Net ix’s Bandersnatch and the battle of services for consumer
screen time
The platformisation of interfaciality and infrastructuralisation of streaming services Lucas Prado Amaral Student ID: 12239615 MA New Media and Digital Culture University of Amsterdam Supervisor: dr. Alex Gekker Second reader: dr. Marc D. Tuters June 2019
Abstract
On December 28, 2018, streaming service Net ix released an interactive lm entitled Black Mirror: Bandersnatch , a standalone episode of science– ction series Black Mirror , presenting viewers with interactive features that actively impact the lm's narrative. Bandersnatch came about in a time when many big companies from the entertainment and media world, such as Disney and Apple, announced the future launch of their own streaming service, posing as direct competitors to Net ix. By taking a theoretical bifocal approach, as proposed by Plantin et al., I take Net ix as my object of study and analyse it from the perspective of platform studies and infrastructure studies, in that they reveal the streaming service's dual nature. As a contribution to the eld, I propose two phenomena: the platformisation of interfaciality , presenting new formats for storytelling, and allowing for the collection of more user data; and the infrastructuralisation of streaming services , whether through creating devices that support its online operations, or connecting to a network that reaches a global-scale. As the streaming race gets more competitive for Net ix, I analyse the ways in which Bandersnatch becomes a useful strategy for the company against other services, in terms of: (1) all of the behavioural metrics it yields, (2) new possibilities for revenue sources (such as product placement), and (3) consuming more of users’ screen time.
Table of Content
1. Introduction 4 1.1. Net ix's Golden Age 4 1.2. Net ix through the lens of platform and infrastructure studies 6 1.3. Structure outline of the thesis 9 2. Theoretical Framework 12 2.1. A theoretical bifocal approach 12 2.2. Through the lens of platform studies 13 2.2.1. What is a Net ix Original? 16 2.2.2. Previous works on the phenomenon of platformisation 17 2.2.3. The platformisation of interfaciality 19 2.3. Through the lens of infrastructure studies 20 2.3.1. Vertical integration 21 2.3.2. The infrastructuralisation of streaming services and the Stack model 23 2.4. Methodological approach to the case studies 24 3. You’ll have to see it through to the end 27 3.1. Silicon Valley meets Hollywood - Interactivity and Net ix 29 3.2. The importance of behavioural metrics to Net ix 33 3.3. Programming new experiences and recording them all 35 3.4. Is the future of entertainment interactive? 394. The Net ix e ect - the golden age of streaming services 41
4.1. The Net ix vs. Spielberg dilemma - if you can't beat them, join them! 43 4.2. The wave of direct-to-consumer services soon joining the streaming race 45 4.3. Worldwide distribution - that matters! 49 4.4. The battle for consumer screen time 54 5. Concluding remarks 58 5.1. Interactivity yields more data concerning users' behavioural patterns 59 5.2. Interactivity can make way to new revenue sources 59 5.3. Interactivity can aid Net ix in the battle for consumer screen time 60 5.4. Possible avenues for future research 60 Bibliography 62
1. I
ntroduction
1.1. Net ix's Golden Age
In 1997, computer programmer Reed Hastings, alongside tech marketing executive Marc Randolph, founded a DVD–by–mail rental company dedicated to distributing a selected array of movie titles to its group of subscribers. Based in Scotts Valley, California, the company was idealised to become the " Amazon.com of something besides books" (Keating 17); its founders, in search of a product that was both portable and durable – so as to not get damaged when being mailed –, opted for DVDs, a media storage format that was somewhat still of a rarity then. Betting on the promise of video–on–demand success and seeking to shift their operations to an Internet–based service, they decided to re ect their beliefs of the World Wide Web one day supporting both the rental and streaming of lms on their choice for the company's name: Net ix (Esler, 136). The "Net" derives from Internet , whereas " ix" alludes to the word flicks , a slang for movies. Fast–forward to twenty–two years later and Net ix has catapulted itself into a prominent position within the media and entertainment industries, and as of April 2019, has amassed a total of 148.8 million subscriptions worldwide (Pallotta n. pag.), distributing licensed content as well as having their own original production – which includes movies, series and documentaries. Responsible for consuming a staggering 15% of global internet tra c alone (Binder n. pag.), Net ix has established itself as a leading gure in the world of Internet entertainment and streaming video, operating in over 190 countries across the globe.
Back in 2005, talking to Inc. , an American magazine dedicated to small businesses and startups, Hastings said that their goal was to change the entertainment industry just as done by HBO, and that they wanted "producers and directors to be able to nd the right audience, to change the experience of helping people nd movies they love" (Hastings n. pag). Looking at the performance of some of Net ix's original series and lms, as well as the reaction from major entertainment companies to its success, serves as an indication of the impact that the streaming service (or, ‘streamer’ as often referred to in the industry) has had in how people mainly consume content nowadays. According to the company's latest quarterly earnings report, published in January 17, 2019 , the drama series You (2018) was on track to be watched by over 40 million 1 member households within the rst four weeks of being released on Net ix (the report was published three weeks after the release, hence the estimation for the following week). The show, which originally premiered as a linear series to audiences in the U.S. on Lifetime, had only been
1 Net ix's latest quarterly earnings report can be found in the following link, contained in a letter to the company's
shareholders:
https://s22.q4cdn.com/959853165/ les/doc_ nancials/quarterly_reports/2018/q4/01/FINAL-Q4-18-Shareholder-Letter.pdf
watched by an average of approximately 1.1 million viewers during its run on cable television (Porter, Netflix reveals viewership n. pag.), with its viewership growing exponentially after being released internationally on Net ix. The rise in the show's ratings performance was so signi cant that it resulted in the streamer picking up the second season and turning into a Net ix original 2 (Otterson n. pag.). This makes You yet another show in a list of productions that had initially been aired on a di erent network, but ended up becoming a Net ix original, such as the case of
Designated Survivor and Lucifer .
