Domesticating the far-right:
A comparative study on the coverage of Jair Bolsonaro’s election
in Argentinian, Chilean, Portuguese and Spanish right-leaning newspapers
by Jacinta Isabel Molina Inostroza
Student ID: 12367699
MASTER’S THESIS
Graduate School of Communication
Erasmus Mundus Master’s in
Journalism, Media and Globalisation
Supervisor: Dr. Knut De Swert
June 3rd, 2019
2 ABSTRACT
In October 2018, Latin America’s regional power Brazil became the first country within the region to drift toward the far-right after former army captain Jair Bolsonaro won the presidential election more than 30 years following the end of the military dictatorship in Brazil. Due to his racist, homophobic and misogynous remarks and his support for torturers and dictators, he got media attention in his country as well as overseas.
This study aims to investigate how media attention to the rise of the far-right and the practice of domestication differ across countries and across continents by looking into the international coverage on Bolsonaro’s rise in Brazil in order to advance the understanding in these research fields. For that purpose, a content analysis was conducted on articles (N=711) published in right-leaning newspapers from four countries proximate to Brazil in a geographical, cultural or linguistic level (Argentina, Chile, Portugal and Spain).
In contrast with classic theory on domestication based on proximity, these findings reveal South American newspapers made more use of domestication techniques than South European press, particularly by providing a prominent role to national politicians, Additionally, although the media coverage in these countries was mostly neutral, the analysis shows the tone of the articles varied significantly between continents.
Keywords: Jair Bolsonaro, domestication of foreign news, far-right, newspapers, content analysis.
INTRODUCTION
What happened on October 28th, 2018 in Brazil was not completely unexpected, although it
shook Latin America and the rest of the world. On that day, far-right former army captain, Jair Bolsonaro, won the second round of the Brazilian presidential election amid a highly polarized political environment in Latin America’s regional power. Bolsonaro was not an outsider in the Brazilian political landscape. Federal deputy since 1991, his previous comments supporting torture and dictators and his remarks against women, indigenous people and LGBT community made
3
headlines worldwide during the campaign. Despite that, he got the 55% of the vote against Workers Party’s candidate Fernando Haddad in the runoff election. His triumph not only consolidated the rightward shift within the region after years of supremacy of left-wing governments. First and foremost, it reaffirmed that the rise of the far-right, a phenomenon mostly witnessed in Europe in the past decades (Schafraad, d’Haenens, Scheepers & Wester, 2012; Bos, van der Brug & de Vreese, 2011; Boomgaarden & Vliegenthart, 2007; Golder, 2003), had crossed European borders and it has now expanded to the Americas.
Studying the role of the media in order to understand the ongoing rise of the far-right is essential in light of the academic discussion related with the effects of media coverage in this party family’s electoral results (Kriesi, 2014; Ellinas, 2010; Mudde, 2007; Eatwell, 2003; Mazzoleni, Stewart and Horsfield, 2003). Several studies have discussed the role of the media in the performance of the far-right by examining the relationship between media coverage on far-right issues and voting (Boomgaarden & Vliegenhart, 2007; Walgrave & De Swert, 2004) or between news reporting on these parties and leaders and voters’ perceptions (Sheets, Bos and Boomgaarden, 2016; Vliegenthart, Boomgaarden & van Spanje, 2012; Bos et al., 2011). A fewer emphasis has been placed to media attention to the far-right in the press (Schafraad, Wester & Scheepers, 2013; Schafraad et al., 2012). However, all this academic work has addressed a European approach, ignoring other perspectives. For instance, there is a notorious lack of research work regarding the interplay between media and the far-right in Latin America, not only due to the newness of this phenomenon in that region, but mainly since previous studies focused on the rise of left-wing governments during the last years, after decades of military dictatorships within the region (e.g. Lupien, 2013; Lugo-Ocando et al., 2011; Beasley-Murray, Cameron & Hershberg, 2009). Thus, research about media coverage and the far-right in Latin America has yet to be undertaken.
In spite of the ongoing rise of the far-right in some countries, it is curious to note the scant attention paid to this phenomenon as a foreign news event in light of suggestions of the influence of
4
media coverage on public’s perception towards national and international affairs (Wanta & Hu, 1993). Classic studies on international news reporting have pointed out the predominant role of proximity as news value (Joyce, 2015; Porath, Mujica & Maldonado, 2012; Nossek, 2004; Wu, 2000; Galtung & Ruge, 1965). They state the same event will receive different amount and type of coverage depending on the geographical, economical or cultural proximity between the country where the event takes place and the one where the media outlet is located (Lee, Chan & Zhou, 2011). When this gap becomes more extensive, it arises a need for covering the foreign event in a more familiar and comprehensive way for the local audiences (Clausen, 2004; Gurevitch, Levy & Roeh, 1991). In other words, there is a need for domesticating the foreign news story.
Previous studies on domestication have illustrated the importance of local actors (Cohen, 1996) and, particularly, local politics and politicians (Alasuutari, Qadir & Creutz, 2013) in this process. This raise the question if a similar pattern can be detected when covering the far-right as a foreign news story and to what extent far-right actors are domesticated as well. The latter becomes relevant considering evidence of positive effects of media coverage on politicians’ public image (Bos et al., 2011).
As aforementioned, the same news event can be diversely covered between countries. In order to see what triggers the different levels of domestication across countries and across continents, the present paper looks into in the coverage of the campaign and election of Jair Bolsonaro from comparative approach. Taking into account the relevance of proximity as news value, this study was conducted in four countries with linkages to Brazil and with a strong political parallelism within their media system in some cases. These countries are: Argentina, Chile, Portugal and Spain. Articles from eight right-leaning newspapers were selected as unit of analysis. Since most of the academic work on domestication has been conducted on TV news (Porath et al., 2012; Lee at al. 2011, Cohen, 1996), this can provide new inputs for the discussion in this field. Simultaneously, this research aims to
5
contribute to decrease the current literature gap regarding media attention to the far-right in Latin America.
Therefore, the present analysis is aimed to elucidate the following research questions and hypothesis:
- RQ1: How was the rise of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil covered in foreign right-leaning
newspapers?
- RQ2: How was the tone of the coverage on Bolsonaro’s campaign and his views in foreign
right-leaning newspapers?
- RQ3: How did the tone of the coverage on Bolsonaro’s campaign and his views differ across
continents?
- RQ4: How did newspapers make use of the practice of domestication in their coverage of
Bolsonaro’s campaign and triumph as a foreign news event?
- H1a: South European newspapers used more domestication in their coverage on Bolsonaro
than South American newspapers?
- H1b: South American right-leaning newspapers’ coverage contains more national
politicians talking about Bolsonaro’s campaign and his views.
In order to answer the above, this paper, first, elaborates the theoretical framework for the analysis on domestication and the far-right. Secondly, it provides an explanation of the method applied for this study and the subsequent presentation of the results. In the final section, the findings are discussed in light of the existing literature.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Explaining the far-right: several concepts, common standpoints
A growing body of research work has paid attention to the rise of the far-right in the last years especially in Europe. Although this literature dedicates extensive pages to address the issue of
6
conceptualizing this party family, this has not been an easy task. The terminology used is often ambiguous and confusing (Boomgaarden & Vliegenthart, 2007) or inapplicable to all actors and contexts (Ravndal & Bjørgo, 2018).
