Master’s Thesis
Globalizing Masculinity: A CROSS-CULTURAL ANALYSIS OF
HEGEMONIC MASCULINITY IN CONTEMPORARY MUSIC
VIDEOS
Ana Flavia Ferreira Silva
Semester 2Student Number: 10275800 Supervisor: Anne-Marie van Oosten
Date: Feb 2, 2018
Abstract
Although hegemonic masculinity is still prevalent in popular media culture, recent changes to the gender scape have started to redefine discourses of hegemony. In the present study, a coding instrument was developed to measure the level of hegemonic masculinity across three countries: United States, Brazil, and South Korea. The analysis examined the assumption of the existence of hegemonic masculinity in contemporary music videos, and compared these discourses across the three different countries. Results suggest discourses of hegemonic masculinity could be changing on a global scale and that globalization may explain this change. This study is intended to add new contributions to explorations into the content of contemporary media in maintaining a comprehensive understanding of the role of hegemonic masculinity in media discourses today. Findings could benefit both practical and theoretical implications, since there is a scarcity of research that investigates cross-cultural representation of hegemonic masculinity in music videos.
Introduction
Since the launch of MTV in 1981, the popularity of music videos amongst adolescents led many scholars worry about its potential adverse effects (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011). Early content analyses showed that between 40 percent and 75 percent of music videos contain some form of sexual imagery (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011), and more recent studies have also concluded that the portrayal of men in music videos tends to be more aggressive (Flanagan, Flanagan, & Davis, 1993; Heintz-Knowles et al., 1999; Wallis, 2011), materialistic and misogynistic (Conrad, Dixon, & Zhang, 2009) and sexually explicit and objectifying (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011). The most salient themes found in music videos all work towards sustaining and enabling discourses of hegemonic masculinity.
The male body in the media represents the ideal image of masculinity and is a reference point for adolescents who are starting to develop gender norms and gender schemas (Heintz-Knowles et al., 1999). At the intersection of childhood to manhood, boys start to develop their moral and ethical codes and the influence of the media at this stage of psychological development is profound. The average American teen spends roughly 7 hours looking at a screen every day (Lenhart et al., 2015), and over 90 percent of teens use the Internet (United States Department of Education, 2003). This has led some scholars to suggested that media be acknowledged on par with parents and religion as a reference point and guide for teenagers in understanding their conceptions of gender roles. Some researchers have even assumed that the pervasiveness of media may make it the most influential learning source during adolescence (Heintz-Knowles et al., 1999). As McRobbie (2004) stated music videos are “symptomatic of a popular culture” (496), reflecting and interpreting social norms and values. Due to its non-traditional format that combines both elements of television story-telling narratives and music, they are a significantly engaging medium for adolescents (Larson & Kubey, 1983). The visual nature of music videos make shortcuts to gender role stereotyping acceptable, and because they often contain such stereotyped messages about
gender and sexuality, they are an interesting perspective from which to investigate the prevalence of hegemonic masculinity in the media as a whole. In modern times especially, due to their reach and popularity, music videos have a significant cultural importance. Considering that, for the most part, they are made to appeal to younger audiences, exploring their content is not only necessary in updating assumptions in media effects studies among youth, but also imperative to understanding hegemonic masculinities in contemporary entertainment media.
Despite extensive research on the prevalence of hegemonic masculinity discourses in the media, three topics remain insufficiently addressed. The first gap in the literature concerns the lack of research exploring the possible cultural differences in the portrayal of hegemonic masculinity in the media. With a few notable exceptions (Tan, Shaw, Cheng, & Ko Kim, 2013; Shaw & Tan, 2014; Matthes, Prieler, & Adam, 2016), most research has not taken into account possible cultural differences in the representations of these discourses. Moreover, all literature on cross-cultural representations of hegemonic masculinity in the media looks at images in advertising and none address these concerns with regards to music videos. Considering the assumption of Hofstede’s cultural dimensions model (Lonner, Berry, & Hofstede, 1980), which has played a fundamental role in guiding research on masculinity in the media, that masculinity varies significantly by culture, it is surprising that cross-cultural analyses of hegemonic masculinity in the media are still lacking. The present research addresses this gap in the literature by analyzing music videos from three different countries: United States, Brazil, and South Korea. Accordingly, the main aim of this study is to investigate how discourses of hegemonic masculinity in music videos are represented in these three different cultures. Furthermore, following from Hofstede’s assumptions that levels of masculinity are subject to change across cultures, it is also expected that they be subject to historical change. Previous content analyses on this topic are outdated and therefore more
recent music videos merit further analyses. A second aim of this research is to investigate whether traditional definitions of hegemonic masculinity are still prevalent in popular contemporary media.
A third shortcoming of research on hegemonic masculinity in the media is the lack of research regarding the physical attributes of the male body. Influential groups in society obtain their position through the establishment of regulated discourses (Foucault, 1972), and one significant discourse within which hegemonic masculinity operates is the idealization of what constitutes the male physicality (Lanzieri & Hilderbrandt, 2011). Previous content analyses of hegemonic masculinity in the media (e.g. Heintz-Knowles et al., 1999, An & Kim, 2007) have mainly focused on behaviors of hegemonic masculinity and few have considered the physical attributes of the male body. The third aim of this research then is to investigate the role that the male physicality plays in the discourse of hegemonic masculinity in contemporary music videos.
Theoretical Framework Definition of the Central Concept: Hegemonic Masculinity
Deriving from feminist theories (Angela Davis, 1983; Bell Hooks 1984) hegemonic masculinity is understood as the pattern of practices that allow men’s dominance over women. As Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) conceptualize it, hegemonic masculinity “embodies the currently most honored way of being a man” (833), and as such it requires all other men to position themselves in relation to it, ideologically legitimating the global subservience of women. Connell (1987) defines gender roles as “a set of culturally defined behavioral norms associated with males and females, respectively, in a given social group or system” (as cited in An & Kim, 2006, p.182). This role is, at its root, always performative and it has been molded and defined throughout history as a way to describe sexuality and create guidelines for understanding gender through human activity and behavior. As part of this performance,
men and woman learn how to play masculine and feminine roles based on what is acceptable, or not, within their socio-cultural context.