This scenario points out not only to how the streamer's original productions have been doing well, but also how this success has been achieved on an international level, with original productions all over the world and not only limited to the U.S. territory. For instance, British show
Sex Education is also expected to amass the mark of 40 million homes watching the title within its rst four weeks of exhibition, whereas Spanish drama Elite was viewed in more than 20 million households worldwide for that same duration, after its debut (Porter, Netflix reveals viewership n. pag.). These ratings re ect how these productions speak not only to one country's speci c audience, but rather to a fan base constituted of people from di erent countries, forming a cross–cultural fan network. Meanwhile, Net ix's original movies have also been a source of great success for the company, as shown by critically–acclaimed Roma (2018), by Alfonso Cuaron, and
Bird Box (2018), by Susanne Bier. In fact, Net ix reported on its Twitter account that Bird Box (Figure 1) had been watched by over 45 million accounts only in its rst week (Galuppo n. pag.),
2 The concept of what turns a series or a movie into a Net ix Original will be later explained in the following chapter,
and according to the aforementioned quarterly earnings report, was expected to be seen by over 80 million member households in the rst four weeks after its release (for the same reason as You , this number was an estimation given to the report being published before the completion of said four weeks).
1.2. Net ix through the lens of platform and infrastructure studies
Another show that has also found great success once it was picked up by Net ix is science– ction series Black Mirror , known for its bleak and dystopian–themed episodes concerning the social implications of ubiquitous technology in contemporary life. With its two rst seasons premiering on British television through Channel 4 , the show was added to Net ix's catalogue and then purchased by the streamer in 2015, making it another one of its original productions that was initially aired in a di erent network (Goldberg n. pag.). With one Christmas episode and two other series following its purchase by Net ix, the show drew further attention back in October 1, 2018, when nancial and media organisation Bloomberg reported that the science– ction series was set to launch a choose–your–own–adventure style episode, in which the viewer would be able to "choose their own storylines" within the narrative (Shaw n. pag.). These predictions were con rmed later that year, on December 28, when Net ix released the series' latest iteration, an interactive lm entitled Bandersnatch (2018), inviting viewers to actively participate in the decision-making process of the narrative. This new feature points to a bigger phenomenon than just being yet another shocking episode from the ctional series. Its very existence, as well as the endless possibilities that this interactivity allows, is only made possible due to the nature of what Net ix really is: that is, besides being a media company, the streamer is at its core a digital platform . The use of the term 'platform' to address online services that act as intermediaries of content has been greatly covered by researcher Tarleton Gillespie, who has pointed out how the term has been appropriated by the services to describe themselves, as well as by the public discourse. According to Gillespie, this discursive shift is bene cial for these services, once it downplays their liability for what users do when navigating their environments, being "rewarded for facilitating expression but not liable for its excesses" (356). If we consider this scenario by taking into account the contributions made by platform studies, we begin to understand some key concepts inherent to the logic of digital platforms, such as the planned design of its a ordances, the collection of user data through its application programming interfaces (APIs), and the programmability of its services. Lev Manovich highlighted programmability as the most fundamental quality of not only digital platforms, but of all new media objects. According to him, these objects are essentially formed by digital codes, and as such, they are numerical representations, which renders them "subject to algorithmic manipulation. (...) In short, media becomes programmable" (Manovich 49). Furthermore, the way that streaming services – most notably with Net ix – operate also shows that they are supported by an infrastructure that supports their operationalisation. This translates into creating gateways and paths of communication between hardware and software components, as well as making use of a dispersed network of physical data centres to allow a wide outreach in their services.
Plantin et al. have recently proposed to analyse digital media objects through a theoretical framework that articulated both platform studies and infrastructure studies. They do so in order to address how platforms are acquiring infrastructural characteristics (such as getting more ubiquitous and embedded in our daily lives to the point of becoming essential to us), as well as to point out how established and new infrastructures are also migrating to platform–based services. They call these processes as the infrastructuralisation of platforms, and the platformisation of infrastructures, respectively. I propose building upon the aforementioned works and taking this analysis further in terms of adding two key processes to this scenario: the platformisation of interfaciality , and the infrastructuralisation of streaming services .
As for the rst, this will be an expansion on the previous work done on platformisation. As services like Net ix take the shape of digital platforms, they also condition the kind of content they host according to their qualities as platforms, so as to better serve their interests. Previous work on platformisation includes that of Anne Helmond, who discussed the platformisation of the web, referring to the rise of platforms as "the dominant infrastructural and economic model of the social web" (2), following the transformation of social network websites into platforms – such as the case with Facebook. David B. Nieborg and Thomas Poell also approached the concept of platformisation and applied it to cultural production, so as to show how the products and services hosted by such platforms are rendered as being more and more contingent on these platforms. In this process, these "contingent cultural commodities" also become modular in their design, allowing for their constant remodulation, "informed by data ed user feedback" (Nieborg & Poell 2). Annemarie Navar–Gill is another researcher who has discussed the e ects of platformisation, in her case applied to creativity, investigating how this data–driven environment has a ected screenwriters in their creative writing processes. My contribution to this eld will be by focusing on platformisation applied to the interfacial regime in Net ix and other streaming services, and how it allows for new ways for people to interact with cultural products. Ultimately, what I am to show is how this platformised interaction allows for not only new formats to be produced and distributed by these platforms, but also how it a ords them mechanisms of collecting more user data. Net ix had experimented before with other interactive products, aimed mostly at children’s programming. However Bandersnatch con gures a rst iteration of what is probably the streamer's bet on innovative ways to articulate storytelling and user engagement with cultural products. Given that participatory and interactive media practices have always been associated with the existence of video games, it is also worth approaching studies on game design, especially in what concerns the matter of programmability (Bogost and Montfort). In regard to how this interactivity a ects the narrative of these cultural productions, I will also refer to Espen Aarseth's ergodic literature, in which he describes open and dynamic stories, whose literary sequence depends on the active participation of the viewer. Moreover, the possibilities a orded to streaming services in their condition as platforms also point to a possible explanation on why so many established media and entertainment companies, such as WarnerMedia, NBCUniversal, Disney, and Apple are venturing into the streaming business (Lee n. pag.). In light of this, I aim to show how platforms are becoming the main preferred business model in the entertainment world, given all that is a orded to these companies by having their own direct-to-consumer services.
