Framing of Sexual Violence Against Women:
Episodic and Thematic Framing within India and the United Kingdom
Lisa Englehart
Student ID: 10396632
Supervisor: Magdalena Wojcieszak 27/06/2014
Master Thesis in Communication Science (MSc) – Political Communication Graduate School of Communication
Abstract
The existing literature discussing the impact of episodic and thematic framing on societal responsibility emphasizes the important role that media has in shaping audience perception. This raises the question of which frames are more prevalent in which
countries, and whether this may be linked to provoking action on pressing social issues. This study analyses print news coverage of sexual violence against women in India and the United Kingdom. A content analysis of newspapers within these two countries (N=296) was conducted in order to identify whether thematic or episodic framing characteristics are more prevalent in either country. Though no significant difference is found in the overall frame assessment, particular features of each frame do prove to be significantly more prevailing in one country over another.
Key Words: Episodic frame, thematic frame, sexual violence, India, United Kingdom.
“Women’s rights must be understood as human rights”
United Nations World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna, 14th-25th June 1993.
“Whatever the conflicts to come – and our goal must always be to prevent them all – we have in it our power to prevent millions of lives being destroyed by sexual violence. That is a goal worth fighting for, and I hope we can join forces to achieve it.”
Introduction
In December 2012, a tragic case of sexual violence in New Delhi resulted in the death of Jyoti Singh Pandey, a 23-year-old female physiotherapy student, named
Nirbhaya (fearless one) by the Indian media (The Guardian, 2013; The Hindustan Times, 2012; The Times, 2013; The Times of India, 2012). This tragedy led to worldwide
protests and discussions on safety and security for women, bringing topics of domestic legal reform related to issues of violence against women to the forefront of media attention. Sexual violence against women remains a pervasive crime in domestic partnerships, armed conflict, and exists within both developed and underdeveloped countries. Media, as a vital means of communication, can play an influential role in promoting action to end sexual violence.
Despite growing media attention on this topic, such gender-based crimes continue to be a global epidemic. In recent years, media have highlighted acts of sexual violence against women as widespread crimes that are in need of international scrutiny and resolution. News media, in particular, are in the position to play a critical role in the construction of social issues and public opinions (Gillespie et al., 2013). Although the vast majorities of sexual crimes do not receive media attention, the ones that do serve an important role in forming and maintaining public perceptions on this issue (Franiuk, Seefelt, Cepress, & Vandello, 2008). The media provides an opportunity to promote pro-social values, including reducing traditional gender stereotypes, and to refocus the stigma and responsibility on perpetrators and governments rather than on victims. The media have the capability to prompt action through implementation of particular media frames (Gross, 2008; Iyengar, 1990; 1994). In this study, two media frames that have been
identified as especially relevant in the context of shaping social problems will be
examined within newspapers in India and the United Kingdom (UK): episodic frames and
thematic frames.
Thematic framing is defined as placing an issue “into a broader context” (Gross, 2008, p. 171; Iyengar, 1990). Episodic framing is conversely defined as presenting an issue “by offering a specific example, case study, or event oriented report” (Gross, 2008, p.171; Iyengar, 1990; 1994). This would include, for example, covering a case of sexual violence by presenting a story on the plight of a particular victim of abuse.
This study reviews the framing tendencies in print newspapers within India and the United Kingdom. A content analysis is conducted to assess the use of episodic and thematic framing strategies within newspaper articles that address the topic of sexual violence against women. These types of framing affect the attribution of responsibility for sexual violence against women to either society as a whole, as well as government and legal structures (thematic), or to the individuals involved, thus relieving society and the public from feelings of societal responsibility (episodic). Therefore, it is important to examine whether news outlets have a tendency to use thematic framing in the story, by identifying the related issues as a societal and political trend, or implementing episodic frames, placing responsibility on an individual. This subject leads to the principle research question in this study:
RQ1: How does framing differ between Indian and British news coverage regarding
topics related to sexual violence against women, with focus on thematic versus episodic frames?
Despite the clear influence of media on the formation of public opinion, there remains very little research specifically related to the frames implemented regarding the topic of sexual violence against women in the media (Garcia-Moreno, 2000). It is important in order to extend understanding of how this social issue is discussed in two very different contexts; which in turn will influence public perceptions and opinions on this topic (Iyengar, 1990; 1994). Understanding these frames is a first step towards untangling the effects they can have on shaping public perceptions; and thus have
consequential impacts on the responses for preventing sexual violence. In response to this evident void in literature, this study aims to expand present knowledge concerning news media’s representation of sexual violence against women.
Theoretical background
Media play a central position in decision-making and opinion formation of audiences on politics, social issues, and international affairs (Entman, 2007; De Vreese, 2005; Gross, 2008; Iyengar, 1990; 1994). Millions of individuals on a global scale use news media outlets as channels to gain information and greater understanding of current events, making media key pillars in a functioning democratic system (De Vreese, 2005). Media outlets exhibit power in their ability to selectively decide how to frame a story. A media frame is a particular way in which a story is formulated to optimize audience accessibility and, commonly, to direct readers towards a predictable conclusion (Gross, 2008; Valkenburg, Semetiko, & De Vreese, 1999). A frame can be defined as “a central organizing idea or story line that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events weaving a connection among them” (Gamson & Modigliani, 1989, p. 143). Journalistic
frames play a significant role in shaping readers’ thoughts and can impact the ways that readers in turn present information about the issue discussed (Valkenburg et al.,1999). By framing an issue in a particular way, media utilize their power to both define the problem and suggest potential solutions (Aarøe, 2011; Entman, 1993).
Research on framing techniques within the media has been ongoing since the 1950s. In 1955, the concept of framing was introduced to the Social Sciences by Gregory Bateson, but inspired little theorizing or research until the 1980s when it formed a
“cornerstone for a framing perspective on social movements” (Snow, Vliegenthart & Brown, 2007, p. 385). Research into media frames has since attempted to define the concept of framing by focusing on two specific approaches: media frames and audience
frames (Valkenburg et al., 1999). The former involves how the news is presented to an
audience, while the latter is concerned with how the audience interprets this news (Cappella & Jamieson, 1996; Entman, 1991; Iyengar, 1994; Valkenburg et al., 1999). Previous research indicates that media frames have significant effects on audience opinions (De Vreese, 2005; Gross, 2008; Valkenburg et al., 1999). Therefore, it is important to understand the prevalence and patterns of framing in the media in order to sufficiently measure how particular media outlets may be influencing how citizens think about and engage with specific topics (Valkenburg et al., 1999).