One of the most seminal studies to address gender and gender norm distinctions from a cross-cultural perspective has been Hofstede’s (1980) 6D model. The model suggests six dimensions of culture that is present in every society. One of the dimensions is masculinity. It describes masculine societies as tough, competitive, and openly gendered (Lonner, Berry, & Hofstede, 1980). A masculine society is one in which men should be focused on material success, are encouraged to fight, and must not cry. With regards to sexual relationships, masculine societies are strictly heterosexual, and view sex as a way of performing where men are the subjects and women the objects (Hofstede, 1980). Similarly, hegemonic ideals expect men to be leaders and, regardless of the circumstances, men are expected to be confident, athletic, successful, violent, and angry. Moreover, even when experiencing a wide range of negative emotions, men are not to cry (Heintz-Knowles et al., 1999).
The concept of hegemonic masculinity has had a significant influence in gender studies across many academic fields, and considerably defined thinking about social hierarchy, gender, and men (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Several theories argue that aggression and sexual dominance is one of the main components of hegemonic masculinity (Hamburger, Hogben, & McGowan, 1996), but two main guiding frameworks in the study of the adherence of traditional gender roles have been Hamburger, Hogben, and McGowan’s (1996) conceptualizations of hypermasculine ideologies and Mosher and Sirkin’s (1985) macho personality constellation. Hamburger et al. (1996) developed a 57-item hypergender scale that significantly and positively correlated with hypermasculinity. They highlight materialism, violence, and misogyny as some of the main defining factors of a hypermasculine ideology. Similarly, according to Mosher and Sirkin (1984) hypermasculinity consists of three main components: men tend to believe that danger is exciting, violence is an
expression of a man’s power, and hypermasculine men must hold calloused sexual attitudes. Accordingly, hegemonic masculinity is illustrated via discourses of physical appearance, sexualities, behaviors, occupations, and domination in the media (Tan et al., 2013). Specifically, men have been shown in the media to be more aggressive (Flanagan, Flanagan, & Davis, 1993; Heintz-Knowles et al., 1999Wallis, 2011;), adventurous and dominant (Arnett, 2002), and competitive (Hellborg & Hedenborg, 2015). Other studies have emphasized the narrow portrayals of men in the media, citing the lack of depictions of fatherhood (Gentry & Harrison, 2010), and the prevalence of violence (Gulas, McKeage, & Weinberg, 2010), and sexism (Kacen & Nelson, 2002), as one of the many ways in which hegemony is sustained in the media. Lastly, a seminal study in the discourse of the male physicality is Yuan and Shaw’s (2011), which based on the visual codes of ideal male images in magazines, identified seven types of masculinities that are represented via discourses of physical appearance in the media. Based on these findings, Hamburger et al., (1996), Mosher and Sirkin’s (1985) hypermasculine ideologies, and Yuan and Shaw’s (2011) seven types of masculinity, a codebook has been developed to explore the more salient themes of hegemonic masculinity, specifically: sexual dominance, violence, crime, danger, materialism, and misogyny.
Indeed, gender roles tend to have extremely stereotypical depictions in the media that can negatively affect one’s perceptions of how the world is and how they should behave. This is especially detrimental during adolescence since, according to gender schema theory, it is at this time that the perception and definition of male and females roles are heavily determined (Conley, 2011). Because of its potential adverse effects during adolescence, the content of this medium merits further study that will guide future explorations into media effects.
Hegemonic Masculinity in Music Videos
information significantly improves. At this stage of development role models in the media are especially important since adolescents begin to develop their self-concept and self-esteem, evaluating self-worth in the context of others (Blackwell et al., 2014). Popular music has always been synonymous with youth counterculture, known to depict the turbulence and rebellion of adolescence (Larson & Kubey, 1983). As a result, content of popular music has always been a topic of concern, with researchers citing overt drug use, violence, and sexually explicit themes as the main culprits (Greeson & Williams, 1987). Aside from being an agent for youth rebellion, music television has tended to uphold traditional and normative benchmarks for social behavior and gender schemas, most notably the reinforcement of hegemonic masculinity (Greeson & Williams, 1987). In a report by the American academy of pediatrics published in 2003, their content analysis of music videos showed that up to 75 percent of videos contain sexually explicit content, and more than half contained violence. Their analysis raised concerns about the influence of these messages on adolescent boys specifically, as the research showed that in 80% of the videos the attractive male role model was the aggressor, and portrayed using some sort of violence as a means of conflict resolution (Pediatric child health, 2003).
Additionally, Heintz-Knowles et al.’s (1999) content analysis of music videos, movies, and TV shows most frequently watched by boys revealed that men are shown exhibiting a wide range of anti-social behaviors in the media, such as ridiculing and insulting, aggression, and law breaking. Over half of the sample contained some instance of violence, especially in movies that were most popular with adolescent boys. Furthermore, they found that 1 in 5 male characters employed some form of physical aggression to solve problems. Music videos of male artists specifically, were more likely to portray women as decorative objects (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011), and to include women who do not contribute narratively to the music video but serve merely as backdrops for the action (Sandusky, 2002). Various
correlational studies have shown that music video viewing predicted a strong acceptance of women as sexual objects (Ward, 2002), which is one of the main aspects of hegemonic masculinity, as well as permissive sexual attitudes (Strouse & Buerkel-Routhfuss, 1987). Whether it was an exploration of gender roles, misogyny, sexual attitudes, or hypermasculinity, studies conclusively state that music videos are rife with stereotypes.