For instance, Fennema (1997) states the most suitable concept in order to define this party family is “anti-immigrant”, since they all share a rejection for immigrants. However, van Spanje (2011) argues that far-right and anti-immigration entities cannot be considered equals. Furthermore, another term debated by scholars and present in media reporting is “extreme right”. According to Ignazi (2003) this concept is suited for two reasons. First, it highlights “those issues and organizations that are close to one extreme of the political spectrum” (Ignazi, 2003, p.30) and, secondly, due to its relationship with “anti-system value sets” (Ignazi, 2003, p.30). However, Mudde (2007) argues this word can be problematic since it has an anti-democratic essence. Nonetheless, other literature links this anti-democratic stance with an old far-right group, which was characterized for being more radical and evoking past fascist roots (Golder, 2003), while the new (or post-industrial) far-right has a more populist or anti-establishment attitude (Fennema, 2005). Some studies claim the latter group has experienced a more successful electoral performance in the last years precisely since it avoids being perceived as anti-democratic and seeks to appear as a valid alternative against the political establishment (Rydgren, 2004).
Alternatively, Mudde (2007) calls this party family as the Populist Radical Right and identifies three core features in order to explain their ideology: nativism, authoritarianism and populism. The first is understood as the belief states should be inhabited exclusively by native groups and that nonnative are a threat (Rooduijn, 2014). This trait is in line with the aforementioned anti-immigrant notion and it involves nationalist and xenophobic attitudes (Mudde, 2007).
The second element, authoritarianism, is explained as the preference for a strictly ordered society, where the violation to the law must be severely punished (Rydgren, 2007), this attract people “who are worried about crime and the wavering of traditional values” (Mudde, 2007, p.298). The
7
latter can be linked to the defense of the “traditional family” as society’s central unit (Schafraad, 2009, p.19) as well as an emphasis on “the strict division of roles for men and women, anti-abortion, anti-euthanasia and homophobic standpoints” (Schafraad, 2009, p. 19). In spite of the scant attention paid by far-right literature, religion is indeed an element worth to consider in order to describe this party family given its importance in countries where the clerisy or part of it supports the far-right. If that condition exists, it is expected a higher “congruence between populist radical right attitudes and support for these parties among religious people” (Mudde, 2007, p.118).
The final feature concluded by Mudde (2007) is populism. He refers to this as an ideology that considers society separated into two antagonistic groups: the corrupt elite and the common people. He claims they see national elites as internal enemies, blaming them for being “left-wing” and “progressive” (Mudde, 2007, p.66), which is in line with anti-establishment attitudes. Sheets, Bos and Boomgaarden (2016) add to this feature an anti-immigrant stance since they argue right-wing populism also conceives immigrants as a group excluded from the common citizenry.
Schafraad and colleagues (2013; 2012) outlined six general ideological standpoints shared by this party family in Europe, which are based on other scholars’ considerations and that, to some extent, clusters most of the aforementioned conceptualizations. These are: (1) anti-democratic and anti-progressive, (2) populism and anti-establishment, (3) nationalism, (4) xenophobic and exclusionist, (5) strict law and order, and (6) emphasis on traditional values (Schafraad et al., 2013; Schafraad et al., 2012).
Despite these manifold terms, there has been some academic consensus during the last years. The common use of the term far-right has allowed to address three key features from this group lately: nativism, authoritarianism and acceptance of social inequalities, without excluding the radical and extremist elements (Ravndal & Bjørgo, 2018). Taking into account the latter, and in order to provide a current outlook on this matter, the present study conceptualizes this part of the political spectrum as far-right.
8 The rise of the far-right in Brazil
Several of the aforementioned features were visible in the presidential campaign of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil. After the candidacy of former president Luiz Inácio ‘Lula’ da Silva was banned by Brazil’s top electoral court due to his sentence for corruption and money laundering (Preissler Iglesias & Andrade, 2018), Bolsonaro quickly took the lead in the opinion polls. He got the 55% of the vote against Workers Party’s last-minute candidate, Fernando Haddad, in the runoff election and was sworn in as the country’s 38th president on January 1st, 2019.
The rise of Bolsonaro can be analyzed under the European perspective described above since his personality and campaign reflect some of those far-right elements. In fact, these similarities make this issue interesting to research given two factors: the contrasts between European and South American societies and the scarce Latin American literature on this matter.
Bolsonaro’s campaign slogan “Brasil acima de tudo e Deus acima de todos” (“Brazil above everything and God above everyone”) appealed to both nationalist and religious elements in the country with the largest number of Catholics in the world (Osborn, 2019) and where Evangelicals are the fastest-growing group (Polmédio, 2019). In fact, part of his success is explained by the support he got from the latter religious group due to his conservative agenda. Moreover, his support for past military dictatorships is in line with authoritarian and anti-democratic elements; while his racist, homophobic and misogynous remarks reflect exclusionist and xenophobic attitudes. In addition, Bolsonaro appeals to an anti-establishment stance by criticizing mainstream politicians and media and promising fighting corruption. Furthermore, most of his campaign message was delivered through social instead mainstream media, while his strong ideas for fighting crime are in line with a strict law and order stance. In light of the aforementioned, the first research question of the present study is:
RQ1: How was the rise of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil covered in foreign right-leaning newspapers?
9
Media and the far-right relationship: it’s complicated
Scholars have found plenty of evidence about the effects of media coverage in politicians’ electoral outcomes (van Spanje & de Vreese, 2014; Hopmann, Vliegenthart, de Vreese & Albaek, 2010; van Aelst, Maddens, Noppe & Fiers, 2008). In relation to the far-right, this media effects have been widely debated in literature. Some researches argue media plays a key role in the rise of this party family in Europe (Kriesi, 2014; Mudde, 2007; Eatwell, 2003) by giving their leaders visibility and legitimacy in the early stages of their parties (Ellinas, 2010; Mazzoleni et al., 2003) and paying attention to the issues perceived as owned by them (Sheets et al, 2016; Boomgaarden & Vliegenthart, 2007; Walgrave & De Swert, 2004)
Nevertheless, the relationship between media and the far-right is often tense. As Ellinas (2010) theorizes, media coverage can help the far-right to increase their voter base in some contexts, but it inhibits them from the political discussion in others. Additional studies argue media tends to delegitimize deviant political organizations such as this (Schafraad, 2012) and the reporting is often hostile and harsh (Eatwell, 2003) In line with this, van Donselaar (1998) identifies three strategies used by media practitioners when they report on the far-right. These are: (1) ‘systematically ignoring’ them; (2) ‘stigmatizing’ them; and (3) ‘judging the consequences of the far-right ideology’ (van Donselaar, 1998, p.46).
With the aim to contribute to this discussion, a second question this paper seeks to clarify is:
RQ2: How was the tone of the coverage on Bolsonaro’s campaign and his views in foreign right-leaning newspapers?
In addition, it is worth examining a third question regarding the tone of the coverage on Bolsonaro in order to see if this differs between continents. Due to the current gap among Latin American and European research on the far-right, this might provide new academic insights. Therefore, the third question is:
10
RQ3: How did the tone of the coverage on Bolsonaro’s campaign and his views differ across continents?