Episodic and Thematic Frames
This analysis focuses on two central media frames that have been identified as important in shaping audience perceptions on social issues: episodic frames and thematic
frames (Gross, 2008; Iyengar, 1990; 1994). Relying on content analysis, this study
crimes against women, is framed in British and Indian media. Numerous studies in the past have shown that the specific frame imposed can have consequential effects on shaping audience opinion on social issues, related policies, and on attributions of responsibility (Aarøe, 2011; Entman, 1993; Druckman, 2001; Gross, 2008; Hart, 2011; Iyengar, 1990; 1994; Jacoby, 2000; Kinder & Sanders, 1990). Thematic and episodic framing in particular have been identified as prevalent rhetorical devices used to shape social issues in the media (Gross, 2008). Episodic framing can have strong emotional appeal by focusing on the “human interest” details of a story (Gross, 2008). Contrary to episodic framing, thematic framing can bring attention to policy issues and help to
increase support for government programs (Gross, 2008). Both methods of framing relate inherently to sociopolitical issues.
Thematic framing is defined as consisting of “information bearing on general trends […] or public policy”, further detailing, “the object of the coverage is abstract and impersonal” (Iyengar, 1990, p.22). Defining characteristics would involve analysis of reported sexual violence using the latest sexual assault figures, along with commentary from public officials on how this social issue is being addressed by government policy (Gross, 2008; Iyengar, 1990). A thematically framed article will commonly relate the issue to matters of public policy and legal reform (Hart, 2011; Iyengar 1990; 1994). Iyengar (1990) describes thematic stories as essentially background stories “in which the object of the coverage is abstract and impersonal” (p.22). Thematic framing structures issues as a societal and political trends, rather than unique occurrences focused on individual participants. Thematic framing recognizes the role of societal, culture, and legal structures in perpetuating an issue. Hart (2011) discovered in his experimental
design that individuals exposed to thematic frames on a particular issue, in his case climate change, were more supportive of policies that addressed this issue than those exposed to episodic frames. In the thematic condition he created, the story discussed statistics about the impact that climate change was having on polar bears and the Artic (Hart, 2011). The headline for the thematic condition read “Thousands of polar bears struggle for food in the Arctic”, generalizing the issue to polar bears in broad-spectrum (Hart, 2011, p.35). Through another experimental design, Aarøe (2011) discovered that the impacts of episodic and thematic frames are subject to the intensity of emotions from the audience. All news items selected for this study focused on the topic of a 24-year old Danish law implemented in 2002, in which a Danish citizen who marries a foreigner is “prohibited to reside in Denmark before both parties reach the age of 24” (Aarøe, 2011, p. 210). For the thematic condition used, the story presented statistics supporting that “the 24-year rule had generated clear change in young immigrants’ marriage patterns, which formerly had been highly oriented towards spouses from the original home country of the family” (Aarøe 2011, p. 211). This demonstrates the tendency of thematic framing to discuss the issue within a broad framework.
In contrast, to thematically framed news stories, episodic content within a news item will focus on specific instances and will often place attention on personal experience of an individual, such as the victim or perpetrator of a crime (Iyengar, 1990; 1994). Episodic framing will often present the event as an isolated occurrence, and focus on specific characteristics of the individuals involved, such as their relationship to one-another, age, injuries, etc. For example, in Hart’s (2011) study, the episodic example he related focused on one specific polar bear, and had a news title that read “Polar bear
struggles for food in the Arctic” (Hart, 2011, p.35). In the study presented by Aarøe (2011), the episodic condition presented a frame that featured a “specific desperate immigrant woman who had been promised in marriage to her cousin before she was born and whose family refused to accept her resistance to marriage” (p. 211). These empirical examples from previous research give further indication of the characteristics imbedded in the content of both thematic and episodic frames. In practice, few news articles are purely either episodic or thematic (Iyengar, 1994). Many of the articles reviewed in this study displayed characteristics from both categories; however, previous content analyses research indicates that in most cases one frame predominates over another (Iyengar, 1994).
Framing and Effects
In addition to affecting how the audience thinks about a certain matter, episodic and thematic frames also influence whom people see as responsible for sociopolitical problems. Leading research on episodic and thematic framing was conducted by Iyengar (1994) in the book titled Is Anyone Responsible? where it was found that these frames have significant influence on the impact resulting from news coverage. Iyengar (1994) analyzes effects of framing on attributions of responsibility for crime and terrorism, poverty, unemployment, and racial inequality. Most relevant to this study are Iyengar’s experimental tests, which found that the frames used to discuss poverty, whether episodic or thematic, had considerable influence on whether the readers assigned responsibility to the impoverished individual for his or her own circumstance, or to society at large (Hart, 2011; Iyengar, 1994). Iyengar (1990) analyzed the effects of thematic and episodic framing of poverty within television news on creating causal responsibility and treatment
responsibility. The former implies primarily looking at the past, whereas treatment
responsibility is future-oriented and seeks to “establish what can be done to prevent recurrence of the outcome” (Iyengar, 1990, p.23). Iyengar (1990) found that causal responsibility was significantly influenced by how the media framed poverty. Thematic framing of poverty was found to place responsibility on the societal factors, such as a failed government program, a faulty criminal justice system, etc. (Iyengar 1990; 1994). In contrast, episodic framing of this issue placed responsibility on the individual, suggesting the impoverished individuals as causally responsible for their situation (Iyengar, 1990; 1994). This diverted placement of responsibility leads the public to hold individuals responsible for their own predicaments, which can have detrimental impacts on support for productive government programs aimed at addressing societal issues (Iyengar, 1990; Gross, 2008).