Two important aspect of hegemonic masculinity are that it is subject to change across cultures as well as over time (Friedman & Lerner, 1986; Zaretsky, 1975). Within advertising research, some attention has been paid to cross-cultural gender role portrayals in magazines and commercials (An & Kim, 2006), and these studies have shown that gender norms differ considerably across cultures (Wiles, Wiles, & Tjernuld, 1995; Moon & Chen, 2002; Nelson & Paek, 2005). Accordingly, Hofstede’s masculinity dimension, which has been widely used as a guiding theory in content analysis of gender in advertising studies (An & Kim, 2007), proposes that hegemonic masculinity differs by country. One understudied concept in media content analyses that could explain these results is globalization. According to globalization theory the world is increasingly becoming like the west (Robinson, 2007). Especially in the proliferation of media, there is a clear western bias with the United States being the main supplier of media content (Shaw and Tan, 2014). Indeed, research from Italy (Ricciardelli et al., 2010), Taiwan and China (Tan et al., 2013) suggest that “consumption based masculinity has become a globally hegemonic masculinity” (Tan et a., 2013, 237). So while the social and cultural reality of masculinity has expanded to offer wider ranges of masculinities, global media predominantly represents only a single, hegemonic model of masculinity, which is often modeled and influenced by discourses from the west.
Accordingly, the countries used in this study have been selected based on the assumption that they are expected to be significantly culturally different. Firstly, American music videos are used as a benchmark for the analysis of hegemonic discourses, based on
studies that suggest that American culture is situated at the center of a global media culture (Shaw & Tan, 2014). In 2017, South Korea and Brazil’s native popular music, K-pop and Brazilian Funk, found a huge global audience. With South Korean and Brazilian artists selling out shows in major American and European cities, these genres have secured their place in the international market. Interestingly, these cultures are very different. South Korean culture on the one hand is a predominantly Confucian culture (Tan, Shaw, Cheng, & Kim, 2013), meaning they value intellectual achievement and gentleness above physical attributes and material possessions. Brazilian culture, on the other hand, is predominantly focused on machismo, defining male behavior as more dominant and aggressive (Baldwin, DeSouza, 2001). Since these three countries are expected to differ due to their distinctive cultural norms and values, it is interesting to investigate whether they will also display different kinds of hegemony supporting Hofstede’s assumption that levels of masculinity vary significantly across countries, or whether they will contain similar discourses, which would support the hypotheses of globalization and global media culture.
While Hofstede’s masculinity dimension has been an influential guiding theory in research on hegemonic masculinity in the media, few recent studies have found an association between his masculinity index and gender portrayals. In most cases, studies have led to mixed results (An & Kim, 2007) or found results that were opposite from those predicted by Hofstede (Paek et a., 2011). Since literature has shown mixed results to support his assumptions and based on the expectations of globalization theory, it’s important to question whether representation of hegemonic masculinity will be different across the three countries:
Research Question 1 (RQ1): Are discourses of hegemonic masculinity different in the US, South Korea, and Brazil?
RQ1 focuses on the similarities expected to find between these three countries based on the assumptions of globalization theory, which suggests that there is a global media culture.
However, another defining aspect of hegemony is that it is subject to change over time. Media texts renegotiate and articulate discourses on masculinity; often changing its meaning and conceptualization in society. The gender constructivism perspective on gender theory (Lorber, 1994) suggests, “gender is constantly created and re-created out of human interaction and social life” (Lorber, 1994, 13). Therefore, because gender norms are not static, but rather created and recreated on the basis of cultural, social and economic contexts it can be expected that representations of masculinity will also have changed. Poole (2014) has noted in her study of queer male representations in television, that there has been a shift in contemporary media with regards to the “disruption of what has been defined as natural and normal by dominant social groups” (289). Such studies suggest that on a global scale, popular media is embracing more variations in how masculinity is presented and constructed (Ging, 2005; Tan et al., 2013; Poole, 2014). The coding instrument developed in this study has been based on earlier conceptualizations of hegemony (Hamburger et al., 1996; Mosher & Sirkin, 1985; Yuan & Shaw, 2011) and because these are subject to historical change it is important to have an updated overview of how these discourses operate in the media today. Since research has contested some earlier conceptualization of hegemonic masculinity, suggesting that hegemonic masculinity is changing (Ging, 2005), it’s important to investigate whether traditional discourses of hegemonic masculinity are still prevalent in contemporary discourses of masculinity
Research Question 2 (RQ2): What is the prevalence of traditional discourses of hegemonic masculinity found in contemporary music videos?
A final aim of this study has been to address the lack of research on discourses of the male physicality in content analyses of music videos. Research shows that in the west, physical force plays a central role in idealized masculinities (Tan et al., 2014). Similarly, machismo has been linked to the pursuit of muscularity (Martin & Govender, 2011). Research regarding
Asian masculinities on the other hand notes that South Korean culture values the mental or civil qualities above physical attributes (Tan et al., 2013). Such literature suggests that American and Brazilian culture might place a greater emphasis on fitness and muscularity than South Korean culture. Consequently it can be expected that this aspect of masculinity will also differ in music videos. Specifically, models in American and Brazilian media will portray a higher degree of muscularity than those in Korean music videos.
Hypothesis 1 (H1): American and Brazilian music videos will be significantly more focused on muscularity than Korean videos
Method Design
To find data to address the research questions, a content analysis of contemporary music videos from the past 6 years will be conducted. The content analysis methodology is the most appropriate approach to get a comprehensive understanding of the representation of hegemonic masculinity because most of its defining factors are visually perceptible. This content analysis will yield numerical data that will demonstrate whether there is a tendency to uphold hegemonic masculine ideals, and show whether there are cultural differences between these representations. A content analysis approach to these research questions presents two main benefits. First, it is the most effective way to test the hypothesis derived from the research gap, and secondly it will facilitate inferences. Facilitating is the key word here since such research is not, and cannot be conclusive. It will allow for the exploration of what the media content says about society for future inferences on the potential effect this might have on particularly younger audiences.