As for the second process that I highlight in this analysis – the infrastructuralisation of streaming services – I propose to frame the discussion concerning Net ix and streaming services through the lens of infrastructure studies. Plantin et al., in their work, introduced the concept of the infrastructuralisation of platforms, presenting the cases of Facebook, Google and the Open Web. In this, I agree with Annemarie Navar-Gill in that she di erentiates the industrial conditions of other media industries - such as Facebook, Google, Apple, etc. - to that of Net ix, as it is "directly articulated to legacy television industry structures" (4). Therefore, I propose to analyse the concept of infrastructuralisation applied to streaming services. This shift is important if we consider that these online services are operating thanks to a complex and physical infrastructure that allows for the various components to communicate, whether between themselves or with external agents (such as the user). Net ix, in its condition as a video streaming platform and content producing company, similarly exerts the role of a complex and multi–layered infrastructure. In the case of
Bandersnatch , its operation depends on having devices that support interactive features, as well as data centres that store the data that is collected. Furthermore, this infrastructuralisation also facilitates the distribution of content to a wider global audience, which can be one of the reasons why so many entertainment companies like Disney are joining the streaming industry. Net ix's original productions have been marketed and released simultaneously at an international level, with productions from all over the world achieving great success abroad: Spain's Elite and Money Heist ; UK's Sex Educatio n; Germany's Dark ; and US' Stranger Things and 13 Reasons Why , just to name a few. Companies like Disney and WarnerMedia already possess a big enough infrastructure to allow them to operate in the same way. Moreover, the news about the future launch of their own streaming services are also tied to their e orts in vertically integrating their content production and distribution chain, by means of merging with other media companies - such as with Disney's acquisition of 20th Century Fox, and WarnerMedia's merger with AT&T. To this, I will also approach Benjamin Bratton’s model of The Stack. Speaking of planetary–scale computational systems, Bratton proposes a vertical layered model to describe digital platforms, which challenges traditional forms of political geographies. I argue that this con guration is also applicable to the context of streaming services in the entertainment world, as they consolidate services that vertically merge content production and distribution on a multinational level, challenging traditional ways in which traditional entertainment companies operate their services.
This thesis thus takes Net ix as its main object of study in considering my proposed two phenomena: the platformisation of interfaciality and the infrastructuralisation of streaming services . In order to address this discussion, I will approach two case studies that involve recent events concerning Net ix and the streaming industry as a whole, which can give some insight on the current state of this business and potential predictions for the future. The rst case study will revolve around Net ix's interactive lm, Bandersnatch . The second case study will focus on the wave of big media and entertainment companies that are joining the streaming race, more speci cally WarnerMedia, NBCUniversal, Disney and Apple. Both case studies provide fruitful evidence to address both sides of Net ix - as a platform and an infrastructure -, and can be developed into a broader framework of discussion to understand how Net ix has bene ted from both worlds in becoming the biggest reference for online streaming video.
With that in mind, I put forth the following research question: In what ways can Bandersnatch be seen as a strategy for Net ix against the big media and entertainment companies joining the streaming race? Having a concise research question is useful in order to address some concrete topics concerning the two case studies that are being analysed. In answering this question, the analysis expands to a wider discussion of the overarching themes from platform and infrastructure studies, and also relates to the two phenomena proposed in this thesis, namely the platformisation of interfaciality and the infrastructuralisation of streaming services .
1.3. Structure outline of the thesis
This thesis consists of two complementing parts, with the rst half being dedicated to the set up of the discussion – introduction, theoretical framework and methodological approach –, and the second focusing on the execution – empirical analysis and discussion, as well as the conclusion. The introductory chapter provides a rst contact with the object of study and the subject matter, namely Net ix and, more broadly, the streaming industry, as well as presenting the research questions. The following chapter serves to create a theoretical framework in which I ground the arguments I put forward in the discussion. I make use of trade press articles as the main source from which I draw information from reliable and inside sources about current events that are related to Net ix and the streaming industry, speci cally those that concern the two case studies analysed in this thesis. All of these sources will serve to give factual information which I tie back to theoretical debates, in order to situate my research within the academic eld of new media and platform studies. The theoretical framework chapter starts by explaining the theoretical bifocal approach from Plantin et al., in which they propose to analyse current digital media objects through the lens of both platform and infrastructure studies, a cross-articulation of both theoretical strands. I then go more in depth on each eld, rstly looking into the contributions from platform studies, explaining some key concepts, such as programmability and platformisation, and ultimately relating to what I argue as the platformisation of interfaciality . Secondly, I look into scholarly work from infrastructure studies, approaching some works on vertical integration and presenting my contribution, that is, the infrastructuralisation of streaming services , which I relate to the model of The Stack, as proposed by Benjamin Bratton. Finally, the chapter ends with a section on the methodological approach of this thesis, in which I outline how the research and analysis of the case studies are carried out.
The analysis and discussion in this thesis are structured and divided thematically, following the case studies presented here. Therefore, I divide this part into two empirical chapters. The rst one (comprising the third chapter of the thesis) is focused on the case study of Net ix's interactive lm, Black Mirror:Bandersnatch , with the main focus being on analysing the di erent possibilities - for the user and for Net ix - that are a orded by the platformisation of interfaciality , that is, having the interaction between the user and the service being adjusted to the logic of the platform, and how that in turn reveals an infrastructuralisation of the streamer in order to support such actions. I rst contextualise Bandersnatch within the company's history with algorithmic curation
of user feedback and its rst experiments with the interactive format, already introducing key points such as interfaciality and programmability in digital platforms. I relate the discussion on interactivity with the concept of the attention economy, in which users' attention becomes a commodity that is consumed by digital platforms like Net ix. I also reinforce the importance given by the company to behavioural metrics, and learning viewing habits from their users. At this stage, I point to how Net ix is making use of a complex infrastructure in order to operate its interactive features and collect these behavioural metrics, for instance by adjusting the content to a network of devices that are compatible with this format. I then turn to the programmability and recording of choices in Bandersnatch, and how this format not only permits open, non-linear storylines to be distributed in Net ix, but also how it a ords the company the possibility to register users' preference and patterns. Finally, I conclude the chapter by saying that even though Net ix is doubling down on more interactive shows, it is still too early to assume that this format will become the main default for streaming services. However, this information could potentially be used to determine what kind of content is produced in the future, and also allow for marketing strategies to be put into action, such as product placement.