This study draws on this scholarship and applies it to the consequential social domain of sexual violence. While the focus of this current study is on the content and the identifying of the frames in which print news inserts the issue of sexual violence against women; the research on the effects of episodic and thematic frames are found to be consequential due to the aforementioned high impact on the placement of responsibility. It is important to recognize these effects, as they have been found to ignite societal
responsibility and action towards social issues. Additionally, this gives greater foundation as to why it is important for the initial frames to be recognized, so that predictions can be made about the potential effects these frames may have on the readership. Through identifying media frames, this study aims to expand our understanding of the potential consequences that may occur from one particular frame prevailing over another. (Aarøe,
2011; Hart, 2011; Gross, 2008; Iyengar, 1990; 1994).
Context Country Selection
A comparative media content analysis was conducted on newspapers from India and the United Kingdom (UK). The selection of these two countries was guided by three leading differences: culture and institutions, journalistic practice, and laws relating to sexual violence against women.
Culture and Institutions. These two countries were selected based on their
existing institutional and cultural differences on issues relating to preventing gender-based violence. Great Britain has been exposed to the women’s rights movements and human rights advocacy since the mid- 19th century (Burton, 1994). The commitment by the British government towards preventing and ending sexual violence against women has been in longer standing than it has in India. The British Government, under the direction of Foreign Secretary William Hague, has made the elimination of violence against women a top priority in the UK political agenda (UK Home Office, 2014). This is not to suggest that sexual violence in the UK is a rare occurrence, but rather that the role of women and the protection of their human rights has been a higher priority within the UK than within India.
India remains a state where striking inequalities continue to exist between men and women (Nussbaum, 2001). Women in India continue to have a difficult time
protecting themselves against sexual assault due to legal and cultural barriers (Nussbaum, 2001). Traditional norms placing the status of men above that of women remain in many parts of India. Since Indian independence, the basic notion of gender equality has been
formally accepted; however, they not implemented in reality (Bhabha, 2013). India remains a puritanical society on many issues relating to gender, masculinity, femininity, and the perceived roles of men and women in society (Bhabha, 2013).
Journalistic Culture. Hallin and Mancini (2004) introduce different media
systems that are linked with socially shared concepts about “state and society, objectivity, [and] the public interest” (p.9). These authors use media in the US and UK as typical examples of what they refer to as the North Atlantic Model or Liberal Model (Brants & van Praag, 2006; Hallin & Mancini, 2004). This media system is characterized by a limited role of the state, as well as a highly professional environment, and a neutral press (Brants & van Praag, 2006; Hallin & Mancini, 2004). In their book titled Comparing
Media Systems: Three models of media and politics, these authors discuss the evident
shifts in journalistic practices as primarily western states progress towards a more modernized culture, identified by journalistic autonomy, critical professionalism, and commercialization. Hallin and Mancini (2004) claim that this trend within Western European states, such as Great Britain, has a tendency to give media outlets a stronger power base as well as a greater incentive to assert their own agenda. The UK has developed a culture of media holding political institutions accountable through a highly autonomized journalist culture. Therefore, it can be determined that journalists within the UK will have fewer ties to political influence, and thus be more capable of presenting stories within a broader context, implicating levels of government if necessary.
Consequently, developing states such as India, with a less established culture of journalism, can be expected to have lower levels of journalistic autonomy according to theories by Hallin and Mancini (2004). Thus, it can be expected that media in such
developing states may be more inclined to withhold from espousing strong critiques against the government and subsequent bodies, and to focus on the individuals within a story. Rao and Lee (2005) conducted a study assessing universal ethics among
international journalists, including representatives from The Times of India. This study confirms how different political systems make the implementation of a universal code very problematic (Rao & Lee, 2005). Within Asia and the Middle East, there exists a postcolonial suspicion of Western insistence on global media ethics (Rao & Lee, 2005). The postcolonial era has been characterized by many countries still coming to terms with the violence and oppression that previously occurred (Rao & Lee, 2005; Young, 2011). The end of colonialism “did not automatically lead to a free press and representational democracy for all ex-colonies” (Rao & Lee, 205, p.107). This is especially poignant in the case of India and the UK. The colonial history between the two states not only suggests a difference in culture, political systems, and journalistic practices, but also suggests that there may even exist a resistance to adhering to western notions of ethical journalism within India (Rao & Lee, 2005; Young, 2011). This points to the assumption that thematic framing will be more prevalent within the United Kingdom than in India.
Legal Systems. The UK is a nation with longer standing policies in place to
protect the rights of women and girls. In 2003, the Sexual Offences Act was introduced, classifying rape as a statutory offence and ensuring the domestic legal protection to victims of sexual assault (UK Home Office, 2003). In 2010, the coalition government published its strategic vision, outlining their ambition to end violence against women and girls (UK Home Office, 2014). In March 2011, the British government published an action plan that confirmed British commitment to a range of actions aimed at ending
violence against women and girls. Following this, an updated action plan has been released yearly in order to continue setting out strategies to end this form of abuse, including challenging attitudes that potentially foster violence against women and girls (UK Home Office, 2012; 2013; 2014).
India, which lacks such a history of legal reform, has recently experienced nation-wide protests aimed at ending violence against women in the country, sparked by the tragic death of Jyoti Singh Pandey in December 2012 (United Nations [UN], 2012). The public began demanding reforms in a domestic legal system that discriminated against women (United Nations [UN], 2012). The Indian government responded with an announcement that it would establish a Commission of Inquiry into the public safety of women in New Delhi, as well as a judicial panel to review India’s legislative framework on violence against women (United Nations [UN], 2012). This domestic legal reform brought harsher penalties for rapists, resulting in four men being sentenced to death for the 2012 Delhi rape (Pazzanese, 2013). Debate remains over whether these domestic efforts will reduce violent acts against women in the long-term, or rather act as temporary remedy due to the sensational nature of the crime (Pazzanese, 2013). Bhabha (2013) claims, “the death sentences certainly don’t solve the underlying problem, which is that there is a serious issue of pervasive gender discrimination and violence in India” (p. 1). In this context, this analysis will focus on the 2012 Delhi Rape, as well as on sexual
violence against women more generally. Formally stated, this study will investigate the following hypotheses:
Hypothesis 1: Thematic framing will be more prevalent in British newspapers than
Indian newspapers on issues relating to sexual violence against women.