Sampling/ Video Selection
In 2015, 18-24 year olds spent 4 percent less time watching television and 74 percent more time on YouTube (O’Neil-Hart & Blumenstein, 2016). With over 30 million visitors per day
(Fortunelords, 2007), YouTube is now the third most visited website in the world (Similarweb, 2017). Among millennials it accounts for two-thirds of the time spent watching videos (O’Neil-Hart & Blumenstein, 2016), and of the top ten most viewed videos in the platform, nine are music videos. The selection of the videos used for this analysis was based on their popularity and reach so collecting videos from YouTube is the most fitting approach. Kworb.net is a website that collects and analyzes data on entertainment products from all major websites around the world. It provides data on all major music platforms (iTunes, Spotify, YouTube), and numbers on the charts, sales and streams, are constantly updated. For each country 30 of the most watched videos by male artists will be analyzed creating a total sample of 90 songs in total. This sample is expected to be a satisfactory sample size based on previous content analyses of music videos, which have looked at a range of 60 (Baxter et al., 1977) to 150 (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011) songs.
The sampling frame consisted of 750 songs in total - three lists of 250 songs from each country, from the past six years. From each list (n=250) 30 songs were randomly selected from a series of computer generated random numbers ranging from 1-250. Appendix A shows the number of videos coded per country. All 90 songs were rated according to the following content category: video properties, physical attributes of the main character, and the following behaviors: sex/ sexual dominance, violence, crime, danger, possession/ materialism, and misogyny.
Inclusion criteria. The sampling will be purposive, since it will be selecting only videos available on YouTube because of its popularity, and stratified, since only videos from the three selected countries will be analyzed. Kworb offers the option to segment the list by artist’s gender for the US songs, but not for Korea and Brazil. So, for the US sample, it was possible to choose the first 30 randomized numbers. By careful examination of the sampling frame for Brazilian and South Korean songs, it was noted that in a lot of songs where male
artists were merely featured, they played a minor role in the video. Therefore, only songs where the lead artist was male were selected, and songs in which they were merely featured were skipped. Next, a random sample of songs where the male artist was the leading artist was selected.
Specifically, the notion of leading artist was operationalized by 1) the song title included the artist’s name first; 2) the male artist was the first to appear on screen; and 3) the male artist was the first to sing.
Definition and Operationalization
There were three level of analysis used in coding these videos: video level, character level, and thematic level. Identifying information on video properties included date of release, view count, number of (main) male character, number of (main) female characters, artist’s name, song name, genre, and country. At the character level, only main male characters were coded, and only up to three main characters were coded, if applicable. Main characters were identified as individuals who were part of the performance (usually the singer, or multiple singers). Supporting characters were only coded if they were part of the narrative, i.e. they interacted with the main character in any way, or if they were visible in at least 10 scenes during the video. The number of female characters were coded because one of the characteristics of hegemonic masculinity found in earlier studies of music video showed that women were often portrayed as decorative objects (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011), or served merely as backdrops for the action (Sandusky, 2002), making it an important aspect of how hegemony is present in the media.
Character level measures. Descriptive variables coded at the character level included
muscularity, masculinity type, and sexuality; all variables, except sexuality, were accompanied by descriptions as well as visual aids to accurately identify the different options. Because of the ambiguous nature of sexuality, coders were instructed to code heterosexuality,
bisexuality, and homosexuality only if it was visually explicit in the video (e.g. a man actively pursuing, kissing a woman, would be coded as ‘heterosexual’). In cases where sexuality could not be clearly defined coders were instructed to code as ‘unknown’. Muscularity was outlined in the literature as a significant discourse of hegemonic masculinity. The response categories ranged from 1 (fat/overweight) to 7 (Muscular). If the categories could not be deduced from the videos coders were instructed to code it as 8 (unclear). Similarly, masculinity type was noted as one of the defining categories of hegemonic masculinity. Definitions for the measures were drawn from Yun and Shaw’s ‘7-types of masculinity’. Response categories were 1 (Tough and macho), 2 (Vigorous and Sunny), 3 (Refined and gentle), 4 (Stern and sophisticated), 5 (Trendy and Cool), 6 (Sensual and Sexy), and 7 (Androgynous). If the
character did not correspond to any of the categories it would be coded 8 (None of the above) or 9 (Unclear). All physical features variables were coded at a nominal level.
Thematic variables. At the thematic level the coding addressed hegemonic behaviors.
This level of analysis included sex/sexual dominance, violence, crime, danger, materialism, and misogyny. All these themes and variables were derived from existing body of literature on hypermasculinity (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984; Baxter et al., 1985) and previous content analyses of music videos (Hamburger et al., 1996; Flanagan, Flanagan, & Davis, 1993; Conrad, Dixon, & Zhang, 2009; Aubrey & Frisby, 2011). Thematic variables were coded at the nominal/ dichotomous level as Yes (1) and No (0) in response to whether or not the various behaviors and properties of hegemony could be found in the video.
Materialism was defined in this coding instrument as the expression of the main
character’s wealth in relation to possessions of valuable objects, specifically: cars, houses, and expensive clothing and jewelry. The division helps understand the level of materialism in later analysis. For example, a video in which a character is shown living a lavish lifestyle in a mansion, driving expensive cars, while wearing excessive amounts of jewelry, will show a
higher occurrence of materialism than videos in which the main character is merely in a big house, for example.
Misogyny illustrates the use of women as merely decorative objects and backdrop for
the action (Conrad, Dixon, & Zhang, 2009). Since only visual cues were coded for this study, misogyny in the videos was defined by any instances in which women were scantly dressed and/ or shown around the main male characters in merely decorative roles. While it is too complex of an interpretation for this analysis, it is understood, for the purposes of this study, that such scenes often assume high sexualization and submissiveness of women.
Sex/sexual dominance was operationalized based on Laura Mulvey’s (1975)
conceptualization of the male gaze. Since it would be difficult to define this concept without any interpretation from the coder, questions included more overt versions of the gaze, such as: active pursuit of a woman, physical dominance of a woman, and any behavior that alluded to sexual relations. Together these instances of sexual pursuit represent a theoretically rigorous measurement for sex/ sexual dominance since, as Mulvey conceptualized the male gaze, these are all instances in which the power relationship are asymmetric and behaviors are imposed upon the woman, relegating her the status of an object to be pursued or acquired. Since only the male characters were coded, it is assumed in this variable that they are the perpetrators of the gaze.
