public policies are shaped, among other things the policies of education and reproduction (Di Marco, 2011: 275). In Argentina, the Catholic Church has an influence on women’s rights as the Church has traditionally strong ties with the state, aiming to influence state’s policy and receiving subsidies (Sutton, 2010: 103). For example, during the 1990s President Menem had an alliance with the Catholic Church through which he instituted March 25 as the ‘Day of the Child to be Born’, and proposed to include life from the moment of conception in the new Constitution of 1994 (Sutton, 2010: 103). To understand this emphasis on motherhood in Argentina, it is also of importance to understand the Catholic discourse. The public discourse in Argentina is Catholic and fundamentalist, a discourse that becomes more strongly when the “natural order” is challenged, for example with the approval of
the law to divorce in 1986, and more recently with the law of same sex marriage in 2003 (Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004: 194). These struggles are presented with the same discourse that focuses upon the defense of the traditional family, as the pillar of the natural order (Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004: 195). These Catholic sectors make claims in which the family is referred to as the “natural unity” created by god, in which the ultimate goal of marriage is procreation, and in which the woman is referred to as the mother (Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004: 199).
In sum, it can be stated that the emphasis on motherhood in Argentine society has influenced Argentine perception of gender issues. The Argentine female gender ideal is mostly perceived as a woman who is nurturing, and takes care of her husband and family. The widespread practice of (illegal) abortion in Argentina contradicts this national gender ideal that glorifies motherhood and the family unit. In the next section, it will be discussed how pro-abortion social movements have emerged and which (other) aspects of female identity they emphasize.
5.2 Pro-abortion social movements
In the 1970s feminist organizations emerged in Argentina, claiming the politicization of everyday, influenced by the impact of the European and American “second wave” feminism (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2). One feminist organization that emerged was the ‘Unión Feminista Argentina’ [Argentine Feminist Union] (UFA), who explored the meaning of ‘lo personal es político’ [the personal is political], through conscious-raising groups that realized lectures and discussion of texts of (European and North-American) feminists, as well as through actions and protests (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2). Already in the 1970s the UFA aimed to demystify the maternal role, drawing attention to areas that were considered private or apolitical, including unwanted pregnancies and clandestine abortions (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2-3). The feminism of the 1970s was critical upon the symbolic power of the Catholic Church, calling out the religious hierarchy subordinating women (Bastian Duarte, 2012: 156).
In 1987, feminist organizations proposed the creation of a commission that would dedicate completely to the theme of abortion, and in March 1988, different women’s groups founded the ‘Comisión por el Derecho al Aborto’ [Commission for Abortion Rights] (Di Marco, 2011: 280). This commission was functioning as the pioneer in the abortion discussion, diffusion of
information, and clarification of concepts on abortion, its decriminalization, and legalization (Di Marco, 2011: 281). In 1989 and 1990 workshops were installed on abortion and anti-conception, resulting in a campaign for the legalization of abortion now framed as an issue of human rights (Di Marco, 2011: 280-1). The year 1994 can be seen as a milestone for the pro-abortion movements as the demands for abortion rights acquired visibility (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2). This was generated after president Menem’s proposal to include the ‘defense of life from conception’ into the new Constitution, therefore the issue of abortion was installed in the public and political arena generating a heated debate (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2). Alerted by this proposition, which was supported by conservative sectors and Catholic organizations, ‘Mujeres Autoconvocadas para Decidir en Libertad’ [Women Self-convened to Decide in Freedom] (MADEL) emerged, consisting of 108 women’s organizations with different political and institutional backgrounds (Laudano, 2011: 63). This was a decisive moment for the formation of the pro-abortion movements, as it defined a collective identity, an ‘us’ of women that defended the right to decide, against a ‘them’ that became identified with the Catholic hierarchy (Laudano, 2011: 63).