The second empirical chapter (the fourth of the thesis) is focused on the second case study, revolving around the recent news involving big media and entertainment companies launching their own streaming services, which sheds light on how these companies seem to be adjusting their user-service interfaciality to the context of a digital platform. This, in part, is a reaction to the infrastructuralisation of streaming services, which a ord them certain operations that leverages their strategies on an international level, meshing with the infrastructure of traditional entertainment companies. I rst give some contextualisation on the streaming industry and its main services, Net ix, Amazon Prime Video and Hulu, and already introduce the newcomers soon-to-be joining this race. I approach the discussion around the medium format of Net ix products, such as the blurred line between lm and television, and follow with the analysis of four services that are soon joining the industry, namely WarnerMedia, NBCUniversal, Disney, and Apple, indicating that platforms are becoming the preferred business model for the entertainment world. These companies pose a real threat to Net ix, both for their force in content production, but also due to their already existing infrastructure, strengthened by acquiring and merging with other companies that vertically integrate its services with networks of distribution. In that, I present the discussion on how Net ix, as an Internet-based digital platform that is built over a networked infrastructure, distributes its original content instantly to a worldwide audience, across 190 countries. In light of this, I bring to the discussion the theoretical model of The Stack as a framework of analysis for Net ix and these services, in that they have become multi-layered, complex infrastructures, vertically articulating di erent means of production and distribution that make it easier to reach a global audience, and therefore challenges traditional market strategies from creative industries. Finally, I conclude by saying that what these companies are ultimately competing for is consumers' screen time, and their attention, and therefore popular video games such as Fortnite also pose as a threat to Net ix in this internet entertainment era.
The concluding remarks come in chapter ve, in which I address the research question by pointing out three ways in which Net ix’s Bandersnatch can be seen as a strategy for Net ix against
the threat brought about by WarnerMedia, NBCUniversal, Disney, and Apple releasing their own streaming services. The interactive features in Bandersnatch yield more data concerning users’ behavioural patterns, once they are met with several questions throughout the lm about having to choose between two di erent human behaviours. Moreover, it also opens the way for new revenue possibilities, such as product placement, which could allow the streamer to create a basic subscription plan for free, so that it can lure more users to its platform and compete with other free online services like Facebook and Fortnite. Finally, Bandersnatch can be a good strategy for Net ix in terms of helping in the battle for consumer screen time, in that it requires an active engagement from the viewer, thus demanding more of their attention than a non-interactive programme would.
2. T
heoretical Framework
2.1. A theoretical bifocal approach
There is no denying that Net ix has established itself as a leading gure within the entertainment world. Its entrenchment in daily life has somewhat de ned this generation's way of consuming audiovisual products, now presented in a video-on-demand and commercial breaks-free model that cuts the cord from traditional television broadcasters, inviting audiences to binge-watch their favourite shows in one sitting. Alongside other online on-demand services such as Amazon and Spotify, Net ix has contributed to the forti cation of the golden age of streaming, more speci cally in regard to audiovisual content. While still having the majority of its catalogue being populated by licensed content from external studios, the streamer has been clearly investing more and more on its original productions, an increase that has coincided with a recent wave of big media companies announcing the launch of their own streaming services in the next few years, such as Disney and Apple (Lee n. pag.). To better understand this scenario, this thesis uses Net ix as its object of study and approaches two case studies in order to explore recent changes in the streaming industry. I will do so through the theoretical prism of platform and infrastructure studies, as a contribution to the current understanding of digital media objects within the eld of new media.
The aim with this analysis is not to address the aesthetic and creative aspects of the shows and lms distributed by Net ix, but rather to focus on the role of the streamer as a digital platform, a web-based and data-driven service, that also makes use of a complex infrastructure that supports its world-wide operationalisation. Therefore, in order to address the two phenomena that I put forth in this thesis (namely, the platformisation of interfaciality and the infrastructuralisation of streaming services ), I will approach contributions made by platform and infrastructure studies, integrating both so as to reveal the dual nature of Net ix as both a platform and an infrastructure. In this, it proves most useful to analyse this topic within an approach previously presented by Jean-Christophe Plantin, Carl Lagoze, Paul N Edwards and Christian Sandvig, in their paper
Infrastructure studies meet platform studies in the age of Google and Facebook . Plantin et al. proposed to adapt the lens of both approaches in what they called a 'theoretical bifocal', a cross-articulation of both theoretical strands in order to understand current digital media objects and its impacts in contemporary societies. For such, I will rst brie y explain why this approach is fruitful to this thesis, and then expand on the conceptualisation of the terms platformisation and infrastructuralisation, as to understand their relevance to the analysis of Net ix.
In their paper, Plantin et al. begin by positing that, in the age of digital technologies and the Internet, two theoretical strands have been most often employed by media scholars to address the new media objects that have emerged: platform studies and infrastructure studies. On one hand, the former has been focused on computing and software devices, highlighting features such as programmability and accessibility of user data. On the other hand, the latter has been focused on sociotechnical systems that are both widely shared and essential, shedding light on their ubiquity and reliability. What Plantin et al. argue is that this set of new digital objects (such as in the case of their case studies with Google and Facebook) exemplify features that can be found in both types of literature. Instead of having them as two separate epistemologies, articulating both seems to yield a fruitful framework to better address what is currently happening with these services and the larger market in which they are inserted. In this logic, they talk about the "platformisation of infrastructures", as well as the "infrastructuralisation of platforms", in a process in which these big media and digital corporations take the shape of platforms and their a ordances, while also making themselves embedded in daily life and increasingly essential to us (Plantin et al. 293-307).