Violence and danger have been conceptualized in this codebook based on Mosher and
Sirkin’s (1984) hypermasculinity inventory. Two of the main components in their hypermasculinity inventory was that 1. Men tend to believe that danger is exciting, and 2. That violence is an acceptable expression of a man’s power (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984). Violence is operationalized as any instance of aggression, verbal or physical. Danger is operationalized to reflect attitudes of thrill seeking, temptation, and illegal behavior. Both variables are coded dichotomously as 1 ‘Yes’ if the behavior described does occur at any point
in the video, and 0 ‘No’ if there were no instances of such behaviors.
Due to the frequency of instances of violence and crime in previous content analyses of music videos, the variable merited further attention. The most frequently coded elements of violence in music videos contained physical aggression rather than the use of weapons (Baxter et al., 1985). Therefore, it was important to separate these two variables. While crime also assumes violence, for this coding instrument it was operationalized with a focus on the possession or use of weapons or drugs. Possession of weapons is to be coded at both the character level and the narrative level, but drug use should only be coded ‘Yes’ in instances where the main character is using drugs.
Each behavior category was defined by a short descriptor and all possible actions that can occur within each category were listed as a means to assure exhaustiveness. The coding instrument was pre-tested resulting in the refinement of one category title (V17.Possessions), which was later changed to ‘V17. Materialism’, to better suit the description of the variable. Since the objective this research was to address the frequency of occurrence, the sum of all actions was calculated to obtain a score for each behavioral category and consequently the median was calculated. Based on the median, variables were recoded into categories concerning the frequency of occurrence of each behavior, where 0 (Low Occurrence) would mean that there were little or no instances of the discourse in the video, and 1 (High Occurrence) meant that the behavior happened frequently.
Unit of analysis
The unit of analysis was the individual music video, each of approximately 4 minutes long. Due to the complexity of the coding instrument, coders were instructed to code only the main male character, or up to three male characters if they were a significant part of the narrative.
Reliability test Intercoder Reliability
To establish intercoder reliability two authors coded a total of 10 videos (not included in the final sample; 3 videos from Brazil and South Korea, and 4 from The Unites States) of which 11 (paired observations of the same variables) of the total 17 variables were tested for reliability and 3 appropriate indices of intercoder reliability were used for each: percent agreement, Cohen’s kappa to account for chance agreement, and Krippendorff’s alpha. All variables tested were coded dichotomously and all are mutually exclusive. Since all variables were coded dichotomously, and therefore are considered nominal variables, Cohen’s Kappa is an appropriate level of measurement. Krippendorff’s Alpha was used because it is considered the basic measure for calculating intercoder reliability since sample sizes, number of coders, and missing data do not introduce problems for the calculations, and all measurement levels can be tested (De Swert, 2012). It is also the most comprehensive index, which accounts for level of measurement and agreement expected by chance (Lombard et al., 2002). Percent agreement was calculated manually by using the output of the crosstabulation: the total count provided for each overlapping variables were first added diagonally and consequently divided by the total count. Following Lombard et al.’s (2002) guidelines for determining acceptable levels of reliability, coded variables were considered reliable when the value for Kappa was .70 or higher, or when percent agreement was .90 or higher (Lombard et al., 2002).
All variables are reliable under the index of percent agreement, with the lowest percent agreement outcome being 90% for the ‘Fitness/ Muscularity’ variable. Two variables (‘Masculinity type’ (V11) and ‘Sexuality’ (V12) were under the .70 acceptable values for reliability and thus could be considered to be problematic. Coding guidelines were further refined for V12.Sexuality, to better explain the variable and how it should be coded. Overall a .88 reliability coefficient was obtained.
Table 1. Reliabilities
Results
To contextualize the results, first the video properties and physical attributes of the male characters were assessed. The final sample consisted of 30 videos from the United States, 33 from Brazil, and 30 videos from South Korea. Because South Korean bands often contain various main artists, most characters coded were from South Korea (40.9%, N=47), while Brazil (28.7%, N=33) and the United States (29.6%, N=34) had similar amounts of main male artists in the final sample. Despite containing some videos from 2011 (6.1%, N=7), most videos in the sample were released between 2015 (22.6%, N=26) and 2017 (18.3%, N=21). Male characters (62%, N=314) were more frequent in the narrative than female characters (38%, N=193), and Brazilian funk (14.8%, N=17), K-Pop (16.5%, N=19), and Hip-Hop (11.3%, N=13) were the most popular genres.
Discourses of Hegemonic Masculinity Across Cultures
RQ1a – RQ1f examined whether there would be differences in hegemonic masculinity discourses in music videos from South Korea, Brazil and the US. To investigate RQ1 a
Cohen’s Kappa Physical Appearance (nominal)
Fitness/ Muscularity .90 Masculinity Type .69 Sexuality .67 Behaviors (Nominal) Sex/Sexual Dominance .84 Violence .96 Crime .96 Danger .70 Materialism .98 Misogyny .99
crosstabulation was carried out to assess the relationship between each behavior variable and artist’s country of origin. Results showed that music videos from Brazil and South Korea contained similar frequency of Sex/ sexual dominance (X2 (3, N=115)= 6.03, p= .11, Φ = .22), violence (X2 (3, N=115)= 2.43, p=.49, Φ = .14), crime (X2 (3, N=115)= .93, p=.82, Φ =.09), and materialism (X2 (3, N=115)=5.20, p=.16, Φ = .21) compared to American videos. However, results showed that there was a significant difference between frequency of occurrences of danger (X2 (3, N=115)=18.9, p=.00, Φ = .40) and Misogyny (X2 (3, N115)=15.62, p=.00, Φ = .36) across the three countries. Specifically, the Bonferroni correction showed that South Korea was significantly different than both Brazil and the United States with 38.3% of their videos containing a high frequency of dangerous behaviors (N=18). In comparison, no video from Brazil contained any instance of danger and only 14.7% of videos from the United States were coded high on the danger discourse (N=5). Both effect sizes were moderate to large. The value of phi for this analysis was .40, which is very strong, so we can confirm that South Korean music videos will be more likely to show high frequency of danger than American or Brazilian. For the misogyny dimension the Bonferroni correction showed that all three countries differed significantly in high frequency of misogyny. South Korean videos contained the least amount of misogynistic behaviors with only 4.3% of videos showing high frequency of misogyny (N=2), compared to 26.5% of American videos (N=9), and 39.4% of Brazilian videos (N=13). This test too showed a strong of association of Phi = 0.36, so we also confirm that Brazilian music videos will have more instances of high frequency misogyny than American or South Korean videos.