The domestication of the foreign: making the international national
Research work regarding international news content has reflected on the tensions between two main trends in order to analyze the coverage of foreign news: globalization and localization (Joyce, 2015; Olausson, 2014; Berglez, 2013). The former concept is related with McLuhan (1960)’s notion of the existence of a ‘global village’, which states global issues are homogeneously informed to the audiences around the world (Ruigrok & van Atteveldt, 2007). However, several scholars acknowledge that a domestic point of view still prevails in contemporary news reporting about foreign countries’ events (Joyce, 2015; Chang, Southwell, Lee & Hong, 2012).
The domestication of foreign news is a consequence of the latter. This concept was first proposed by Gurevitch, Levy & Roeh (1991) in their cross-national content analysis conducted on TV news production. They argue domestication arises from the necessity of a normative framework in which foreign news “are told in ways that render them more familiar, more comprehensible and more compatible” for local audiences (Gurevitch et al., 1991, p.206).
Subsequent studies address the relevance of a society’s culture in this field since they point out domestication is a process aimed to provide comprehensible information for the audiences in a given culture (Claussen, 2004), reshaping international events in concordance with a country’s model of journalism (Cornia, Ghersetti, Mancini & Oden, 2016).
In terms of the means to domesticate foreign news, Cohen (1996) describes four indicators: (1) implications or consequences for the local country; (2) stories involving people from the local country or at least mention them; (3) stories with quotes or interviews to local figures; and (4) the usage of visual elements like maps to connect both local and foreign countries (Cohen, 1996). It must be acknowledged the latter was developed since the study was carried out on TV news. Other investigations claim more actors are involved in this process, beyond journalists and the audience.
11
Alasuutari, Qadir & Creutz (2013) argue local politicians or citizens “often utilize the situation by linking the foreign news item to domestic politics in a way that serves their objectives” (Alasuutari et al., 2013, p.693). Therefore, in their cross-national analysis about the coverage of the Egyptian uprising in newspapers, they draw on the following manners of domestication: (1) by appealing to emotions; (2) by linking compatriots into foreign events; (3) by reporting domestic actor’s statements, moves and acts from local politicians regarding the foreign event; and (4) by implicating the foreign event as “a model that can be applied to local politics” (Alasuutari et al., 2013, p.702). In other words, highlighting the actions and statements delivered by governmental and other local political actors in relation with foreign events is also considered newsworthy among journalists. The aforementioned shows that domestication can overlap another media strategy, the politicization of the news, which is the extent to which news reporting reflects a country’s political establishment and national interests (Lee et al., 2011). Nonetheless, since domestication follows a given audience’s interests and backgrounds (Lee et al., 2011), the present study conceptualizes domestication as a process conducted by media practitioners.
Taking this into account, the present study examines to what extent the coverage on Bolsonaro was domesticated by answering the following question:
RQ4: How did newspapers make use of the practice of domestication in their coverage of Bolsonaro’s campaign and triumph as a foreign news event?
What influences domestication?
Several studies have addressed the role of journalists and editors as “gatekeepers” in the selection of news content (Nossek, 2004; White, 1950), although there are more actors involved in the process. As Shoemaker and Reese (1996)’s Hierarchy of Influences model states, journalists’ individual influence is just the first of several levels taking part, since professional routines and practices, media organizations’ constraints, extra-media and ideological factors also affect this process (Schudson, 2005; Nossek, 2004; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996).
12
In the case of the selection of foreign news, some scholars suggest the journalists’ gatekeeper role is smaller (Cohen, 1996) due to the importance of the domestic environment (Nossek 2004; Galtung & Ruge, 1965) and the latter’s relevance as a journalistic professional condition (Nossek 2004; Gurevitch et al., 1991). In this regard, some studies stress the key role played by proximity as a news value. There is evidence of preferences for global events originated in places geographically, politically, linguistically or culturally proximate to the media outlet’s country (Joyce, 2015; Porath et al., 2012; Lee et al., 2011; Wu, 2000; Galtung & Ruge, 1965). Thus, a particular foreign event will receive different coverage in different countries given the news value of proximity (Lee et al., 2011). A few analyses argue proximity may influence the extent a country’s media domesticate foreign events by highlighting local actors or domestic consequences (Porath et al., 2012, Lee et al., 2011), although Atad (2017) suggests three approaches affecting the newsworthiness in foreign news and, therefore, the degree of coverage they receive. These are: event orientation, context and national traits.
The first approach states an event has more chances of high coverage if it threats the status quo in the event’s country (Atad, 2017). Such is the case of Jair Bolsonaro’s rise in Brazil, considering two factors: his controversial personality and comments and that his triumph implied the arrival of a far-right government in Latin America decades after the end of military dictatorships within the region.
The second variable is related with the degree of geographical, economic, political and cultural proximity between the reported and media’s countries (Atad, 2017; Wu, 2000). Considering Argentina and Chile are located in the same region that Brazil and that they share political, economic and cultural patterns, this news value will be more relevant in these countries. However, it is also likely that cultural proximity plays a role within Portuguese media given its colonial and linguistic ties with Brazil.
13
Finally, the third element, trait of nations, argues countries considered as political and economic world powers will receive greater coverage (Atad, 2017). By 2018 -year of the election- Brazil was the world’s ninth biggest economy (Smith, 2018) and the main one within Latin America. Therefore, it might be considered a regional power for Argentinians and Chileans, which satisfies the aforementioned in those places.
Taking this into consideration, it can be assumed Bolsonaro’s campaign and election will have a greater news value in South America and, therefore, it is expected a higher volume of coverage in this region’s newspapers. Hence, there will be a bigger necessity for reporting this event in a more appealing and meaningful way for local audiences in Southern Europe, which holds the following assumption:
H1a: South European newspapers used more domestication in their coverage on Bolsonaro than South American newspapers.
Domestication and political parallelism: the role of the media system models
Local actors play a main role in the domestication of foreign events in order to meet the news value of proximity. Furthermore, the definition of the term delivered by Alasuutari and colleagues (2013) addresses the key role played by domestic politics and politicians in this journalistic practice. Simultaneously, this is also considered a method of news politicization (Lee at al., 2011) as aforementioned. In this regard, previous research work assigns similar levels of political parallelism to some of these countries’ media system models. According to the analysis made by Hallin and Mancini (2004), Portugal and Spain share a Mediterranean Polarized Pluralist model, which includes a high level of political parallelism and low journalistic professionalism. However, the empirical study by Brüggemann and colleagues (2014) locates Portugal in a Western system type which is close to Hallin and Mancini’s liberal model (Brüggerman, Engesser, Büchel, Humprecht & Castro, 2014). In fact, a subsequent work by Hallin and Mancini acknowledge this change stating political parallelism in Portugal may be lower than in Spain now (Hallin & Mancini, 2017).
14
There have been academic efforts to apply this approach to Latin American countries. Some scholars suggest this region’s media systems are close to the pluralist model, particularly due to a strong clientelism (Guerrero, 2014). While in Argentina this is reflected by a lack of state regulation and tendencies towards patronage and clientelism (Liotti, 2014); in Chile this is evident given the press’ high media ownership concentration and close ties between media, politicians and economic elites, which leads to more news content triggered by politicians and a more passive, fact-based and less interpretative political journalism (Mellado & Rafter, 2014).
In light of this suggestions of stronger clientelism in South American media, the final hypothesis drawn by this study is:
H1b: South American right-leaning newspapers’ coverage contains more national politicians talking about Bolsonaro’s campaign and his views.