The above is also the case, as I propose, with Net ix and the streaming business in general. Starting as a DVD–by–mail rental company, the streamer evolved into a web–based service that enjoys the a ordances of a digital platform, such as programmability (Manovich) – which is made even more explicit with interactive products like Black Mirror: Bandersnatch –, and collection of user data (not only through its instant reaction features once the viewer nishes a series or a lm, but also with the storage of user engagement and action throughout, again as shown in the case of
Bandersnatch ). In addition to that, Net ix also operates its service across countries around the world, a service that is facilitated by the Open Web, but that also counts with a complex and dispersed physical infrastructure that supports this operation. This aspect, in conjunction with its ubiquity and embeddedness in daily life, renders Net ix as a service with a structure resembling that of the sociotechnical systems Plantin et al. referred to (power grids, railroads, and so forth), that is, an infrastructure on which people rely and depend - for instance, for the consumption of lms and series, or looking from a di erent angle, as a means for leisure. The wave of big media companies in the likes of Disney and Apple that are now joining the streaming race provides evidence of how Net ix has caused an impact on the entertainment world, and how its in uence is also perceived as being a benchmark of a new trend of watching audiovisual productions. It is not only useful, but also necessary, to regard Net ix as both a platform and an infrastructure. Therefore, the two case studies that I approach in the following empirical chapters are both analysed and discussed through the prism of both theoretical strands, so as to show how Net ix's dual nature permeates all of the company's operations.
2.2. Through the lens of platform studies
The rst part of this analysis will focus on assessing Net ix in its condition as a platform. The use of the word platform in itself is already signi cant due to its underlying connotations, and the historical context in which it is inserted. Tarleton Gillespie has widely contributed to the study of
platforms, reviewing the di erent semantic meanings attributed to the word, among of which there is the computational one, the most recent, to which he de nes as being an infrastructure designed and intended to support a certain type of action or application (whether it is hardware or software). According to Gillespie, all the four categories that he outlines share a same connotation, one that mainly stems from the oldest meaning highlighted, namely the architectural one, used to describe an elevated surface or plateau, whether human-built or naturally formed, that can be of generic use or serve a speci c purpose. This shared connotation, as he lays out, is that of "a ‘raised level surface’ designed to facilitate some activity that will subsequently take place" (Gillespie 350), and for that reason, the employment of the word suggests an egalitarian and accessible quality to the services it describes, promising to support those who use them. This discursive approach was introduced to digital industries mainly in the 1990s when tech corporation Microsoft started to employ the term platform to describe its '.Net' web services, applications (such as Windows Media) and even its Windows operating system (Gillespie 351). Later on, in the mid-2000s, the meaning of the term was expended when Tim O'Reilly used it to describe the concept of 'Web 2.0', covering the notion of web-based applications that focused on user-generated content as being platforms, thus revealing key concepts such as "the provision of connection, programmability, and data exchange" (Plantin et al 296).
Expanding on these features, the notion of participatory media has recurrently been present in the discussions brought about by platform studies. Benkler draws attention to a collection of production practices which he called 'commons-based peer production', of which he nominates free and open-source software as being the quintessential instance of this new era (Benkler 63). According to him, this kind of production system would not be 'hierarchically assigned', but rather decentralised and collaborative, forming a type of networked environment connecting dispersed individuals. He also points out that the peer production of information - in services such as Wikipedia - are facilitated as computing systems become cheaper and more ubiquitous. Furthermore, participatory media have also been essential for the creation of a content distribution network, in which the need for highly expensive distribution channels was no longer necessary, once users' computers with standard Internet connections enabled the sharing, delivery and storage of digital content at a larger scale (Benkler 63-85). It is this content distribution network discussed by Benkler that represents Net ix's infrastructuralisation, with its Internet-based service connecting to customers all over the world.
Another media scholar who contributed to the debates around participatory media was Henry Jenkins, while also introducing two other concepts: that of collective intelligence, and media convergence. According to him, the latter is a process that should be regarded not only as a technological one, but also as representing a cultural shift. This convergence culture results in content being dispersed through di erent media platforms, which highlights how the focus has been shifted towards encouraging consumers "to seek out new information and make connections among dispersed media content" (Jenkins 3). Furthermore, Jenkins argues that older notions of media spectators as being passive are getting left behind, once media producers and consumers start to interact more directly (although this interaction is not always an even and balanced one). All of these changes do not replace older media with emerging ones, despite what was initial thought of
the digital revolution - as theatre and the radio continued to exist after cinema and technology came about, respectively. Instead, there is a shift, a convergence of these older formats into new technologies, since these mediums have established themselves as "satisfying some core human demand, it continues to function within the larger communication options" (Jenkins 14) - this human demand being entertainment, for instance. With the proliferation of mobile phones and portable digital technologies, media becomes present everywhere. Cell phones cease to be mere communication devices, but also used for playing games, listening to music, searching for information on the Internet, and watching movies - which explains why online services and digital platforms launch their own mobile apps, as in the case of Net ix. Thus, this convergence culture not only changes the way media is being produced, but also the way that is being consumed. In having this convergence culture blur the lines between lms, video games and streaming content, for instance, in a malleable platform device, paves the way for the creation of a hybrid media such as
Bandersnatch .
All of the above is to say that these contributions have paved the way for a better understanding of how platforms came to be within a wider historical and contextual framework. Benkler's discussion of participatory culture helps to shed light on key features from platforms, such as connectivity and peer production and consumption in a networked environment. Meanwhile, Jenkin's discussion around media convergence is useful to understand how platforms alter the traditional boundaries between those who produce cultural content and those who consume it. Another extremely important feature of digital platforms and new media objects, as proposed by Lev Manovich, is its possibility to be programmed in a certain way, that is, its
programmability . Other authors who have discussed this quality are Nick Montfort and Ian Bogost, who in their book, Racing the Beam: The Atari Video Computer System , chose the Atari 2600 - known then as Atari VCS, the rst massively popular home video game console - as their main object of study. With its interchangeable cartridges, the Atari system made explicit Bogost's and Montfort's take on platforms as being essentially programmable, with a exibility that encourages creative production. For them, "platforms are layered—from hardware through operating system and into other software layers—and they relate to modular components, such as optional controllers and cards" (Montfort and Bogost 3). This modular power that is suggested by them is constantly being articulated between two integral parts of a platform: one unit that is core to the system, with low-variability; and another unit made up of heterogeneous elements, with high variability (Plantin et al. 298), which allow for this modulating power to be exerted on the users of such platforms.