Table 1. Results of chi-square test and descriptive statistics for frequency of occurrence of
each behavior category by country
Frequency of occurrence Country
Sex/ sexual dominance US Brazil South Korea
(Φ = .23, p=.11) Violence High (Φ = .15, p=.49) 1(2.9%) 0 (0%) 3 (6.4%) Crime High (Φ = .09, p=.81) 1 (2.9%) 0 (0%) 1 (2.1%) Danger High (Φ =.40, p=.00) 5 (14.7%) 0 (0%) 18 (38.3%) Materialism High (Φ =.21, p=.16) 9 (26.5%) 13 (39.4%) 2 (4.3%) Misogyny High (Φ =.37, p=.00) 9 (26.2%) 13 (39.4%) 2 (4.3%)
Note: Numbers in parentheses indicate column percentages
RQ2 was intended as a guiding exploration into the prevalent themes of hegemonic masculinity in music videos overall, and as such, did not intend to address each country separately. Results showed that across all three countries, the level of high occurrence of hegemonic masculinity was low, especially for occurrences of violence (3.5%), and crime (1.7%). For the remaining behavior categories, frequency of high occurrence is reported in Table 2.
Table 2. Frequency of high occurrence per behavior variables
Behavior Category Percentages
Sex/Sexual dominance (portrayals of sexual feelings or
impulses, lust, and pursuit of a sexual interest)
33
Violence (Instances of physical aggression against other or
objects 3.5
Crime (Possession or use of weapons or drugs, and
Danger (Pertaining to activities that could be seen as
dangerous to one’s physical well-being and involvement in illegal event)
20
Materialism (Portrayals of wealth and affluence.
Possession of valuable cars, houses, and clothing/ jewelry)
22.6
Misogyny (Images of women in decorative roles, often
barely dressed) 20.9
Note: The percentages indicated how often videos were coded as ‘high
frequency’ for each behavior.
H1 – American and Brazilian media culture focuses more on muscularity than South Korea
At the character level, most characters were classified as skinny/ muscular (N=77, 67%) or average built (N=18, 15%). Almost half (43.5%) of all characters were classified as ‘Trendy and Cool’ (N=50), and notably 15.7% of the characters were classified as androgynous (N=18). Previous literature suggests that American and Brazilian culture might place a greater emphasis on fitness and muscularity than Korean culture. Therefore, it was hypothesized that models in American and Brazilian media would portray a higher degree of muscularity than those in Korean music videos. The findings did not support the hypothesis that American media would be more focused on muscularity than Korea. In fact the results showed that the opposite was true, with 85% of Korean artists coded as muscular (N=40), compared only 24% of American artists (N=19). The association was significant at the <.05 level, showing that there seems to be a relationship between South Korean artist’s and muscularity within the population X2(2,N=80)= 22.72, p=.00. The value of phi for this analysis was .34, which is strong, so we can confirm that South Korean artists tend to be more focused on muscularity than American artists. The Bonferroni correction showed that the two countries differed significantly in muscularity types, with South Korean artist’s being much more likely to portray a more muscular physique. The association was not significant for Brazilian and
South Korean artists X2 (2, N=82)=2.34, p=.49, with 73% of Brazilian artists coded as muscular (N=25). This supports previous assumptions in literature, which has linked machismo to the pursuit of muscularity.
Discussion
The first objective of this study was to investigate how discourses of hegemonic masculinity in music videos are represented in different cultures. Globalization studies have theorized that media texts are becoming increasingly similar, and accordingly, the present study has found that most discourses of masculinity addressed did not vary per country. In contrast to Hofstede’s global scale of masculinity, which placed the United State at the most masculine side of the spectrum, the findings in this study did not show that American music videos contained higher frequency of masculinity. This is specially interesting since his scale placed South Korea at the most feminine end of the spectrum. This supports literature, which has predicted that there has been a cultural convergence in contemporary media (Ging, 2005).
However, these results might be due to the fact that discourses of hegemony have been changing over time and traditional conceptualization of hegemonic masculinity might no longer be adequate for studying gender role and gender portrayals today. The second objective of this study was to investigate whether normative definitions of hegemonic masculinity were still prevalent in contemporary media. The results of the frequency of masculine behavior suggest that some of these conceptualizations are not as salient today. Indeed, findings regarding violence and crime suggest that earlier conceptualization of these discourses on hegemonic masculinity might be outdated (Flanagan, Flanagan, & Davis, 1993; Heintz-Knowles et al., 1999;Gulas, McKeage, & Weinberg, 2010; Wallis, 2011). Instances of sexual/ sexual dominance, danger, materialism, and misogyny were more frequent, however, with 22.6% of the videos containing high frequency occurrences of materialism (N=26), 33% containing high frequency of sex/ sexual dominance (N=38), 20% containing high frequency
of danger (N=23) and 17.9% containing frequent instances of misogyny (N=24). This finding supports studies such as Poole’s (2014) and Ging’s (2005), which have noted the shift in contemporary media with regards to the disruption of what has been defined as dominant norms of hegemonic masculinity. In terms of misogyny and materialism, findings are in line with previous research, which have shown the prevalence of misogyny (Kacen & Neson, 2002) and materialism (Hellborg & Hedenborg, 2015) in music videos.
Additionally, one other notable finding is worth mentioning. The final aim of this study was to address the gap in previous content analyses of music videos regarding the male physicality. Two hypothesized differences were not found among the three countries in terms of muscularity. The salience of muscularity in South Korean media contradicts previous studies that have regarded South Korean masculinity as more focused on mental qualities than physical attributes (Tan et al., 2013).