METHODOLOGY Research design
The present study seeks to analyze the use of domestication and media attention to the far-right in the coverage on Jair Bolsonaro during the presidential election campaign in Brazil made by foreign right-leaning newspapers. The research follows a cross-national comparative approach in order to examine the differences in South European and South American newspapers, by deploying a quantitative content analysis on 711 news articles from eight newspapers from four different countries, two per continent. Quantitative content analysis allows to identify the presence of prominent elements within a text by following statistical methods (Krippendorff, 2013; Neuendorf, 2002), which was considering suitable for the comparative focus addressed by this investigation.
Sampling
Taking into account past literature, the sample is composed by newspapers from countries geographically, commercially, historically and linguistically proximate to Brazil. These countries are:
15
Argentina, Chile, Portugal (Brazil’s colonizing country) and Spain (main colonizing country within Latin America). In addition, this selection considered the languages skills of the single coder.
The newspapers selected follow a right-leaning affiliation criterion since studies on partisan selective exposure suggest voters tend to consume media content consistent with their own political preferences (Chan & Lee, 2014). Thus, it is expected that right-wing and far-right voters will prefer reading these newspapers. Literature on Argentinian press have concluded the country’s two main newspapers, La Nación and Clarín, follow a right and center-right editorial line respectively (Kitzberger, 2016; Azpíroz, 2015; Boczkowski & De Santos, 2007). In Chile, scholars have clearly defined El Mercurio as a conservative and elite-oriented newspaper (Gronemeyer & Porath, 2017) and La Tercera as center-right leaning one (Mellado & Van Dalen, 2017; Navia, Osorio & Valenzuela, 2013); while in Portugal researches consider the online newspaper Observador (Salgado, 2018) and Díario de Notícias (Popescu et al., 2013) as center-right media outlets. Despite lacking a print edition, Observador was chosen due to his political affiliation. Finally, extensive literature regarding Spain identifies El Mundo and ABC as right-wing newspapers (Baumgartner & Chaqués Bonafont, 2015; Nogales Bocio & Mancinas-Chávez, 2014; van Dalen, de Vreese & Albæk, 2012). The timeframe spanned from August 1st to October 31st, 2018 and included the campaign for
the first and second round and reactions after Bolsonaro’s triumph. This period overlaps with a right-wing party’s election in Chile. Therefore, the articles on Bolsonaro related with this local event1 were
identified before the coding process. All journalistic formats were considered (news articles, reportages and interviews), except letters to the editor, opinion and editorial pieces. Table 1 shows the final distribution of the sample.
1 15 out of 230 Chilean articles, from both Chilean newspapers, paid attention to this local issue within their coverage
16
Table 1: Newspapers by country and number of articles
Albeit most of the research work on domestication has been conducted on TV news, this paper studies news articles as unit of analysis given the evidence of newspapers’ intermedia agenda setting influence on other media (Cushion, Kilby, Thomas, Morani & Sambrook, 2018; Vliegenthart & Walgrave, 2008; Porath, 2007; Golan, 2006; Protess & McCombs, 1991). The retrieval process of the content published in the print edition of the newspapers- except Observador- was done through the digital archives of the newspapers’ websites for La Tercera, Diário de Notícias, ABC and El Mundo; while articles from Clarín and La Nación were found by using the digital operator PressReader, due to the paywall method adopted by them. Since the coder has a subscription to El Mercurio, its articles were retrieved directly through its website, while the ones from Observador were found free of charge. Visual material such as photos and graphs were dismissed from the coding due to the difficulties in accessing to the original layout of the print editions.
Operationalization
The codebook - which can be found in Appendix A- was elaborated following the indicators developed by Cohen (1996) and Alasuutari and colleagues (2013) for domestication and partly considering those drawn by Schafraad and colleagues (2013; 2012) for media attention to the far-right. Due to the particular characteristics of Bolsonaro’s campaign, additional variables were included after looking through random articles from the newspapers selected as a previous step.
The first and second groups of questions measured articles’ information and the use of means of domestication such as sections within the newspaper and references, implications and
Argentina (245) Chile (230) Portugal (163) Spain (73) TOTAL Clarín (128) La Nación (117) El Mercurio (107) La Tercera (123) Diário de Notícias (29) Observador (134) ABC (47) El Mundo (26) N= 711
17
consequences for the local country, local actors’ presence and the extent to which they included local far-right actors in the coverage by mentioning them (passive representation) or paraphrasing or quoting them (active representation). These actors were identified after looking through background information about each country’s political landscape. The third set of questions measured the media attention to the far-right in Brazil following previous literature. Thus, questions about coverage’s tone and far-right features were added as well as others related to Bolsonaro’s personality and campaign. The codebook consisted mostly of nominal and few ordinals variables.
An inter-coder reliability test was conducted to a subsample of 30 articles, which were encoded by two coders in order to measure the level of agreement. Krippendorff’s Alpha values were calculated for the main variables from the codebook in one round using the Kalpha macro (Hayes & Krippendorff, 2007) which was run in SPSS. The reliability coefficients were good to excellent for the large majority of the variables. Most of them (thirty-five) obtained α > 0.8; four reached coefficients 0.67 < α < 0.8; seven between 0.5 < α < 0.67 and nine achieved a coefficient α < 0.5. Nonetheless, fourteen variables could not be tested due to absence and nine were fixed or deleted afterward. Additionally, three reliable variables were merged or recoded in order to improve the analysis. For a complete overview of the reliability of the variables, see Appendix B.
One single coder encoded the entire sample (N=711) for five weeks guided by one identical codebook. The articles were coded using the online survey software Qualtrics and analyzed through SPSS.
FINDINGS
Media attention to the election of Bolsonaro
The first RQ- how was the rise of Jair Bolsonaro covered in foreign right leaning newspapers?- is answered, first, by looking at the data arising from the content analysis. The results show the event received the double of attention in South American (N= 475) newspapers than in
18
South Europeans (N= 236). After performing a descriptive statistical analysis by country, is possible to see the coverage was slightly higher in Argentina (N= 245) compared to Chile (N= 230). Moreover, Portuguese newspapers published more articles (N= 163) than Spain (N= 73). The latter was the country that gave less media attention to Bolsonaro’s election.
Finally, a second variable to consider for this question is the section from each newspaper where the articles were published. Figure 1 shows the results in percentages from a statistical analysis which reveals the majority of the coverage appeared in the International or World section in both cases. However, it is worth considering South American newspapers published a lower percentage of articles in this section and their coverage included a few more pieces in the National and Business sections. A significant difference between both continents was found (p = .005) in this regard after conducting a Mann-Whitney’s U test2.
Figure 1
2 The majority of the variables from the codebook were analyzed by running a cross-tabulation statistical analysis and a
subsequent Mann-Whitney’s U test since they are not normally distributed.
2,1 96,6 0 0,4 0,8 7,8 76,6 2,5 0,2 12,8 National or
Politics International,World or Brazil
Business or
Economy Arts, cultureor Entertainment
Other Seccion within the newspaper
(%)
19 Tone of the coverage
The second RQ sought to analyze tone of the coverage on Bolsonaro and his views. In general, this was predominantly neutral (68,4%), followed by a negative reporting (28,6%), which was far ahead of the few positive articles (3,4%) published.