Hypothesis 2: Episodic framing will be more prevalent in Indian newspapers than British
newspapers on issues relating to sexual violence against women. Methods
Newspaper Selection
Print media was selected due to its “intensity of usage, public attention and
political influence” (Wodak & Krzyzanowski, 2008, p. 32). Print media often reflects the social mainstream, and have an important role in shaping shared constructions of reality (Wodak & Krzyzanowski, 2008, p. 32). The following newspapers were selected for the content analysis: The Times of India (India), Hindustan Times (India), The Times (UK), and The Guardian (UK). These newspapers were selected based on criteria regarding circulation rates, language (English), and online accessibility. The Times of India and
Hindustan Times are the two English newspapers with the highest readership rates within
India. According to the 2010 Indian readership survey findings, The Times of India is the most widely read English newspaper with 4.9 million readers, while The Hindustan
Times follows behind as another popular English newspaper with 3.9 million readers. The Times and The Guardian both have an exceptionally large readership within the United
Kingdom, and internationally (The Times has a daily circulation rate of 384, 304, while The Guardian has a daily circulation rate of 207, 958, 2014)i. News articles from all four of these outlets were collected through the database LexisNexis.
iThe circulation numbers for the UK were obtained through the Audit Bureau of Circulations (2014). The
readership rates for India were obtained through the Indian Research Survey (IRS), which is produced by the Media Research Users Council (MRUC) and the Readers Studies Council of India (RSCI).
Time Frame
The data analyzed was from December 01 2012 to April 30 2013. This time
period was chosen as the Delhi Rape case occurred on December 16 2012, prompting both domestic and international media coverage (Bhabha, 2013).
Coding Procedure
One coder was used to code the 296 articles. For the inter-coder reliability test, a second coder was trained who had a background in data analysis. Both coders were native English speakers in order to ensure an equal, and strong, understanding of the inferences that may occur from certain word choices, which may indicate blame or specific frames in a more implicit manner. Both coders conducted a reliability test of approximately 10% of the original sample (N=32). To measure the reliability,
Krippendorff’s Alpha was calculated. The inter-coder reliability for all the variables tested was between 0.59 and 1.
Table 1: Krippendorff’s Alpha Results for Reliability Test
Variable Krippendorff’s Alpha Variable Krippendorff’s Alpha Variable Krippendorff’s Alpha V8 0.86 V15 0.80 V22 0.66 V10 0.79 V16 0.76 V23 0.66 V11 0.82 V17 0.92 V24 0.66 V12 0.70 V18 0.74 V25 0.73 V13 0.92 V19 0.83 V26 0.59 V14 0.74 V21 1.00
Sampling Method and Codebook
News stories were selected using the following search terms on the LexisNexis
The search was specified to articles that had these key search words in the title and/or first paragraph, in order to ensure it was significant. It was also made certain that articles of high similarity were not included, in order to avoid duplicates. Newspapers were selected using a stratified random sampling method with the aim of having proportional representation of each newspaper and month of publication (Bryman, 2012). Therefore, 15 news items were selected from each month. Dividing the number of results for the month by 15 and sampling articles within these categories achieved random selection. For example, for The Times of India in the month of December 2012, a total of 216 articles showed up in the results. Hence, every 14th article was coded in order to have a fairly distributed representation of 15 articles throughout the month of publication.
In order to focus on episodic and thematic framing of sexual violence against women, articles were only coded entirely if they met the criteria outlined. Coders had to confirm whether the article addressed “sexual and/or gender based violence against women” to filter out any articles that may have slipped through which did not address the appropriate topic. This resulted in a lower number of articles within the British news, as fewer cases involving this topic were present. Once this initial criteria had been
confirmed, coders had to determine whether characteristics of episodic and/or thematic framing (such as focus on individuals or the broader context) were in place, as well as whether blame was attributed to specific actors including: the victim; the perpetrator (s); domestic government; foreign government; criminal justice system; and/or civil society.
Further examples of these characteristics can be explained in the following cases from the coding sample. The subsequent example demonstrates clear characteristics of episodic framing by discussing the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, as
well as mentioning physical descriptions of the actors involved, such as age. The
sentence reads: “The Dahisar police have arrested a 75-year-old man after his 38-year-old daughter-in-law registered a rape case against him on Saturday” (The Hindustan Times, 2013). A further extract from an article published in The Times of India on March 27th 2013, titled “ Girl abducted, raped in outer Delhi” gives further indication of episodic characteristics in the following: “The girl had injuries on her body and was immediately rushed to a government hospital. A medical examination of the victim has confirmed rape, said police” (The Times of India, 2013). This selection gives clear examples of physical injuries of the victim, indicating episodic framing.
Illustrations of thematic framing characteristics can be demonstrated in the following example taken from The Guardian on January 30th 2013 titled “Public debate on sexual abuse is long overdue”. The articles states:
Statistics published by the Ministry of Justice this month state that last year around 85,000 women and 12,000 men in the UK were victims of sexual violence, but that only 15% of women reported it to the police. So we must not lull ourselves into a false sense of security that changes over the past two decades have been sufficient to prevent the rape of thousands of men
and women every year; after all, marital rape was only made illegal in England in 1991.This year must be the year in which we build upon this heightened level of awareness and concern. The Sentencing Council is currently consulting on its new guidelines for sexual offences. […] As a society it is important that we all play our role in preventing, as well as tackling, sexual abuse.
This selection demonstrates several thematically inclined characteristics, such as reporting the latest sexual assault figures, suggesting that sexual and/or gender-based crimes are normalized or commonplace, and as well as mentioning how this social issue is being addressed by government policy (Gross, 2008; Iyengar, 1990; 1994). Regarding blame attribution, this article places responsibility primarily on civil society, implied by the final sentence (The Guardian, 2013). Additionally, mentioning the legal framework
within a country is a clear indicator of thematic framing. The following excerpt taken from The Hindustan Times on March 7th 2013 demonstrates this as well:
Assuring that the country will have a strong antisexual harassment law before March 22, Union minister for law and justice Ashwani Kumar said the government was open to discussion on the inclusion of marital rape in the amendment as well.
This passage shows a clear instance of discussion of legal reform within India, as well as placing responsibility on the domestic government. These extracts from the tested sample verify tangible models of the characteristics that these two frames display in printed text.