The scope of works that have contributed to the eld of platform studies is far too broad and these previous remarks sought, in no way, to provide an extensive review of such. The goal was to lay out some key concepts pertaining the operating logics of platforms (such as connectivity, programmability, accessibility, the relationship between content producers and consumers, and so on). In the series forward of their book, Montfort and Bogost explain that the purpose of the Platform Studies book series is to analyse the underlying computing systems that support and shape the creative work that is distributed on them. As explained in the previous chapter, Net ix initially started out as DVD-by-rental company, later on migrating to a web-based service that
mailed the DVDs to its members, and eventually producing and distributing its own original content, turning into the entertainment giant that it is today. However, there is some confusion as to what precisely is meant by a Net ix Original production, and thus requires further probing. I will brie y cover this matter, followed by a deeper focus on the phenomenon of platformisation and how it has been approached by scholars in the eld, which I will then add to with my own contribution to this discussion.
2.2.1. What is a Netflix Original?
On February 1, 2013, Net ix made available for streaming all 13 episodes of the entire rst season of House of Cards . The show, starring Kevin Spacey and Robin Wright, was Net ix's rst original production, a kicking start to what Ted Sarandos (the company's chief content o cer) referred to as their goal "to become HBO faster than HBO can become us" (Hass n. pag.). Sarandos had set the goal to produce a minimum of ve original productions per year, dedicating in 2013 an amount of "$300 million in his budget for original programming" (Bishop n. pag.). Since then, the array of original Net ix productions, both series and movies, has grown far beyond their moderate initial goal of ve productions per year. Likewise, their designated budget for original programming has also increased dramatically: in 2018, the company spent approximately $12.04 billion for the production of original content, an increase of 35% when compared to 2017's budget of $8.9 billion (Spangler, Netflix spent $ n. pag.). Even though most of Net ix's catalogue is still in its majority made up of licensed material from other content providers, its high investment in original productions certainly points to a growing interest on the part of the streamer to make its original series and lms even more numerous.
But what essentially turns a series or a lm into a Net ix Original? This is how the streamer explains the licensing of TV series and movies in its help centre:
Net ix partners with content providers to license streaming rights for a variety of TV shows and movies. We also produce in-house or acquire exclusive rights to stream content such as Orange is the New Black, Stranger Things, BoJack Horseman, Unbreakable Kimmy Schmidt , and many more. These productions are called Net ix originals (Net ix Help Center, How does Netflix n. pag.). Therefore, the productions that are branded with a "Net ix Original" tag speak much more to the distribution rights of that content than the actual production and making of it. Some of this material is made of content with which Net ix was involved from the very beginning, commissioning the production and purchasing the rights to exclusive streaming distribution, as in the case of Santa Clarita Diet, Dear White People, and Sex Education . In all these cases, Net ix is credited as the distributor, or original network. The same works for its original movies, as in the case of Bird Box , in which Net ix appears as the distributor, and 'Bluegrass Films' and 'Chris Morgan Productions' appear as the production companies. In addition, there are also the cases of productions that originally had a run on cable TV and were later purchased by Net ix, such as
Arrested Development, Orphan Black , and Black Mirror . All these shows had their rst seasons broadcasted by a cable television channel, only being later acquired and exclusively streamed by the
platform, making them Net ix Originals. One interesting case is that of Star Trek-Discovery , created and distributed by American broadcast television channel CBS, with exclusive international distribution by Net ix to 188 countries, excluding the US and Canada (StarTrek.com Sta n. pag.). Thus, this terminology seems to speak much more to exclusive distribution rights by the platform, and even then, having a show being tagged as a Net ix Original does not mean that it is guaranteed to be distributed by the streamer worldwide. The same aforementioned help centre page indicates that in some cases, the company was not able to secure the licensing rights of a show for all global regions, and in other cases, content deals made in countries before Net ix became available also impede the distribution of certain shows.
2.2.2. Previous works on the phenomenon of platformisation
The works that have contributed to the eld of platform studies have shown that these systems not only support, but also shape the kind of creative work that is distributed by them. Platforms have an operating logic with key shared features, such as programmability and data collection through APIs, and therefore these features are applied to such content in terms of how it is conveyed - and in turn, in how we experience it. That is to say that, in the case of audiovisual content, such as lms and television shows, there is a di erence in consuming them on traditional media apparatus (a movie screen in a theatre room, for instance, or a television in a living room), or on a web- or mobile-based application, that is, a platform such as Net ix. Recall Marshall McLuhan's famous quote “"the medium is the message” intended to shed light on the importance of focusing not on the content of the story itself, but rather on the properties of a medium, as they transform the human experience and sensation. Cultural content that is distributed on Net ix is therefore adjusted to the logic of the platform; or in other words, it is platformised.
This phenomenon known as platformisation has been previously covered by scholars in the media studies department. Anne Helmond took Facebook as a case study to understand its development into a platform by situating it within the larger context of social network sites developing into social media platforms. Helmond addresses the architectural model of platforms, focusing on their programmability, which is enabled by their software interface, an Application Programming Interface (API), which she points as what essentially turns these websites into platforms. While addressing their growing expansion into the web sphere, she explains how this programmability enables the rendering of external web data into a platform-ready format, so as to enable their collection by the platform. In this process, the result is what Helmond refers to as the
platformisation of the web , that is, "the rise of the platform as the dominant infrastructural and economic model of the social web and the consequences of the expansion of social media platforms into other spaces online" (5). In other words, with the expansion of social media platforms to external websites in the online sphere (by means of association with third parties), the web is adjusted to the logic of the platform and its programmability, so as to render web data legible to these services, in a process of commodifying online user activity to serve the economic interests of platforms such as Facebook.
In addition, the concept of platformisation has also been discussed in similar terms by David B. Nieborg and Thomas Poell, who signalised the extension of digital platforms into the web and app spheres as causing the platformisation of these ecosystems. Their focus is on how this process a ects the operations of cultural industries, resulting in what they call the platformisation of cultural production. Nieborg and Poell approach this discussion by explaining the larger market structures around which cultural production take shape, pointing out some key features:
(1) multisided market structures, in which a number of transnational corporations (GAFAM ) 3 create a network of dispersed agents, from multiple end-users, advertisers, to intermediaries and cultural content producers (this ecosystem is similar to that described by the aforementioned scholars who theorised about participatory culture and media convergence);
(2) platform governance, that is, how platforms in uence the power relations between end-users and content producers, for instance, through algorithmic curation, which a ords more visibility to certain items and news outlets; and
(3) how the infrastructure of cultural production is transformed by platformisation, with features that favour data-driven processes aimed at optimising the content that is distributed and monetised in these platforms.