Overall this study has two main implications. The first is that assumptions made by globalization theory that suggest that we are moving towards one global media culture seem to be increasingly true. The second implication is that traditional conceptualizations of hegemony seem to be outdated and no longer representative of more salient discourses in the media today. While occurrences of misogyny and materialism were still relatively prevalent, when comparing these findings to previous research (Kacen & Nelson, 2002; Conrad, Dixon, & Zhang, 2009; Aubrey & Frisby, 2011), it can be noted that these discourses were much less likely to appear than previously hypothesizes. Therefore, an update analysis and further examination of why some topics still seems to be frequent is imperative in substantiating the importance of media effects research among this age group.
Firstly, there was a limitation to the sample because it consistent of only the most popular music videos and therefore did not draw from the entire population of contemporary music videos. The sample choice was made based on the reach and popularity of contemporary music videos, which explains why the variation in genre and artists was small. Future research should focus on differentiating these representations across different genres of music as previous research suggests that there might be a significant difference in hegemonic discourses across genres. Hip-Hop for example has shown more instances of sexual objectification (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011) and violence (LaBoskey, 2001) than other genres. Additionally, discourse analysis would yield more comprehensive information regarding the content of the music itself. For the purposes of the present study, a content analysis was appropriate, but future research should include discourse analysis of the lyrics to further support the findings of this study.
The present study has shown that the conceptualization of hegemonic masculinity might be changing on a global scale. Additionally, in light of this study’s findings, there is evidence to suggest that cultural values and norms might dictate how certain discourses of hegemonic masculinity are represented in contemporary media texts, so a more comprehensive theoretical analysis into distinctive cultural differences might also be beneficial. Future studies on cross-cultural differences in representation of hegemonic masculinity in the media should conduct a meta-analysis to compare how these discourses correlate in the population. Recognizing that some traditional conceptualizations of hegemonic masculinity seem to be outdated, these findings suggest that future audience reception work in which adolescent’s share their feelings and interpretation about the contemporary discourses on hegemonic would be interesting. In addition to qualitative research, these findings beg for effects-based research to understand the impact these messages might have on adolescent’s self-esteem and self-concept.
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Appendix 1: Sample List (Location, Song, Artist, and Date)
Country Song Name Artist Name Date (Year)
US Hymn For The Weekend Coldplay 2016
US How Deep Is Your Love Calvin Harris & Disciples 2015
US Faded Alan Walker 2015
US Where Are You Now Skrillex & Diplo ft Justin Bieber 2015
US See You Again Wiz Khalifa ft. Charlie Puth 2016
US Somebody That I Used to
Know
Gotye ft Kimbra 2011
US Time Pitbull ft Kesha 2013
US Stay With Me Sam Smith 2014
US What Makes You Beautiful One Direction 2011
US Summer Calvin Harris 2014
US Drag Me Down One Direction 2015
US Party Rock Anthem LMFAO ft Lauren Bennet and
GoonRock
2011
US Paradise Coldplay 2011
US Starboy The Weeknd ft Daft Punk 2016
US Closer The Chainsmokers ft Halsey 2016
US I’m Not The Only One Sam Smith 2014
US Post To Be Omarion ft Chris Brown and
Jhene Aiko
2015
US Watch Me (Whip/ Nae Nae) Silento 2015
US Wake Me Up Avicii 2013
US Can’t Feel My Face The Weeknd 2015
US Don’t Let Me Down The Chainsmokers ft Daya 2016
US Shape Of You Ed Sheeran 2017
US Give Me Everything Pitbull ft. Ne-Yo. Afrojack, and
Nayer
2011
US We Don’t Talk Anymore Charlie Puth ft Selena Gomez 2016
US The Lazy Song Bruno Mars 2011
US Bad David Guetta and Showtek ft
Vassy
2014
US Uptown Funk Mark Ronson ft Bruno Mars 2014
US I’m The One DJ Khaled ft Justin Bieber,
Quavo, Chance the Rapper, and Lil Wayne
2017
US I Need Your Love Calvin Harris ft. Ellie Goulding 2013
Brazil Bumbum Granada MCs Zaac & Jerry 2016
Brazil Ar Condicionado no 15 Wesley Safadao 2017
Brazil Voce Nao Me Esqueceu Wesley Safadao part. Jorge 2015
Brazil Homen de Familia Gusttavo Lima 2016
Brazil Raspao Henrique e Diego ft Simone e
Simaria
2016
Brazil Vou Voando [Como Sempre
Feito Nunca]
Brazil Olha a Explosao MC Kevinho 2016
Brazil O Que Houve Mano Walter ft Marilia
Mendonca
2016
Brazil Na Hora da Raiva Henrique e Juliano 2015
Brazil Partiu MC Kekel 2016
Brazil Acordando o Predio Luan Santana 2017
Brazil Pra Sempre Com Voce Jorge e Mateus 2016
Brazil Lembrancas Hungria Hip Hop 2016
Brazil Ate Voce Voltar Henrique e Juliano 2014
Brazil Deu Onda MC G15 2016
Brazil Tudo de Bom MC Livinho 2015
Brazil Ce Acredita Joao Neto e Frederic oft MC
Kevinho
2017
Brazil Roca Roca 2 MC Brinquedo 2016
Brazil O Grave Bater MC Kevinho 2017
Brazil Bum Bum Tam Tam MC Fioti 2017
Brazil To Apaixonado Nessa Mina MC Kevinho 2017
Brazil A Rosa E O Beija-Flor Mateus e Kauan 2016
Brazil Abre o Portao Que Eu Cheguei
Gusttavo Lima 2016
Brazil Coracao Machucado Wesley Safadao 2016
Brazil K.O. Pabllo Vittar 2017
Brazil Rabetao MC Lan 2017
Brazil Fazer Falta MC Livinho 2017
Brazil Agora Vai Sentar MCs Jhowzinho & Kadinho 2017
Brazil Pode Se Soltar Jerry Smith 2017
Brazil Encaixa MC Kevinho and Leo Santana 2017
South Korea GANGNAM
STYLE(강남스타일)
PSY 2012
South Korea Gentleman PSY 2013
South Korea 오빤 딱 내 스타일 PSY ft Hyuna 2012
South Korea Fantastic baby BIGBANG 2012
South Korea Daddy PSY ft CL of 2NE1 2015
South Korea Hangover PSY ft Snoop Dogg 2014
South Korea 뱅뱅뱅 (BANG BANG
BANG)
BIGBANG 2015