Missing Data and Sampling
Despite the clear search terms outlined, some articles showed up in the search where the central focus was not on the related topic. These articles were filtered out by the following question in the codebook: “Does this article address sexual and/or gender based violence against women?” If the response was “No”, it was requested that coders submitted the results without filling in the other questions These articles were omitted in the final dataset, as they were not appropriate for the sample frame, resulting only in complete responses (N=268).
Operationalization
Articles were coded according to a coding scheme adapted from past research
examining femicide, defined as deadly domestic violence (Gillespie, et al., 2013), as well as from the differentiations between episodic and thematic conditions that Iyengar (1990, 1994) provides. Items used to code these elements assessed whether the article placed matters into a thematic condition, including a broader context, and attributing
responsibility to a larger, impersonal scale (such as referring to the government structures, legal system, and civil society), while characteristics of episodic framing
analyzed whether the story was covered in terms of an individual experience” (Iyengar, 1994) and presented as an isolated event and placed responsibility at an individual level (i.e. on the perpetrator). Additionally, the term responsibility needed to be defined.
Responsibility in the context of this study refers to the state of being accountable or to
blame for something (most often for the abuse to the victim, or the spreading violent crimes against women). A pragmatic example of this would be a news article that suggests the legal framework within India is to blame for the epidemic of sexual crimes against women (for details on further concepts, see codebook in Appendix A).
Thematic Framing. To determine the level of thematic framing within Indian
and British newspapers we coded “Yes” or “No” based on 10 statements (“Does this story place issues into a broader context (e.g. covering sexual violence by reporting on the latest sexual assault figures and commentary from public officials on how this social issue is being addressed by government policy)? “; “Does this story mention legal reform?”; “Is legal reform mentioned in the United Kingdom?”; “Is legal reform
mentioned in India?”; “Does this story suggest there are cases of similar nature that have occurred?”; “Does this story suggest that sexual and/or gender based crimes against women are normalized or commonplace?”; “Is responsibility placed on the domestic government?”; “Is responsibility placed on a foreign government?”; “Is responsibility placed on a faulty criminal justice system?”; and “Is responsibility placed on civil society (i.e. is it suggested that this is a social/moral problem)?”). These items were coded so that “Yes” values indicate thematic framing within the newspaper, and averaged into an aggregate, valid and reliable scale.
A Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was conducted on the ten thematic framing items using orthogonal rotation (varimax). Three components emerged, with 74.29% of the variance explained. The items that cluster on the same components suggest that component one represents placing the story in a broader context, and component two represents mention of the legal system (Eigenvalue=4.15, Eigenvalue=2.03, 61.79% of the variance explained). Component three did not clearly measure any coherent element, and did not suffice as a reliable scale. Therefore, component three was excluded from the analysis. Four items loaded onto component one and the scale proved excellently reliable (Cronbach’s α = .91). Thus, all four items (“Does this story place issues into a broader context (e.g. covering sexual violence by reporting on the latest sexual assault figures and commentary from public officials on how this social issue is being addressed by
government policy)?”; “Does this story suggest there are cases of similar nature that have occurred?”; “Does this story suggest that sexual and/or gender based crimes against women are normalized or commonplace?”; and “Is responsibility placed on civil society (i.e. is it suggested that this is a social/moral problem)?”) were averaged to form a single measure of the Big Picture (M=5.01, SD=1.51). Three items loaded onto component two and also proved to be an excellently reliable scale (Cronbach’s α = .85). Thus, all three items (“Does this story mention legal reform?”; “Is legal reform mentioned in India?”; and “Is responsibility placed on a faulty criminal justice system?”) were averaged to form a single measure of Legal Focus (M=4.87, SD=1.26).
Episodic Framing. To determine the level of episodic framing within Indian and
British newspapers we coded “Yes” or “No” based on five statements (“Does this story present an issue by offering a specific example, case study, or event oriented report (e.g.
covering a case of sexual violence by presenting a story on the plight of a particular individual as a victim of abuse)?”; “Does this story mention physical descriptions of the victim and/or perpetrator (i.e. age, injuries?)”; “Does this story mention the relationship between the offender and the victim?”; “Is this story presented as an isolated event?”; and “Is responsibility placed on the perpetrator?”. These individual items were coded so that “Yes” values indicate episodic framing within the newspaper, and then averaged into an aggregate, valid and reliable scale. A Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was
conducted on the five episodic frame items using orthogonal rotation (varimax).ii One component emerged (Eigenvalue = 3.34, 67.69% of variance explained). In addition, the scale proved excellently reliable (Cronbach’s α = .88). Consequently, the five items were averaged to form a single measure of Episodic Framing (M=8.17, SD=1.94).
The following results describe how prevalent thematic and episodic frames were within Indian and British newspapers between the dates of December 01 2012 to April 30 2013 on issues relating to sexual violence against women. The similarities and differences between framing within these two countries are discussed, based on the subsequent SPSS analyses.
Results
The following results describe how prevalent thematic and episodic frames occurred within Indian and British newspapers between the dates of December 01 2012 to April 30 2013 on issues relating to sexual violence against women. The similarities
iiPrincipal components analysis (PCA) was used because the primary purpose was to identify and compute
composite scores for the factors underlying the Episodic Framing and Thematic Framing subscales. Initially six Episodic Frame items were analyzed, and two items had eigenvalues over Kaiser’s criterion of 1 (EV=3.42, EV=1.06) and explained 55.01% of the variance, and 74.57% of the variance. One component was extracted (“Is responsibility placed on the victim” in order to increase reliability of the scale.
and differences between framing within these two countries are discussed, based on the subsequent SPSS analyses.
Hypothesis 1
To test hypothesis one an Independent T-test was conducted. Articles from
British newspapers (N=121) were compared to Indian newspapers (N=147) that
addressed issues relating to sexual and/or gender-based violence against women. The two scales comprising elements of thematic framing were tested. British news articles
(M=5.04, SD=1.56) and Indian news articles (M=4.96, SD=1.45) did not differ significantly on placing the story in a big picture, t (264)= -41, p = .18. British news articles (M=4.93, SD=1.18) contained significantly higher levels of legal focus than Indian news articles (M=4.81, SD=1.31) t (265)= -81, p < .05. Therefore hypothesis one is not confirmed; however, the results for the second component indicate that patterns of thematic framing are marginally higher within British newspapers.