Due to all of the above reasons, Nieborg and Poell conclude by saying that cultural content becomes a commodity that is contingent, dependent on the platform, and informed by data ed user feedback. In other words, this cultural production is adjusted to the logic of the platform, in which "content is contingent, modularized, constantly altered, and optimized for platform monetization (...), which further destabilizes the neat separation between the modalities of production, circulation, and monetization" (Nieborg and Poell 8).
Finally, Annemarie Navar-Gill is another scholar who has approached the impact that the penetration of digital platforms into creative industries has had on cultural production. However, she proposes a new take on this discussion by a rming that this impact is di erent on the American television industry than to other media industries. Therefore, her focus is on streaming services - mainly Net ix - and how this market has impacted television production. Streaming services have often been framed as spaces that allow for more freedom of creativity for screenwriters. However, their operations are still informed and measured by quanti able data, as these services are essentially data-driven companies. The di erence, as pointed by Navar-Gill from interviews she conducted with several screenwriters, is that these content creators are often not communicated about the ratings during their writing process. She refers to di erent cases of screenwriters who used to work for cable television but migrated to a streaming service, such as one writer who had previously worked at SyFy and, at the time of the interview, was working for Hulu. She also mentions the case of Shonda Rhimes, known for being the creator of shows like Grey's Anatomy and Scandal . In both cases, the content creators argued that the streaming environment
3 GAFAM is an acronym for the ve most powerful digital platforms in the West: Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon,
was more creatively liberating, and that they did not feel regulated or limited by audience data points during their creative writing process (Navar-Gill 9-10). She concludes by saying that even though the discourse of streaming services providing more creative freedom still remains, platforms o er more precise information about audience engagement than traditional ratings do. This can be interpreted as more creative freedom during the construction of the story, as seen with the outburst of Net ix Original shows in the past couple of years (a willingness to take creative risks), but also enabling the company to quickly call o productions that do not perform well in viewership, for instance, the cancellation of its several Marvel series ( Daredevil , Iron Fist and Jessica Jones ).
2.2.3. The platformisation of interfaciality
I propose to build upon the previous work done on the phenomenon of platformisation and add my contribution to it by looking at how this platformisation shapes the relationship between the user and the service, that is, how it shapes the interfacial regime that is established in Net ix. I refer to this process as the platformisation of interfaciality . For academic study, this phenomenon contributes to a larger understanding of the e ects of platformisation in how it concerns the user-platform interaction. Like many other works that have analysed how di erent iterations (e.g. the web, cultural production, and creativity) behave when adjusted to the logic of the platform, I will shed light on how the interfaciality experienced by users in Net ix is shaped and modulated according to the logic of the streamer, aiming at optimising the company's pro t. I will discuss this by addressing not only how it opens new possibilities for audiovisual narratives - such as with open and interactive stories - but also how it a ords new avenues for the streaming service for collecting more user data, improving their ways of assessing user behaviour and preference.
As I approach in the empirical case studies, the recent interactive releases by Net ix - as mainly seen in the case of Black Mirror: Bandersnatch - indicate that the streamer is experimenting with di erent narratives that are made possible once cultural content is adjusted to the logic of a platform. In other words, the streamer a ords this kind of production to be distributed due to its software interface (that is, its API), revealing the already mentioned feature of programmability, essential to the understanding of platforms. Even though these interactive narratives are still a minority when compared to the plethora of linear narratives in Net ix's catalogue, it does raise the question of whether the future of the streamer is to invest in more products of this kind. What it also shows is how Net ix can be operated as a games platform. This is an appropriate remark, given the importance of game studies to the overall eld of platform studies (mainly due to its contributions to the discussion of programmability). Espen Aarseth, a scholar in the eld of video game studies and digital literature, coined the term ergodic literature , a concept he used to describe narratives in which "nontrivial e ort is required to allow the reader to traverse the text" (1), for instance, by requiring an active engagement from the reader besides eye movement and the turning of pages. For Aarseth, this type of literature involves a decision-making process that makes certain parts and paths of the narrative more accessible - and others less - to the reader. It is a "labyrinth, a game, or an imaginary world, in which the reader can explore at will, get lost, discover secret paths,
play around, follow the rules, and so on" (3). Moreover, Aarseth also points out how digital computing and automation have led to the creation of programmable genres consisting of "collections of interdependent fragments, with repeating loops, cross-references, and discontinuous 'jumps' back and forth between sections" (11). This framework is useful for understanding the kind of engagement that is expected from the user when watching interactive content, that is, an active one, choosing certain paths of the narrative over others. Fragmented yet interdependent parts that make up the entirety of the story once they are put together, o ering a multiplicity of storylines that are dependent on the choices made by the user. This kind of user engagement, or in other words, this interfacial regime is only made possible through the platform's API and its programmability features. However, these features a ord more than new possibilities for storytelling. As I show in the following chapters, the platformisation of interfaciality also allows for the company to scrape more data about their users' behaviours and viewing habits, which can in turn be capitalised by the service in order to make more informed decisions regarding their content and market strategies.
2.3. Through the lens of infrastructure studies
Following Plantin et al.'s theoretical bifocal approach, Net ix will also be regarded in its condition as an infrastructure, and how this infrastructuralisation plays out in the context of entertainment content. As explained at the beginning of this chapter, the reason why Plantin et al.'s approach was taken as a theoretical framework for this thesis is because they operationalise digital media objects in a way that presents features found in both platform studies and infrastructure studies. In the case of Net ix, besides being a digital platform, it has also taken the shape of a complex infrastructure in order to support its operations across the world. It is an example of the infrastructuralisation of streaming services , and I argue that it should be regarded as an infrastructure by following the two intellectual lines along which infrastructure studies has developed, as laid out by Plantin et al. (295-296). According to them, the rst is focused on a historical perspective on large technical systems - Net ix, besides being a web-based digital service, also makes use of a material and dispersed infrastructure, with servers, data centers, CDNs and many more heterogeneous elements distributed around the world. Furthermore, the second intellectual line described by Plantin et al. is more focused on the sociology of infrastructures, highlighting features such as ubiquity and reliability. Similarly, as shown in the introduction, Net ix's exponential growth indicates its wide reach around the world, and its service has become one of the main means of consuming audiovisual content nowadays. Therefore, it can be treated as becoming a service that is essential to users and embedded into daily life.