South Korea DOPE(쩔어) BTS 2015
South Korea FIRE (불타오르네) BTS 2016
South Korea '피 땀 눈물 (Blood Sweat & Tears)
BTS 2016
South Korea Good Boy GD X Taeyang 2014
South Korea CALL ME BABY EXO 2015
South Korea Boy In Luv(상남자) BTS 2014
South Korea 엑소케이 '중독(Overdose) EXO 2014
South Korea Not Today BTS 2014
South Korea 으르렁 (Growl) EXO 2013
South Korea Just right(딱 좋아) GOT7 2015
South Korea Loser BIGBANG 2015
South Korea Save Me BTS 2016
South Korea Mr. Simple Super Junior 2011
South Korea RINGA LINGA(링가 링가) TAEYANG 2013
South Korea 삐딱하게(CROOKED) G-Dragon 2013
South Korea DNA BTS 2017
South Korea '봄날 (Spring Day)' BTS 2017
South Korea 에라 모르겠다(FXXK IT) BIGBANG 2016
South Korea 우리 사랑하지
말아요(LET'S NOT FALL IN LOVE)
BIGBANG 2015
South Korea Bad Boy BIGBANG 2012
South Korea Blue BIGBANG 2012
Appendix B: Codebook
General:
All questions and codes pertaining to the variables should be coded in accordance to what is visible on the video. If the coder is familiar with the artist there should be no inferences made if it is not clear from the item (e.g. a tattoo that the artist might have but does not show on the video)
When coding character ethnicity and skin tone those attributes should be clear from their skin tone/ features only. If unsure please code ‘ambiguous’ or ‘unidentifiable’ (note: visual aid pertaining to skin tone category is provided)
While coders should count all characters that are present in the video (male and
female), coding about behaviors, occupation, appearance, affects, and sexuality should only be coded for the lead male characters (up to 3 characters max)
Since the purpose of this study is to assess the visual elements of the videos, all clips must be watched without sound.
This codebook consists of three parts: 1. Video properties, 2. Artist’s physical appearance, and 3. Artist’s behaviors
Selection criteria:
- Only videos with male leads will be selected – videos in which the male artist is a feature will not be selected for the sample
- Videos should be coded from start to finish and only the main male character should be coded – If the video has more than one main male lead only code up to three male characters if they differ significantly in style and behavior. In the case of more than one male lead code the one who appears first on the screen.
- Genre of the video should be coded based on the genre defined on iTunes
- Publish date should refer to the date in which the video was posted on YouTube not when the song was released
V1. Coder ID…….
V2. Artist Name:……. V3. Song Name:…….. V4. Genre:………
V5. Date of publishing (Year):…… V6. View Count:………..
V7. Gender demographic:…….
This variable represents the amount of males and females that appear in the video. All characters that are a part of the narrative should be counted, but extras (e.g. someone walking past in the background, people in crowd such as in a concert) should not be coded. Someone is part of the narrative if they interact with the main character, if they are being watched by the main characters, if they are involved in the same activity as the main character (e.g. a sport or a dance)
V7a. Males: How many men appear in the video?....
V7b. Female: How many women appear in the video?... V8. Country (artist’s country of origin):…
2. Physical Appearance
V9. Fitness/ Muscularity (pertaining to the perspective of appearance presentation) Please rate the main male lead’s muscularity body type from 1 – 7 in accordance to the chart provided below.
o 1= Fat/ overweight
o 2 = Above average weight
o 3 = Chubby o 4 = Average build o 5 = Skinny/ muscular o 6 = Toned o 7 = Muscular o 8 = Unclear
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
V10. Masculinity type (based on appearance)
This variable is intended to measure the first impression of the characters masculinity type. Pause the video once the main lead (or leads) have been identified and consider their
masculinity types based on the categories bellow. This should be based on appearance only – i.e. how the character is dressed, facial expression, and body language. Make sure to code this at the beginning of the video so as not to be influenced by the narrative. Refer to image below for examples of each category.
o 1 = Tough and Macho
Defined by a muscular physique, determined facial expression, and sharp angular jaw. Nomadically unkempt and strong willed. Examples of this type of masculinity in the media include cowboys, lumberjacks, and carpenters amongst others.
o 2 = Vigorous and Sunny
This category refers to more innocent and coy characters, who wears casual and sporty clothes and is always smiling, appearing friendly and approachable. An easy-going, guy-next-door type. Examples could be a young father from upper middle class families, a typical momma’s boy, and proselytizers
o 3 = Refined and Gentle
This man appears well educated, cultured, polite, and good mannered. His clothing style is preppy, neat, tidy, clean, and classic, and usually wears glasses.
This man looks confident, and appears mature and reliable. He is a middle-aged man with a successful career and mostly dressed formally. Examples include doctors, professors, and lawyers.
o 5 = Trendy and Cool
This man is always dressed in the latest fashion. Often portrayed as provocative, free, and rebellious. His facial expression is usually indifferent and emotionless, creating distance between the male character and the viewers. This man is very confident and even condescending; he assumes an attitude of indifference towards others.
o 6 = Sensual and Sexy
Dressed in sensual or revealing attire. Often looking away from the camera refusing to look intelligent, sophisticate, or sunny. Facial expressions as well as body language are overtly seductive and almost unnatural.
o 7 = Androgynous
An androgynous man dresses or behaves in a more feminine manner. He is usually someone whose looks are above average, always looks very clean and groomed, and is very mysterious looking.
o 9 = Unclear
V11. Sexuality:
If the main male lead is homosexual skip variable. 1 = Heterosexual
2 = Homosexual 3 = Bisexual