The post-2001 crisis in Argentina generated a wave of social protests against neoliberal economic policies and governmental corruption, these protests provided opportunities for renewed demands and struggles regarding women’s sexual and reproductive rights (Sutton, 2010: 105). In 2003 the ‘Asamblea por el Derecho al Aborto’ [Assembly for the Right to abortion] was organized, which ended in a march of thousands of women from different backgrounds with the slogan: ‘Anticonceptivos para no abortar, Aborto legal para no morir’ [Contraceptives to not abort, Legal abortion to not die] (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 7). Wider sectors of women’s movements and political organizations were including long-term feminist’s demands, as legal abortion, into their struggles (Sutton, 2010: 105). This widening of the debate is of importance as it has provided more acknowledgment of an alternative female gender framework for understanding sexuality, reproduction and women’s bodies (Sutton, 2010: 106). Instead of frames of naturalized motherhood and sexual guilt, frames were used in which sexuality not necessarily is linked to reproductivity, emphasizing women’s right on sexual pleasure and the right to decide on their motherhood (Sutton, 2010: 106).
In 2004 at the Argentine national women conference in Mendoza the idea to constitute a National Campaign was shaped, and decided on at the meeting in Cordoba on the 14th of March 2005, promoted by the movement ‘Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir’ [Catholics for the right to Decide] (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 8). On the 28th of May 2005, the International Day of Action for Women’s Health, the ‘Campaña Nacional por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito’ [National Campaign for the Right to a Legal, Safe and Free Abortion] was launched, consisting of a large number of organizations, NGOs, and movements (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 9). Currently the National Campaign includes more than 300 organizations, groups and personalities from various fields, which commit to recover the dignity of women, by defending the integrity of human rights and the right to abortion (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 9).
In sum, it has been stated how motherhood has been an important element of female identity that has been emphasized in Argentina. Nonetheless, pro-abortion social movements have emphasized the female gender right of controlling your own body. The pro-abortion activists are still challenging the dominant motherhood perception of gender identity in Argentine society. However, it is unclear how the proponents and opponents of abortion interact with these differing and often contradicting female identities in the abortion debate. In the upcoming two chapters, the research results will be discussed. These chapters clarify different processes of construction in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate. Even though traditional actors and pro-abortion social movements use different perspectives on female identity, it does not mean that the feminist gender identity is against motherhood; rather it incorporates new modes of motherhood into the female identity. Female identity can be constructed in many ways, emphasizing womanhood as a nuanced concept. This can be related to the different constructions of the morality of human rights, which are interrelated with the collective female identities. Firstly in chapter 6 the construction of the female identity will be discussed. Secondly, in chapter 7 the construction of the morality debates of human rights will be regarded.
6. The construction of female identity
In this chapter, the construction of the female identity by the pro-abortion movements will be discussed and related to their opponents. An overview will be given of the construction of womanhood in the Argentine abortion debate. It will be shown how different perspectives on motherhood are present within the construction of womanhood, as becomes clear when analyzing the positions of the opponents and proponents. For the pro-abortion movements their construction of the feminist identity is important, as this identity creates adversaries against which they struggle. Thus, the construction of the feminist identity will be outlined, through which it will be shown how this collective identity creates solidarity and legitimacy, while also creating mechanisms of in- and exclusion, of a ‘we’ and a ‘they’ (Polletta and Jasper, 2001). It will be shown how feminism is more than a gender identity, as it is also a collective identity through which women struggle collectively (Rupp and Taylor, 1999). This collective identity is important for the movements as it influences the content and direction of the contentious politics of the pro-abortion movements (Baud and Rutten, 2004). However, it will also be shown how for this construction of collective identities the contentious interaction is crucial, and therefore breaking the rigidness of categories such as ‘us’ and ‘them’. With this an insight will be given in the importance of interaction for identity politics, as the pro-abortion movements and their collective identities are constantly influenced and (re)constructed through these interactions. In sum, it will be show how the interaction with their adversaries is crucial for the development and strengthening of their feminist collective identity, as social movements develop and emerge in relation to other political actors (van Drunen, 2010; Polletta and Jasper, 2001). With this it will be shown how the feminist identity is a complex and flexible identity that is constructed through the interaction influencing their contentious politics.