The tone of the coverage by continent- RQ3- is in accordance with these results. Neutral articles were dominant in Southern Europe (65,7%) and South America (69,7%). However, South European newspapers tended to publish more negative stories on Bolsonaro (32,6%) than South Americans (26,5%), while the opposite happened with the positive pieces. To a minor extent, more of these were published in South American press (3,8%) compared to Portugal and Spain (1,7%). In order to answer RQ3, the tone variable was recoded as -1 for negative articles, 0 for neutral and 1 for positive. Although the mean tone was negative in both continents and all countries, the findings reveal significant differences in coverage’s tone by continents (p = .047).
Another element that provides inputs for answering RQ3 is the evidence of a higher presence of positive features from Bolsonaro’s campaign such as economic competence and challenging corruption in South American right leaning newspapers. The same was found in regard to nationalism. On the other hand, South European newspapers highlighted to a larger extent negative attitudes such as violence and the spreading of fake news in their coverage. Although all the features from the far-right and Bolsonaro’s campaign measured by the codebook were present in both continents’ coverage, significant differences were found in the ones described in Table 2.
Table 2 References to Southern Europe South America P
Violent attitudes from the candidate or his supporters 27,5% 18,3% .005*
Challenging corruption 4% 12,2% .000***
20
Nationalism 2,1% 5,7% .031*
Spreading ‘Fake News’ 16,5% 6,9% .000***
Presence of domestication elements in the news by continents, in percentages. Significance values obtained though Mann Whitney’s U test per each variable. p<0.05*, p<0.005**, p<0.001***.
The use of domestication
Table 3 shows some of the techniques used by the newspapers for domesticating Bolsonaro’s election, which was the aim of RQ4. Explicit references to the local country, implications for domestic politics and economy and positive remarks about Bolsonaro from local figures were significantly higher in South American newspapers. Out of this group, however, the only manner of domestication with lower results for this region is the references to the implications and consequences for the local society, where South European press scored higher.
Table 3 References to Southern Europe South America P
The local country 11,9% 21,5% .002**
Governmental reactions or local politics implications 3% 10,9% .000*** Implications or consequences for local economy 0,8% 8,4% .000*** Implications or consequences for local society 3,8% 1,5% .048*
Support to Bolsonaro from local figures 0,4% 7,4% .000***
Presence of domestication elements in the news by continents, in percentages. Significance values obtained though Mann Whitney’s U test per each variable. p<0.05*, p<0.005**, p<0.001***.
The same analysis was conducted by country, as Table 4 illustrates. In South America, Chilean newspapers did a larger use of most of these means of domestication in comparison to Argentina. The differences are significant for references to the local country, the governmental reactions or the implications for domestic politics and the support expressed by local figures. The
21
reasons for these discrepancies will be discussed in the next section of this paper. In Southern Europe, Portuguese newspapers applied more of these techniques compared to Spain, however, the difference is only significant in regard to the mentions of implications or consequences for local society. On the other hand, Spanish newspapers highlighted more governmental reactions or political reactions.
Table 4
References to ARG CHL P POR SPN P
The local country 14,3% 29,1% .000*** 13,5% 8,2% .247
Gov. reactions or local pol. implications 5,3% 17% .000*** 1,2% 6,8% .019** Implications for local economy 6,5% 10,4% .126 1,2% 0% .343
Implications for local society 2% 0,9% .290 5,5% 0% .041*
Support from local figures 0,8% 14,3% .000*** 0,6% 0% .503
Presence of domestication elements in the news by country, in percentages. Significance values obtained though Mann Whitney’s U test per each variable. p<0.05*, p<0.005**, p<0.001***.
Another mean of domestication is the presence of local actors in the articles on Bolsonaro. Table 5 shows the significant cases across continents. The results and those displayed in Table 3 dismiss the assumption of greater domestication in South European newspapers (H1a), since Argentina and Chile made more use of this practice. Likewise, there is evidence of a more prominent role of national politicians talking about Bolsonaro in South America, which confirms H1b. Moreover, South American leading trading bloc, Mercosur, was significantly more addressed by this continent’s newspapers.
Table 5
Actors present in the articles
Southern Europe
South
America P
Citizens from the local country in Brazil 1,3% 0% .014*
22
(**)Local politicians or political parties 4,2% 10,7% .004**
Mercosur 2,1% 5,7% .031*
Presence of domestication elements in the news by continents, in percentages. Significance values obtained though Mann Whitney’s U test per each variable. p<0.05*, p<0.005**, p<0.001***.
(*) Variable computed after merging the mentions to Mauricio Macri, Sebastián Piñera, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa and
Pedro Sánchez in their own countries. Recoded afterward as 0 for not mentioned and 1 for mentioned.
(**)Variable computed after merging Local politician(s) and Local political party(ies). Recoded afterward as 0 for not
mentioned and 1 for mentioned.
Nevertheless, an additional analysis was conducted in order to examine this issue across countries, revealing a highly significant difference in the attention given to local politicians and parties in Chilean newspapers. For instance, both La Tercera and El Mercurio covered a meeting between Bolsonaro and the president of Chile’s right-wing UDI party, who was running for the reelection as the party’s leader. The political reactions to this event were also reported. The latter is related with the local significant happening in this country previously indicated. On the other hand, Spanish press incorporated more references to the Prime Minister, for instance, reacting to the Brazilian elections’ results, while Portugal’s main authority was absent in this country' coverage, as Table 6 displays.
Table 6
References to ARG CHL P POR SPN P
(*)Local country’s President or PM 8,6% 11,3% .319 0% 4,1% .009* (**)Local politicians or political parties 0,8% 21,3% .000*** 4,3% 4,1% .948
Presence of domestication elements in the news by country, in percentages. Significance values obtained though Mann Whitney’s U test per each variable. p<0.05*, p<0.005**, p<0.001***.
(*) Variable computed after merging the mentions to Mauricio Macri, Sebastián Piñera, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa and
Pedro Sánchez in their own countries. Recoded afterward as 0 for not mentioned and 1 for mentioned.
(**)Variable computed after merging Local politician(s) and Local political party(ies). Recoded afterward as 0 for not
mentioned and 1 for mentioned.
Similarly, another variable measured by the present study was the presence of local politicians or parties considered close to the far-right in each country. This was the case of Argentina, Spain and Chile. The chart below shows the level of representation these actors received either in a passive or
23
active way. Chilean newspapers scored higher than the rest in this variable as well. Almost 5% of the articles mentioned passively and actively Chilean far-right and former president candidate, José Antonio Kast, and 3,5% made references to his political movement. Furthermore, only Chilean press mentioned actions carried out by the local far-right (3,9%) in relation to Bolsonaro. La Tercera, for instance, published Kast’s letter in support to Bolsonaro after the candidate was stabbed and both Chilean newspapers paid attention to their meeting in Brazil.
Figure 2
In conclusion, the findings indicate South American right-leaning newspapers paid the double of attention to Bolsonaro’s rise than South Europeans. The result, addittionaly, contradict assumptions of greater usage of domestication based on proximity, since more domestication techniques were found in South American newspapers, including more references to domestic politics, which was higher in Chile. Lastly, although the majority of the articles on Bolsonaro expressed a neutral tone, there is a significant difference across continents.