Hypothesis 2
In order to test hypothesis two, an Independent T-test was used to compare
articles from Indian newspapers (N=147) with British newspapers (N=121). Indian news articles (M=8.64, SD=1.89) and British news articles (M=7.63, SD=1.87) did not differ significantly on episodic framing, t (265)=4.3, p =. 74. Therefore hypothesis 2 is not confirmediii.
iiiHypothesis 2 was also tested with the Variable “Episodic2” which comprised all variables within the
initial “Episodic” scale, but included Q22 “Is responsibility placed on the victim?” in order to confirm that the exclusion of this variable, based on the Cronbach’s α results, did not significantly alter the findings. It was discovered that results ultimately stayed static as articles from Indian newspapers (N=146) were compared to articles from British newspapers (N=121). Indian news articles (M=10.58, SD=1.96) and
Among the articles that addressed an issue relating to sexual and/or gender based crimes against women (N= 268), results were analyzed for the original variables (as coded), and significance was found in 8 casesiv. Regarding episodic framing qualities, it was found that Indian newspapers (M=1.73, SD=. 45) did report significantly higher levels of mentioning physical descriptions of the victim and/or perpetrator (i.e. age, injuries) than British newspapers (M=1.45, SD=. 50), t (266) = 4.72, p <. 001. Indian newspapers (M=1.72, SD=. 45) reported significantly higher levels of mentioning the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator than did British newspapers (M=1.49,
SD=. 50), t (266) = 4.0, p <. 001. Furthermore, Indian newspapers (M=1.82, SD=. 39) did
report significantly higher levels of presenting a story as an isolated event than did British newspapers (M=1.75, SD =. 43), t (265) = 1.25, p<. 05v. An example of episodic framing is demonstrated in the following sentence, from an article published April 30th 2013 in
The Times of India: “The victim said in her complaint that her brother-in-law trapped her
by asking her to come to Sunam for shopping, where he took her to a room and raped her.” (The Times of India, 2013). This specific news article was titled “Woman raped by sister's husband in Sangrur”, and focused specifically on this case, not linking the situation to any broader issues, such as domestic legal reform or the criminal justice system (Iyengar, 1990). In this article, responsibility was placed solely on the perpetrator of the crime.
British news articles (M=9.6, SD=1.86) did not differ significantly on levels of Episodic framing with the included Q22 variable, t (265) = 4.14, p =. 76.
vRegarding episodic framing qualities it was found that Indian newspapers (M=1.61, SD =. 49) and British
newspapers (M=1.35, SD=. 48) did not differ significantly on levels of presenting an issue by offering a specific example, case study, or event oriented report (e.g. covering a case of sexual violence by presenting a story on the plight of a particular individual as a victim of abuse), t (266), p =. 17.
Regarding thematic framing qualities, it was found that British newspapers
(M=1.79, SD = .48) reported significantly higher levels of mentioning legal reform within India than Indian newspapers (M=1.64, SD=. 41), t (266) = -2.63, p<. 001. Furthermore, British newspapers (M=1.23, SD=. 42) reported marginally significantly higher levels on whether the story suggested that sexual and/or gender based crimes against women were normalized or commonplace than Indian newspapers (M=1.18, SD=. 38), t (264) = -.95, p =. 06. British newspapers (M=1.23, SD=. 42) reported marginally significantly higher levels of suggesting that cases of similar nature had occurred that Indian newspapers (M=1.19, SD =. 39), t (266) = -.82, p=. 10. vi. An example of this would be an article from The Times (London) that focused on the reports of rapes within India, published on March 20th 2013. The article states:
[…] The number of reported cases of rape and, in particular, gang rape, appears to have increased sharply in recent years. In 2011, there were more than 24,000 reported rapes in India, a 9.2 per cent rise over the previous year. The real figure is almost certainly far higher, as so many cases go unreported.
This example demonstrates thematic characteristics by placing the central topic in a broader context by reporting sexual assault figures (Gross, 2008; Iyengar, 1990; 1994). The article does not mention an individual incident, but rather makes a generalizing statement regarding an epidemic of rapes and violence against women (The Times, 2013).
vi Regarding the variables that composed thematic framing, Indian newspapers (M=2.00, SD <. 001)
reported significantly higher levels of mentioning British legal reform than British newspapers did (M=1.90, SD =. 30), t (266) = 4.01, p<. 001. Results for this variable must be treated with caution, however, as this variable was found to be highly skewed.Indian newspapers (M=1.18, SD =. 38) and British newspapers (M=1.21, SD=. 41) did not differ significantly on levels of presenting an issue in a broader context (e.g. covering sexual violence by reporting on the latest sexual assault figures and
commentary from public officials on how this social issue is being addressed by government policy, t (266) = -.615, p =. 21. Indian newspapers (M=1.64, SD=. 48) and British newspapers (M=1.67, SD=. 47) did not differ significantly on levels of mentioning legal reform within the story, t (265) = -.436, p =. 38.
In terms of attributions of responsibility, it was found that Indian newspapers (M=1.77, SD=. 42) reported significantly higher levels of placing responsibility on the perpetrator than British newspapers (M=1.60, SD=. 49), t (266) = 3.10, p<. 001. British newspapers (M=1.80, SD.40) reported significantly higher levels of placing responsibility on the domestic government than Indian newspapers (M=1.46, SD=. 50), t (266) = -6.16,
p<. 001. Indian newspapers (M=1.98, SD=. 14) reported significantly higher levels of
placing responsibility on a foreign government than British newspapers (M=1.51, SD=. 50), t (266) = 10.78, p<. 001. British newspapers (M=1.97, SD=. 18) reported marginally significantly higher levels of placing responsibility on the victim Indian newspapers (M=1.95, SD=. 23), t (266) = -.84, p<. 10. vii.