6.1 Feminist identity
The feminist identity is strongly present among the pro-abortion activists, they relate this identity to their daily experiences as Argentine females, as activist Jesica1 puts it “lo personal es politico” [the personal is political]2. As their personal identity is linked to their political identity,
1 The names of some of the activists have been altered on their request 2 The citations have been translated from Spanish to English by the author
this feminist identity is also related to their activism and strategies in the pro-abortion movements, making it a collective identity of the pro-abortion movements. The feminist identity is connected by pro-abortion activists to a constant struggle and discussion in the Argentine society. As activist Elsa states: “I am a feminist, being a female feminist implies some constant discussions, some constant negotiations at all levels, family, socially”. The feminist struggle is connected to other struggles such as the anti-patriarchal and anti-capitalist struggle. Activist Josefina perceives the feminist struggle being entwined with a politically left wing struggle, she states how we are living in a patriarchal and capitalist system in which gender is exploited, thus these two struggles should join hands. The suppression of women is connected by the movement Nuevo MAS (2014-B) to the denial of the right to decide which is suppressed by the patriarchal system: “The denial of the right of women to decide over their own body is the deepest form of violent patriarchy exercised by the bourgeois state”. Through the advances of this feminist struggle the patriarchal system is enabled and the role of women is changing activist Jesica states, describing the feminist identity as a “herramienta libertadora” [liberating tool]. In the above, it has been stated how the feminist identity is connected to several personal and collective struggles that are present in Argentine society (as well perceived as an universal struggle), these struggles are related to the daily interactions of the feminist activists with the Argentine state, as well as with the capitalist, patriarchal system. These interactions are thus crucial for the construction of the feminist collective identity as it gives content and direction to their struggle. With this it can be stated that the interplay of the feminist identity with opponents is an important characteristic of their collective identity.
Thus, the patriarchal struggle influences the construction of the feminist identity. This anti-patriarchalism was for some of the interviewees also an important collective identity, this can be clearly recognized in the movement of activist Diego ‘Varones Antipatriarcales’ [Anti-patriarchal Males], which consists out of males struggling for the same feminist causes. Crucial for their anti-patriarchal identity was the construction of the male identity, in which males were expected to be rational leaders, something his movement also wanted to denaturalize. Activist Diego explains that they do not identify themselves (publicly) as feminist, as they were males and therefore could not totally understand and relate to the struggle of women. When the movement started organizing feminist movements mistrusted them as they were men and
therefore carried the patriarchal gene, though after a while they earned their trust through showing their participation and support. This is interesting as it shows how the feminist identity is not all-inclusive but rather excludes a large part of the population, therefore creating strong boundaries as the feminist struggles are perceived as women-only struggles. This could also be seen in relation to abortion, as none of the female activists speak of the participation of the male in the process of a woman getting an abortion, only activist Diego speaks of the role and the responsibility of the male.
Related to the construction of the female identity of the pro-abortion activists is their perception of having a female president. Several respondents state how special it is to have a female president, but that Cristina Fernández de Kirchner does not see herself as a feminist, and therefore does not struggle for women’s rights such as the right of abortion. Activist Josefina explains that a conceptual error exists in the thought that a female president will improve women’s rights, as she explains how president Cristina has stated not to be a feminist, and to be in favor of the right to life contrasting this with the right to abortion. Accordingly activist Diego states how president Cristina has stated “that she is feminine and not feminist”. It is interesting to see how president Cristina also makes this distinction between feminine identity and feminist identity, emphasizing the heterogeneity of womanhood. However, even though Cristina may not be a feminist, other activists mention the positive value of having a female president. Activist Jesica expresses having a female president, and therefore having an Argentine woman in the highest position of power as something positive. Activist Carla mentions the following positive contributions of having a female president: “in fact to have a female president signifies a lot because it signifies the activation of a lot of women, that is all reflected in the position of Cristina” However, she also states how president Cristina does not use this public position sufficiently, which she relates to the fear of politics to talk about the issue of abortion as she does not believe that the government is completely against abortion as they have stimulated other progressive and left wing policies. In the end it can be stated how the interaction of the pro-abortion activists with the patriarchal state is not only negative as they do realize how the current government have made positive contributions to the practice of human rights and women’s rights in Argentina. With this the interaction of the pro-abortion activists with other actors can be