0,4 4,3 3,5 2,7 0,4 4,8 0 0 Alfredo Olmedo
(ARG) José Antonio Kast(CHI) RepublicanaAcción (CHI)
Vox (SPN) Local far-right represented in the articles
(%)
24 DISCUSSION
The extensive coverage on Bolsonaro’s campaign and election in South American newspapers is in accordance with the wide body of research work that underlines proximity is a dominant news value in the news selection process. Both Argentina and Chile are geographically close to Brazil and have political, economic and cultural connections in common. Albeit Portuguese media attention to Bolsonaro was lower, it surpassed the Spanish media attention, in line with evidence suggesting the role of colonial and cultural ties as determinants of media coverage volume (Wu, 2000).
As an event held outside these countries’ borders, it was expected most of the articles were published in the International section of each newspapers. Nonetheless, in a comparison across continents, South American newspapers included a few pieces in their Business sections while Southern Europe did not publish articles in this regard. Likewise, the former continent made more references to implications for the domestic economy and regional trade. Since Brazil holds a regional power position within Latin America’s economy and it is a key trading partner for Argentina and Chile, it is understandable newspapers from this region addressed more this perspective, as the trait of nations factor of newsworthiness states (Atad, 2017; Wu, 2000).
One of the main academic discussions is whether the relationship between the media and the far-right is either positive or negative. One way to elucidate this is by looking at the tone of the coverage, however, the predominant neutrality of the articles on Bolsonaro maintain the ambiguity. However, the present study provides relevant insights about the differences between the two continents. First, this study identified a few positive pieces about Bolsonaro, most of them from South American right-leaning newspapers. Furthermore, of all the main features of Bolsonaro’s campaign, South American press tended to significantly highlight positive attributes such as the economic competence ascribed to Bolsonaro’s team as well as his promise of challenging corruption. The former can be explained by the aforementioned economic proximity. In contrast, this study found evidence of a greater tendency for negative reporting in Southern Europe.
25
The results about the use of domestication contradict academic claims of a more familiar and appealing way to present a country’s news events for audiences in countries further away (Gurevitch et al., 1991) since the hypothesis of a larger usage of this practice in South European countries (H1a) was not supported. Instead, the analysis reveals a clear inclination to domesticate Bolsonaro’s election in Argentina and Chile despite geographical proximity, by employ techniques like specific references to these countries, mentions to governmental reactions, addressing implications for domestic politics and economics and by presenting local figures expressing support for Bolsonaro. Previous studies on Latin American media have found similar evidence, revealing a bias towards domestication in this region (Calderón, Mercado, Piñuel-Raigada & Suárez- Sucre, 2015). Likewise, the research by Porath and colleagues (2012) found that for Chilean editors and journalists, domestication is one of the main resources they have for appealing audiences towards foreign news given the public low interest in these issues. Although Porath and colleagues’ work focused on Chilean TV news, it provides an overview of Chile’s media consumers and journalistic dynamics. However, future analysis on the preferences of Chilean and South American newspapers’ readers should be undertaken in order to broaden this outlook.
The greater attention paid by South America to local politics in order to domesticate the rise of Bolsonaro is also noticeable by looking the higher volume of articles published in the National or Politic section of the newspapers. On the other hand, the analysis shows Southern Europe focused more in their own societies, which according to previous research is a classic mean of domestication (Alasuutari et al. 2013, Cohen, 1996). All the cases reported in this regard were published in Portuguese newspaper and are related with the Brazilian community in Portugal (in the case of the consequences and implications of the election) as well as the role of Portuguese people in Brazil as actors significantly present in their articles. The former might be understood due to factors: the evidence suggesting domestication relies on the size of the population from the place where the event takes place living in the local country (Lee at al., 2011) since Brazilians are the biggest foreign group
26
in Portugal (Miranda, 2018) and the lower levels of political parallelism conferred to Portugal lately (Hallin & Mancini, 2017; Brüggerman et al., 2014).
As aforementioned, there is a extensive presence of local actors in South American newspapers, particularly domestic politicians, which confirmed the assumption of a greater use of remarks made by these actors in regard to Bolsonaro and his campaign (H1b). This is in accordance with the high levels of political parallelism and clientelism attributed to Chilean and Argentinian media systems (Guerrero, 2014; Liotti, 2014, Mellado & Raftner, 2014). The latter sharpen the difference across continents regarding their media systems features, in spite of previous attempts to compare the Mediterranean Polarized Pluralist model (Hallin & Mancini, 2004) to the Latin American media landscape.
In order to elaborate more this finding, the differences between the two South American countries were analyzed, revealing a significant prominence of Chilean politicians and parties in that country’s newspaper in comparison to Argentina. That media attention was also extended to a Chilean far-right politician, who was passive and actively referred in almost 5% of the articles.
The differences between these countries regarding the role of national politicians might derive from three elements: the Argentinian press’ conception that considers not only politicians but also members of the civil society as “primary definers” of the news agenda (Waisbord & Peruzzatti, 2009, p.704); the media ownership concentration and right orientation of Chilean newspapers which dates back to the last stage of the military dictatorship (Mellado & Hughes, 2016); and the close ties between media, politicians and economic elites that emerged from the aforementioned media ownership concentration (Mellado & Rafter, 2014). Even though the current Chilean far-right is not linked to the property of these media outlets, Kast’s presence in the coverage may be explain due to his prior political militancy in the right-wing mainstream party UDI.
Moreover, previous research has found evidence of the prevalence of politicians as “trigger sources” in Chilean political reporting (Mellado & Rafter, 2014; p. 545) in the context of the
27
mediatization of politics (Mazzoleni & Schulz, 1999). Taking into consideration the present study focuses in foreign news reporting, future research work could be conducted in order to investigate if this situation is extended to the process of domestication of foreign news.
The analysis of Chilean politicians, however, must acknowledge one limitation from this study. The timeframe examined overlapped with a significant happening in that country’s political landscape, which was the electoral campaign in one right-wing party. In this scenario, 15 articles from the sample referred to this local issue after this party’s incumbent candidate met the Brazilian far-right leader. Therefore, the references to Chilean politicians talking about Bolsonaro might be lower without this context.
A second restraint is the fact that a few variables from the codebook should be dropped due to their low reliability. This was the case of critical remarks on Bolsonaro from local figures and some of the far-right ideological standpoint (Schafraad et al., 2012; 2013), which would have enriched the current findings.
Due to time and funding constraints, a third limitation of the present study is that the sample only considered a few countries and newspapers for the analysis, which gives a lower degree of insights in comparison with what a bigger sample would have provided. For instance, by including more countries from both continents and newspapers with different political affiliations.
Regardless these shortcomings, the present study presents new and important inputs for understanding the extent of domestication variation across-countries and across-continents. Simultaneously, it compares the predominant European perspective developed to study media coverage on the far-right within a landscape hardly addressed by literature as the Latin American one. These empirical findings can be a starting point for future analysis on another key issue widely debated in Western literature but scarcely tackled in the Global South, which is the effects of this type of media coverage on voters’ perceptions towards the far-right, especially in times when the political and social debate about this party family has passed European borders.
28 Literature References
Alasuutari, P., Qadir, A., & Creutz, K. (2013). The domestication of foreign news: news stories related to the 2011 Egyptian revolution in British, Finnish and Pakistani newspapers. Media, Culture & Society, 35(6), 692–707.