Table 2. Mean Process Preferences by Thematic Framing and Episodic Framing qualities
Frame Characteristic India United Kingdom t df
Big Picture (Thematic) 4.96 (1.45) 5.05 (1.56)
-41 264 Legal Focus (Thematic) 4.81 (1.31) 4.93 (1.18) -81** 265
Episodic Framing 8.64 (1.89) 7.63 (1.87) 4.3 265
Note. Means with standard deviations in parentheses; India (N=146); United Kingdom (N=121), ** =p <.05
For a more detailed table with each variable, please refer to Appendix B.
Conclusions and Discussion
The aim of this study was to evaluate the levels of episodic and thematic framing characteristics in news media within India and the United Kingdom. The purpose of
viiItems that specifically addressed blame attribution resulted in the following: Indian newspapers
(M=1.52, SD=. 50) and British newspapers (M=1.48, SD=. 50) did not differ significantly on levels of placing responsibility on a faulty criminal justice system, t (266) = .723, p=. 92. Indian newspapers (M=1.44, SD=. 50) and British newspapers (M=1.40, SD=. 49) did not differ significantly on levels of attributing responsibility to civil society (i.e. suggesting that the issues is a social/moral problem), t (266) =. 63, p=. 20.
assessing these characteristics was to give insight into the underlying factors that can contribute to the formation of public opinion, as previous research indicates (Gross, 2008; Iyengar, 1990; 1994). From the sampling of newspapers selected from these two
countries (N=296) it was determined that there was not a significant difference in the overall levels of episodic framing; however, significant differences were found within specific characteristics of episodic framing, demonstrating that some differences in framing did exist between Indian and British newspapers. Empirical evidence indicates that Indian newspapers contained significantly higher levels of several features of episodic framing including: mentioning physical descriptions of the victim and/or perpetrator; mentioning the relationship between the victim and perpetrator; presenting the story as an isolated incidence; and placing responsibility on the perpetrator.
Findings indicated that there was not a significant difference in the overall levels of thematic framing between these two countries; however, research showed that some facets of thematic framing were significantly different. Results showed that Indian newspapers displayed higher levels of referencing British legal reform, and had higher instances of placing responsibility on a foreign government. The British press was found to have greater occurrences of mentioning legal reform within India, while also
displaying higher levels of placing responsibility on the domestic government. These findings suggest that, while overall significance is not present with the episodic and thematic scales, clear differences exist between Indian and British print media’s application of these framing qualities within a news item. Print media from India has a tendency to place stories within an individualistic framework, emphasizing the distinct characteristics of the actors involved. Additionally, newspapers from India were
found to more often present the story as an isolated incident and place responsibility on either the perpetrator and/or a foreign government. This aligns with previous research regarding journalistic culture, implying that western countries have been moving towards greater journalistic autonomy; whereas developing states, such as India, may be less inclined to overtly critique the domestic government and legal system (Hallin and Mancini, 2004). British print news was found to place greater responsibility on both the Indian government and their own domestic government. This suggests the aversion of the Indian press to implicate the domestic government as a responsible party for widespread sexual violence across India.
A question that remains critical to the practical implications of this study is what effect media frames have on audiences. Deductions can be made from previous research; however, it would be highly valuable if future studies were able to expand on the effects of such frames on citizens through an experimental design. Furthermore, it would
strengthen the external validity of this research if a more varied mix of media were used, including television news and the Internet.
Limitations
The first limitation to this study is the failure to extend beyond the confinement of a content analysis. As mentioned above, many studies that address these frames are able to expand by testing the effects that these frames have on individuals through an
experimental design. The effects of these frames cannot be determined from this study, and would require another study to be conducted in order to examine such impacts on individuals. This study is reduced to referring to past research in order to draw predicted conclusions of what effects can occur from specific frames. Secondly, as mentioned
above, the incorporation of various types of media would allow for greater understanding of the implications media types can have on framing tendencies. For instance, television news broadcasting is found to have higher levels of episodic framing than print news (Wodak & Krzyzanowski, 2008). Thirdly, it is important to consider that the news articles were found through an online database. The process of transferring printed documents online involves substantial recontextualization (Iyengar, 1994; 1990; Wodak & Krzyzanowski, 2008). For instance, pictures, which may have been included in the newspaper, are not shown on the online version on LexisNexis. This may leave out important suggestions on whether the story is demonstrating episodic or thematic framing. Finally, the analysis of English newspapers from India affects the external validity of this study, as it cannot accurately be generalized across the entire country. English newspapers will be aimed at a wider, more international audience, thus there is a high probability that the content will be adjusted to align with this international audience, while Hindi newspapers may more accurately reflect the societal mainstream.
Overall, the content analysis within this study is able to bring awareness to some existent differences in framing characteristics of topics relating to sexual violence against women in India and the UK. This helps to expand the understanding of potential factors that contribute to the placement of responsibility for such crimes, and thus influence citizens to act towards preventing such violations of human rights. The media are
principle communicators of social issues to the public. Through greater understanding of how this impact can be shaped; steps can be taken towards using this influential channel to implement positive action.
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Appendix A
Codebook for Episodic and Thematic Frames A1. General Explanations
The articles used were found in the Lexus Nexus Database. Search terms included:
Women OR Sexual Violence OR Domestic Violence OR Rape OR Violence and Wom*n The time frame of the content analysis is from 01 December 2012 until 30 April 2013.
Sexual Violence Against Women: Sexual violence will be specifically defined as an
attempted or completed sexual act that is done through the use of force or threat (Gonzales, Schofield, and Schmitt, United States Department of Justice, 2006). The definition of violence against women will be used from the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women describing it as: “[…] any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women” (Watts & Zimmerman, 2002; UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women). Through this statement is broad, it provides a helpful guideline to identify violence against women as acts that are rooted in sex inequality that cause, or have the potential to cause, harm (Watts & Zimmerman, 2002).
News coverage dealing with issues relating to sexual violence and/or gender-based crimes against women: These include news items that refer to specific cases or general
discussion on topics involving female actors, either discussed individually or as part of a collective actor, who have experienced physical, sexual or any type of harm as described in the aforementioned definition of “sexual violence against women”
1. ID of Coder
1–Coder 1: Lisa Englehart 2-Coder 2: Elizabeth Tompkins
2. Number of Article
Please indicate the number of the news item within the newspaper.