The rst intellectual line of infrastructure studies mentioned by Plantin et al. developed a body of work that sought to outline a history of the development of large technical systems (LTS). One of these authors is Thomas P. Hughes, who elected the electric power system as the most impressive construction project of the 19th century, studied its formative years, between 1880 and 1930. According to him, "(e)lectric power systems embody the physical, intellectual, and symbolic
resources of the society that constructs them" (2). For such, he also takes a cross-country approach, analysing systems from the U.S., Germany and England, and in studying local, regional and national-scale systems, he shows that all the interconnected components that make up these technical systems are designed and centrally controlled for the purpose of performance optimisation (5). Moreover, Hughes also points out that, as these systems grow and expand, they gain what he calls a 'substantial momentum', in which case these systems have developed a material infrastructure consisting of "machines, devices, structures, and other physical artifacts in which considerable capital has been invested" (15). Hughes later joined Renate Mayntz in editing a book that approached not only electrical power systems, but other types of LTS, such as railroad networks and telephone systems, outlining a historical perspective on the installation and development of such infrastructures (Mayntz and Hughes). Another key concept developed by this strand of theorists is that of sociotechnical gateways, which emerge in order to link the heterogeneous systems that compose an infrastructure into networks, that is, to achieve technical compatibility (Egyedi and Spirco 948-949). Examples of gateway technologies are AC/DC power converters, and document format converters (allowing documents in one speci c format to be opened and read by another software application).
The second intellectual line in the eld of infrastructure studies that Plantin et al. referred to is more concerned with taking on a phenomenological and sociological perspective, that is, not so much focusing on the systems themselves, but rather pointing to the ways in which these systems impact the societies in which they are built, and how dependent these communities become on such infrastructures. Edwards et al. argued that as LTSs become more and more consolidated, they "become genuine infrastructures, i.e. ubiquitous, reliable, and widely shared resources operating on national and transnational, scales" (12). Such features that are characteristic of infrastructural organisations, such as ubiquity, reliability, accessibility and durability, are what create the dependencies on these infrastructures. Their embeddedness in daily life render them invisible, transparent, only becoming noticeable during episodes of breakdown (Plantin et al. 296).
Approaching the contributions made by the aforementioned scholars is useful to address some key concepts pertaining to the eld of infrastructure studies, whether focusing on the sociotechnical systems and their network of interconnected elements by technical gateways, or focusing on how their ubiquity, reliability and durability make communities dependent on them. Within this discussion, understanding Net ix as an infrastructure shows a con guration that resembles that of vertically integrated systems, representing a larger process of infrastructuralisation of streaming services . For such, it is useful approaching Benjamin Bratton's model of The Stack, in order to address the layered and dispersed infrastructure that enables Net ix and services of this kind to operate on a global scale.
2.3.1. Vertical integration
On March 30, 2018, it was reported that Net ix had been ‘in advanced talks’ to purchase EuropaCorp lm studio, owned by French lmmaker Luc Besson (Liptak, Report: Netflix n. pag.),
which was later denied by the studio. Nonetheless, they did spark some comments about how this could be seen as Net ix's strategy to vertically integrate its services. This notion is also reinforced considering the amount of movies Net ix has been making recently: in 2017, the streamer delivered more than 60 Net ix Original movies (Virtue n. pag.). Repeating the success in 2018, with movies such as Bird Box and three-time Oscar winner Roma , there is no doubt that the company seems keen in continuing its investments in original productions, whether it is lms, documentaries or series. This trend points to a process of vertical integration, "referring to the merger or acquisition of companies at di erent levels of production, distribution, and exhibition" (Jin 407). In the case of Net ix, however, this vertical integration does not necessarily happen through the merger or acquisition of a company. By contrast, the streamer commissions and funds the making of its original productions, establishing contracts with third party-producing companies that are in charge of taking care of the actual production of the series and/or movies. Even though not directly producing them, Net ix fully owns the rights to this content, not having to license it from external studios or cable television companies, holding the exclusive rights to the distribution on its streaming platform.
Literature about vertical integration in creative industries has been covered from di erent approaches by scholars in the eld. Blackstone and Bowman, for instance, discussed the impact of vertical integration in motion pictures, more speci cally on the integration of the production, distribution and exhibition stages. According to them, "(v)ertically integrating a producer-distributor and an exhibitor can lead to lower prices, which would cause bigger audiences, higher admissions revenues, and higher pro t" (Blackstone and Bowma 124). As a result of higher pro t, companies would have more funds for investment in future productions. Meanwhile, Tasneem Chipty discussed vertical integration between programming and distribution in the cable television industry, more speci cally that between cable system operators and programme service providers, in which "the harmful e ects of market foreclosure are o set by the e ciency-enhancing e ects of vertical integration" (Chipty 430). In other words, vertical integration results in e ciency gains by lowering the price of the services while improving the quality of their product, achieving higher penetration rates. In addition, Chipty also argues that "integrated operators prefer to carry their own programming" (Chipty 450). Finally, W. Wayne Fu focused his research on the Singapore cinema market, by analysing the e ects of vertical integration and horizontal control on the screening of lms in movie theaters, in terms of its impact on the extension or cancellation of their run depending on whether the movie is from a distributor with which the theater has ownership ties or not. His ndings showed that "how long rental movies (i.e., those supplied by unintegrated distributors) stay on in a theatre depends on the vertical structure and number of theaters owned by its parent chain" (Fu 77), and that vertically integrated theatres tended to cancel the run length of these movies faster than unintegrated theatres.
These contributions to the study of vertical integration in creative industries help understand how this strategy can play out in the case of Net ix: a company that achieved worldwide success as a streaming service occupying the stage of exhibition, by licensing content that could also be watched in other screens (for instance, in cable television channels), then expanding to the role of distributor by acquiring exclusive rights of distribution of certain shows, and nally