Atad E. (2017). Global Newsworthiness and Reversed Domestication, Journalism Practice, 11:6, 760-776.
Azpíroz, M. L. (2015). La expropiación de YPF a Repsol en la prensa argentina: análisis del framing en las piezas de opinión mediante la crítica retórica. Doxa Comunicación: revista
interdisciplinar de estudios de comunicación y ciencias sociales, (21), 33-53.
Baumgartner, F., & Chaqués Bonafont, L. (2015). All News Is Bad News: Newspaper Coverage of Political Parties in Spain. Political Communication, 32(2), 1-24.
Beasley-Murray, J., Cameron, M. A., & Hershberg, E. (2009). Latin America's left turns: an introduction. Third World Quarterly, 30(2), 319-330.
Berglez, P. (2013). Global Journalism: Theory and Practice. New York: Peter Lang.
Boczkowski, P., & De Santos, M. (2007). When More Media Equals Less News: Patterns of Content Homogenization in Argentina's Leading Print and Online Newspapers. Political Communication, 24(2), 167-180.
Boomgaarden H. & Vliegenthart R. (2007). Explaining the rise of anti-immigrant parties: The role of news media content. Electoral Studies, 26(2), 404-417.
Bos, L., van der Brug, W., & de Vreese, C. (2011). How the Media Shape Perceptions of Right-Wing Populist Leaders. Political Communication, 28(2), 182-206.
Brüggemann, M., Engesser, S., Büchel, F., Humprecht, E., & Castro, L. (2014). Hallin and Mancini Revisited: Four Empirical Types of Western Media Systems. Journal of
29
Arcila-Calderón, C., Mercado, M. T., Piñuel-Raigada, J. L., & Suárez-Sucre, E. (2015). Media coverage of climate change in spanish-speaking online media. Convergencia Revista de
Ciencias Sociales, (68).
Chan, M., & Lee, F. L. (2014). Selective exposure and agenda setting: exploring the impact of partisan media exposure on agenda diversity and political participation. Asian Journal of
Communication, 24(4), 301-314.
Chang, T., Southwell, B., Lee, H. & Hong, Y. (2012). ‘A Changing World, Unchanging Perspectives’, International Communication Gazette 74(4): 367-384.
Clausen L (2004). Localizing the global: ‘domestication’ processes in international news production. Media, Culture & Society 26(1): 25–44.
Cohen, A. (1996). Global newsrooms, local audiences: A study of the Eurovision news exchange (Acamedia research monographs 12). London: John Libbey.
Cornia, A., Ghersetti, M., Mancini, P., & Odén, T. (2016). The Partisans, the Technocrats and the Watchdogs - Domestication in the media coverage of the swine flu pandemic 2009. Journalism Studies, 17(8), 1030-1050.
Cushion, Kilby, Thomas, Morani, & Sambrook. (2018). Newspapers, Impartiality and Television News. Journalism Studies, 19(2), 162-181.
Eatwell, R. (2003). Ten theories of the extreme right. In P. Merkl & L. Weinberg (Eds.), Right-wing extremism in the twenty-first century (pp. 45–70). London, England: Frank Cass.
Ellinas, A. A. (2010). The media and the far right in Western Europe: Playing the nationalist card. Cambridge University Press.
Fennema, M., (1997). Some conceptual issues and problems in the comparison of anti-immigration parties in western Europe. Party Politics 3, 473e492.
Fennema, M. (2005). Populist parties of the right. J. Rydgren (red.). Movements of exclusion: Radical
30
Golan, G. (2006). Inter-media agenda setting and global news coverage. Journalism Studies, 7(2), 323-333.
Golder, M. (2003). Explaining Variation in The Success of Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe.
comparative political studies, 36(4), 432-466.
Gronemeyer, M. E., & Porath, W. (2017). Framing political news in the Chilean press: The persistence of the conflict frame. International Journal of Communication, 11, 2940-2963. Galtung, J. & M. H. Ruge (1965). ‘The Structure of Foreign News’, Journal of Peace Research 2:
64–91.
Gurevitch M., Levy M.R. & Roeh I. (1991). The global newsroom: convergences and diversities in the globalization of television news. In: Dahlgren P and Sparks C (eds) Communications and
Citizenship: Journalism and the Public Sphere in the New Media Age. London: Routledge,
195–216.
Guerrero, M. A. (2014). The ‘captured liberal’ model of media systems in Latin America. In Media
systems and communication policies in Latin America (pp. 43-65). Palgrave Macmillan,
London.
Hallin, D. C., & Mancini, P. (2004). Comparing media systems: Three models of media and politics. Cambridge university press.
Hallin, D.C. & Mancini P. (2017). Ten Years After Comparing Media Systems: What Have We Learned?, Political Communication, 34:2, 155-171.
Hayes, A. F., & Krippendorff, K. (2007). Answering the call for a standard reliability measure for coding data. Communication methods and measures, 1(1), 77-89.
Hopmann, D. N., Vliegenthart, R., de Vreese, C. H., & Albaek, E. (2010). Effects of election news coverage: How visibility and tone influence party choice. Political Communication, 27, 389– 405.
31
Hughes, S., & Mellado, C. (2016). Protest and accountability without the press: The press, politicians, and civil society in Chile. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 21(1), 48-67.
Ignazi, P. (2003). Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe. Comparative Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Joyce, S. (2015). Domesticating distant suffering: How can news media discursively invite the audience to care? International Communication Gazette, 77(7), 682-694.
Kitzberger, P. (2016). Media Wars and the New Left: Governability and Media Democratisation in Argentina and Brazil. 48(3), 447-476.
Kriesi, Hanspeter. (2014). “The Populist Challenge.” West European Politics 37 (2): 361-78.
Krippendorff, K. (2013). Content analysis: An introduction to its methodology / (3rd ed.). Los Angeles ; London: SAGE.
Lee, F., Chan, J., & Zhou, B. (2011). National lenses on a global news event: Determinants of the politicization and domestication of the prelude to the Beijing Olympics. Chinese Journal of
Communication, 4(3), 274-292.
Liotti, J. (2014). The Complex Relationship between the Media and the Political System in Argentina: From Co-option to Polarization. In Media Systems and Communication Policies in Latin
America (pp. 100-121). Palgrave Macmillan, London.
Lugo-Ocando, J., Guedes, O., & Cañizález, A. (2011). Framing revolution and re-framing counter-revolution: History, context and journalism in the new left-wing Latin American paradigm. Journalism Practice, 5(5), 599-612.
Lupien, P. (2013). The media in Venezuela and Bolivia: Attacking the “bad left” from below. Latin
American Perspectives, 40(3), 226-246.
Mazzoleni, G., & Schulz, W. (1999). “Mediatization” of politics: A challenge for democracy? Political Communication, 16, 247–261.
32
Mellado, C., & Rafter, K. (2014). Understanding the influence of journalists and politicians on content: A cross-longitudinal analysis of Chilean political news coverage. International
Communication Gazette, 76(7), 531-551.
Mellado, C., & Van Dalen, A. (2017). Challenging the Citizen–Consumer Journalistic Dichotomy: A News Content Analysis of Audience Approaches in Chile. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 94(1), 213-237.