3.Title of the Article
4. Month of Publication 1-December 2012 2-January 2013 3-February 2013 4-March 2013 5-April 2013 5. News Outlet 1-Hindustan Times 2-The Times of India 3-The Times (London) 4-The Guardian
6. Word Count
1- Under 200 words 2- 200-500 words 3- Over 500 words
7. Country of News Outlet
1-India 2-Britain
8. Where is the focus of this story?
1–India 2-Britian 3-Other
9. Does this article address sexual and/or gender based crimes against women? *If yes, continue onto next variables. If no, then move onto next article.
1-Yes 2-No
A2. Episodic Framing
Physical descriptions of the victim and/or perpetrator (i.e. age, injuries):
This includes any mention of specific characteristics the victim or perpetrator within the story (i.e. age, height, skin color, hair color, injuries, defining characteristics, etc.).
Relationship between the offender and the victim: This is defined as the way in which
the offender/perpetrator and victim are connected (i.e. if the perpetrator and victim were family members, or friends, or strangers).
Story presented as an isolated event: This includes discussing the event as a remote
incident. Either explicitly commenting on the unique feature of this case, or failing to mention any other cases or broader context (such as statistics, how this related to
government policy, etc.) would constitute as presenting the story as an “isolated event”.
10. Does this story present an issue by offering a specific example, case study, or event oriented report (e.g. covering a case of sexual violence by presenting a story on the plight of a particular individual as a victim of abuse)?
1-Yes 2-No
11. Does this story mention physical descriptions of the victim and/or perpetrator (i.e. age, injuries?)
1-Yes 2-No
12. Does the story mention the relationship between the offender and the victim?
1-Yes 2-No
13. Is this story presented as an isolated event?
1-Yes 2-No
A3. Thematic Framing
Legal Reform: This constitutes any mention of changes to a legal system and/or rule of
law, either domestic or foreign.
Suggesting that sexual and/or gender-based crimes against women are normalized as commonplace: This would include mentioning several cases of similar nature that have
occurred, and indicating that this type of occurrence is not unusual.
14. Does this story place issues into a broader context (e.g. covering sexual violence by reporting on the latest sexual assault figures and commentary from public officials on how this social issue is being addressed in government policy)?
1-Yes 2-No
*If yes, move onto next question. If no, skip to V16?
1-Yes 2-No
16. Is legal reform mentioned in the United Kingdom?
1-Yes 2-No
17. Is legal reform mentioned in India?
1-Yes 2-No
18. Does the story suggest there are cases of similar nature that have occurred?
1-Yes 2-No
19. Does this story suggest that sexual and/or gender based crimes against women are normalized as commonplace?
1-Yes 2-No
20. Does this story either explicitly or implicitly attribute responsibility? *If yes, continue onto next variables. If no, then move onto next article.
1-Yes 2-No
A4. Attribution of Responsibility
Explicitly attributing responsibility: This includes clearly stating in detail that
responsibility is on a specific party without any room for confusion or doubt.
Implicitly attributing responsibility: This includes indirectly and not plainly expressing
accountability or blame on a specific party. An empirical example of this would be a news article that compares the domestic government programs that address sexual violence against women with successful programs from a foreign government. This does not explicitly state that the domestic government is responsible for a gender-based violence epidemic; however, implicitly suggests that this is the case.
21. Is responsibility placed on the victim?
1-Yes 2-No
22. Is responsibility placed on the perpetrator?
1-Yes 2-No
23. Is responsibility placed on the domestic government?
1-Yes 2-No
24. Is responsibility placed on a foreign government?
1-Yes 2-No
25. Is responsibility placed on a faulty criminal justice system?
1-Yes 2-No
26. Is responsibility placed on civil society (i.e. is it suggested that this is a social/moral problem)?
1-Yes 2-No
Appendix B
B1. Table 3. Mean Process Preferences by Thematic Framing and Episodic Framing
qualities
Thematic Framing: Big Picture
India United Kingdom t df
Does this story place issues into
a broader context? 1.18 (.38) 1.21 (.41)
-.62 266
Does this story suggest there are cases of similar nature that have occurred?
1.19 (.39) 1.23 (.42)
-.82* 266
Does this story suggest that sexual and/or gender based crimes against women are normalized or commonplace?
1.18 (.38) 1.23 (.42)
-.95* 264
Is responsibility placed on civil society (i.e. is it suggested that this is a social/moral problem)?
1.44 (.50) 1.40 (.49)
.63 266
Overall Big Picture 4.96 (1.45) 5.05 (1.56)
-41 264
Thematic Framing: Legal Focus
India United Kingdom
Does this story mention legal
reform? 1.64 (.48) 1.67 (.47)
-.44 265
Is legal reform mentioned in
India? 1.64 (.41) 1.79 (.48)
-2.63*** 266
Is responsibility placed on a faulty
criminal justice system?
1.52 (.50) 1.48 (.50)
.72 266
Overall Legal Focus 4.81 (1.31) 4.93 (1.18) -81** 265
Thamatic Framing: Additional Variables
India United Kingdom
Is legal reform mentioned in the
United Kingdom? 2.00 (.00) 1.90 (.30)
4.01*** 266
Is responsibility placed on the
domestic government? 1.46 (.50) 1.80(.40)
Is responsibility placed on a
foreign government? 1.98 (.14) 1.51(.50)
10.78*** 266
Episodic Framing India United Kingdom
Does this story present an issue by offering a specific example, case study, or event oriented report?
1.61(.49) 1.35 (.48)
4.5 266
Does this story mention physical descriptions of the victim and/or perpetrator (i.e. age, injuries)?
1.73 (.45) 1.45 (.50)
4.72*** 266
Does this story mention the relationship between the offender and the victim?
1.72 (.45) 1.49 (.50)
4.0*** 266
Is this story presented as an
isolated event? 1.82 (.39) 1.75 (.43)
1.25** 265 Is responsibility placed on the
perpetrator? 1.77 (.42) 1.60 (.49)
3.10*** 266 Is responsibility placed on the
victim? 1.95 (.23)
1.97 (.18) -.84* 266 Overall Episodic Framing 8.64 (1.89) 7.63 (1.87) 4.3 265 Note. Means with standard deviations in parentheses; India (N=146); United Kingdom (N=121), * = p <.10,