Mudde, C. (2007). Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Navia, P., Osorio, R. & Valenzuela, F. (2013). ‘Sesgo político en las lunas de miel presidenciales: El Mercurio y La Tercera, 1994–2010’ in A. Arriagada and P. Navia (eds.) Intermedios. Medios de comunicación y democracia en Chile. Ediciones Universidad Diego Portales: Santiago, 35–57.
Neuendorf, K. A. (2016). The content analysis guidebook. Sage.
Nogales Bocio, A. I., & Mancinas-Chávez, R. (2014). Los diarios de referencia en el mercado de la prensa española. Propiedad, grupos mediáticos y conexiones estructurales. Correspondencias
y Análisis. Revista del Instituto de Investigación Escuela de Ciencias de la Comunicación, 4, 307-333.
Nossek, H. (2004). Our News and their News: The Role of National Identity in the Coverage of Foreign News. Journalism, 5(3), 343-368.
Olausson, U. (2014). The Diversified Nature of “Domesticated” News Discourse, Journalism Studies, 15:6, 711-725
Porath, W. (2007). Medios de comunicación y campaña electoral 2005 [Media and election campaign 2005]. In C. Huneeus, F. Berríos, & R. Gamboa (Eds.), Las elecciones chilenas de 2005 [The Chilean elections in 2005] (pp. 197–222). Santiago, Chile: Catalonia.
33
Porath, W., Mujica, M. C., & Maldonado, F. (2012). Procesos de producción, emisión y recepción de las noticias extranjeras en la TV Chilena. Estudios sobre el mensaje periodístico, (18), 353-370.
Protess, D. L., & McCombs, M. (1991). Agenda Setting. Readings on Media. Public Opinion, and
Policymaking. Hillsdale, NJ.
Ravndal, J. A., & Bjørgo, T. (2018). Investigating Terrorism from the Extreme Right: A Review of Past and Present Research. Perspectives on Terrorism, 12(6), 5-22.
Rooduijn, M. (2014). Vox populismus: A populist radical right attitude among the public? Nations
and Nationalism, 20(1), 80-92.
Ruigrok, N., & van Atteveldt, W. (2007). Global Angling with a Local Angle: How U.S., British, and Dutch Newspapers Frame Global and Local Terrorist Attacks. The Harvard International
Journal of Press/Politics, 12(1), 68-90.
Rydgren, J. (2004). Explaining the emergence of radical right-wing populist parties: the case of Denmark. West European Politics, 27(3), 474 – 502.
Rydgren, J. (2007). ‘The sociology of the radical right’, Annual Review of Sociology 33, 1: 241–262. Salgado, S. (2018). Where’s populism? Online media and the diffusion of populist discourses and
styles in Portugal. European Political Science, 1-13.
Schafraad, P. (2009). Controversial outsiders: A cross-national study of media attention to the
far-right 1986-2004. S.l: S.n.].
Schafraad, P., d’Haenens, L., Scheepers, P., & Wester, F. (2012). The evolution of a media image: Newspaper attention to the Flemish far right 1987–2004. Acta Politica, 47(4), 356–377. Schafraad, P., Wester, F., & Scheepers, P. (2013). Media attention to the Far-right in three Dutch
Newspapers 1986-2004: Characteristics and trends. Observatorio (OBS*) Journal, 7(2), 1-31. Sheets, P., Bos, L., & Boomgaarden, H. (2016). Media Cues and Citizen Support for Right-Wing
34
Schudson, M. (2005). “Four Approaches to the Sociology of News.” In Mass Media and
Society,edited by James Curran and Michael Gurevitch, 172–197. London: Hodder Arnold.
Shoemaker, P. J., & Reese, S. D. (1996). Mediating the message: Theories of influences on mass
media content. White Plains, N.Y: Longman.
White, D. M. (1950). The "Gate Keeper": A Case Study in the Selection of News. Journalism
Quarterly, 27, 383 – 391.
Van Aelst, P., Maddens, B., Noppe, J., & Fiers, S. (2008). Politicians in the news: Media or party logic? Media attention and electoral success in the Belgian election campaign of 2003. European Journal of Communication, 23(2), 193-210.
Van Dalen, A., De Vreese, C. H., & Albæk, E. (2012). Different roles, different content? A four-country comparison of the role conceptions and reporting style of political journalists. Journalism, 13 (7), 903-922.
Van Donselaar, J. (1998). Monitor racisme en extreemrechts. Tweede rapportage: media. Leiden: LISWO.
Van Spanje, J. (2011). The wrong and the right: A comparative analysis of ‘anti-immigration’and ‘far right’parties. Government and Opposition, 46(3), 293-320.
Van Spanje, J., & de Vreese, C. (2014). Europhile media and Eurosceptic voting: Effects of news media coverage on Eurosceptic voting in the 2009 European parliamentary elections. Political
Communication, 31(2), 325-354.
Vliegenthart, R., & Walgrave, S. (2008). The contingency of intermedia agenda setting: A longitudinal study in Belgium. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 85(4), 860-877.
Vliegenthart, R., Boomgaarden, H. G., & van Spanje, J. (2012). Anti-Immigrant Party Support and Media Visibility: A Cross-Party, Over-Time Perspective. Journal of Elections, Public
35
Waisbord, S., & Peruzzotti, E. (2009). “The Environmental Story That Wasn’t:
Advocacy, Journalism and the Asambleísmo Movement in Argentina.” Media, Culture and Society 31 (5): 691-709.
Walgrave, S., & De Swert, K. (2004). The Making of the (Issues of the) Vlaams Blok. Political
Communication, 21(4), 479-500.
Wanta, W., & Hu, Y. W. (1993). The agenda-setting effects of international news coverage: An examination of differing news frames. International Journal of Public Opinion
Research, 5(3), 250-264.
Wu, H. Denis. (2000). Systemic Determinants of International News Coverage: A Comparison of 38 Countries. Journal of Communication, 50(2), 110-30.
News sources
Miranda, G. (2018, June 26). Número de brasileiros em Portugal volta a subir depois de seis anos.
Folha De S. Paulo. Retrieved from https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/mundo/2018/06/numero-de-brasileiros-em-portugal-volta-a-subir-depois-de-seis-anos.shtml
Osborn (2019, January 1). Bolsonaro’s Christian Coalition Remains Precarious. Foreign Policy. Retrieved from https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/01/01/bolsonaros-christian-coalition-remains-precarious-brazil-brasil-president/
Polmédio, C. (2019, March 7). How Evangelical Conservatives are gaining power in Brazil. Foreign
Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/brazil/2019-03-07/how-evangelical-conservatives-are-gaining-power-brazil
Preissler Iglesias, S. & Andrade, V. (2018, September 1). Lula banned from Brazil presidential race
by election court. Bloomberg. Retrieved from
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-09-01/lula-banned-from-brazil-presidential-race-by-election-court
36 Web sources
Popescu,M., Buzarnescu, B., Czikora, E., Gosselin, T., Marincea, A., Santana Pereira, J. & Toka, G. (2013). “European Media Systems Survey 2013.” Data set. Bucharest: Median Research Centre. URL: http://www.mediasystemsineurope.org./
Smith, R. (2018). The world’s biggest economies in 2018. Retrieved from https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2018/04/the-worlds-biggest-economies-in-2018/
![Letter to the editor: "Nasal high-flow versus non-invasive ventilation in patients with chronic hypercapnic COPD" [Letter]](data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAP///wAAACH5BAEAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==)