Emancipation levels among Moroccan women in the Netherlands : the lasting impact of cultural background

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Emancipation Levels among

Moroccan Women in the Netherlands

The Lasting Impact of Cultural Background

Roos van Kreij June 2016

Supervisor: Dr. Seiki Tanaka Second reader: Dr. Anja van Heelsum Master thesis Political Science, International Relations

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1. Introduction

“In the Dutch society the Moroccan woman participates the least on the labour market, has the lowest level of education and the highest percentage of illiteracy. She is being controlled by the Moroccan law and religion. The influence of the Moroccan Family Law is also very big in the Netherlands. This Law considers the woman as weak and the man as wage earner. She cannot marry or divorce independently and can be disowned by her husband”

- Azarkan (2000)

In the Netherlands, Moroccan immigrant women are often regarded as a homogenous group, as Western media have created abstract perceptions of these women. As a result, the ill-understood Moroccan women are perceived as one entity, in which social differences do not seem to matter. Their diverse social-cultural contexts are often neglected by Western

perception, since, unfortunately, Moroccan culture is poorly understood in the West. Especially on the issue of gender equality and emancipation there are Western stereotypes about Moroccan women; not only are they portrayed as submitting to Islam and patriarchy, they are also objectified as helpless women with a lack of agency (Sadiqi, 2003:213). This thesis will clarify on the heterogeneity of Moroccan women in the Netherlands, especially on the issue of emancipation. According to the Dutch research institute CBS, emancipation implies three different aspects: participation on the labour market, economic independence and societal participation. In these aspects, women must have the same political, legal, cultural and social rights and opportunities as men (Putters and Tjin-A-Tsoi, 2014). In the Dutch policy on emancipation, emancipation is described as follows: ‘the possibility to be independent and the realization of equal rights, opportunities, freedoms and responsibilities for both men and women’ (Pels, 2006:11-12). Both definitions of

emancipation contain women’s autonomous position, while the definition of CBS also contains women’s self-development by participation in society. In sum, emancipated women are more ‘free’ than women who are not or less emancipated. Emancipation also means a high level of autonomy (Sadiqi, 2003:162).

Furthermore, women’s emancipation has a strong connection with gender equality, especially in Morocco, as women are often restricted relative to and subordinate to men. Also, when women are emancipated, it usually implies that there is case of more gender equality. In

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Sweden, for example, there is a high level of women’s labour market participation. Labour market participation is an operationalized measure for emancipation. Women can be

considered as economically independent if they participate on the labour market. Because of this, the uneven balance of work and power between the sexes is eliminated and an equal society is achieved. The government of Sweden defines gender equality as equal rights, obligations, and possibilities for men and women in all areas of life (Nordenmark and Nyman, 2003:181-182).

As most research on emancipation is about the comparison between men and women, or between different national or religious groups, this thesis will compare women from the same Moroccan nationality and Islamic religion with each other. This thesis argues that there is variation in the level of emancipation among Moroccan women in the Netherlands. In other words: this study will argue that some Moroccan women are more emancipated than others; that is, some Moroccan women hold a high level of emancipation and others a low level of emancipation. The research question of this thesis is: what explains the difference in levels of

emancipation among Moroccan women? The dependent variable here is emancipation, in

which the variation is a high level of emancipation versus a low level of emancipation.

This study argues that region of origin, being rural or urban, is the most important indicator for the differentiation among Moroccan women. Regional origin determines the culture of a society. This cultural background implies norms and values, mentality and customs. These aspects differ per society. Within Morocco, the differences between urban and rural areas are the most apparent, because of the different development levels in these areas. Norms and values, mentality and customs influence variables that can influence women’s emancipation levels, such as marriage, education, labour market participation and social contacts. These variables are also influenced by the access women have to education, health and the labour market, as not all societies offer the same chances and opportunities. This access is

determined by regional origin and its level of development as well. For example, in urban areas there generally is more access to education and health, which influences women’s opportunities.

This thesis furthermore argues that the norms and values, mentality and customs of a woman, together with the characteristics she has such as marital status, education, having a job and social contacts, determine her level of autonomy and participation. As stated above, the levels of autonomy and participation indicate a woman’s emancipation level. In sum, this thesis argues that all these variables that affect women’s emancipation levels, such as her

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norms and values, mentality, customs, marital status, education, job and social contacts, are a product of culture. Cultural background explains the differences in levels of emancipation among Moroccan women in Morocco. Culture is tied to geography, which is why this thesis uses regional origin as a proxy for cultural background.

Regional origin does not only indicate differences between women in Morocco, since, after migrating to the Netherlands, Moroccan women are influenced by their regional origin as well. Moroccan women coming from urban areas are, due to the developed and modern culture in Moroccan urban areas, more familiar with the modern and Western lifestyle of the Netherlands. After migration they adapt quite easily to Dutch society. Women coming from rural areas have more difficulty to adapt and integrate, for their way of living in Morocco differs a great deal from the Dutch society they migrated to. Moroccan rural women harmonize less with Dutch modern and liberal norms and values, than with the mentality, customs and norms and values of their Moroccan regional origin. Their struggle to adapt affects their level of autonomy and participation in society and therefore their level of emancipation. In relation to Moroccan urban women, they will receive less education, will participate less on the labour market, have less Dutch contacts and remain to have more traditional ideas about, for instance, marriage. Moroccan urban women attune more to Dutch society than Moroccan rural women, which contributes to their autonomy, education level, participation in society and on the labour market and the dissemination of Dutch norms and values. Moroccan regional origin does also affect women’s emancipation level in the

Netherlands, as it determines how much effect the Dutch society will have on the norms and values, mentality and customs of a woman.

Urban women (for example from Casablanca) who are already more emancipated in Morocco, become more emancipated in the Netherlands. Rural women (for example from the mountainous region near Nador) who have a lower degree of emancipation in Morocco, do not become more emancipated in the Netherlands, as the influence of their region of origin restrains them. Therefore, not only does the gap in emancipation between different Moroccan women remain to exist in the Netherlands, it even increases. The mechanism as explained in this argument section is outlined in the graph below.

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Figure 1: The argument of this thesis.

Most research on gender equality and emancipation among immigrants compares immigrants with natives, or different immigrant groups with each other, such as Turks with Moroccans. A distinction between different Moroccan women is seldom made, as Moroccan women are often considered as a homogenous group. Differences in age, class, education, cultural and religious orientations, ambitions, lifestyle or choices among Moroccan women, are not made visible (Roggeband and Verloo, 2007:284). Differences in regional origin among Moroccan women are also neglected, for only recently it has been recorded where Moroccan immigrants exactly come from (Fokkema et al., 2009:51).

Some existing work does acknowledge the heterogeneity of Moroccan women, such as the articles by Sadiqi (2003) and Pels (2000). Pels (2000) talks about the traditional gender role division in Morocco and how these roles are challenged after migration to the

Netherlands, mostly as regards household tasks and the upbringing of children. She mentions differences between families from rural areas and urban areas and acknowledges differences between women as to their education level, mastery of Dutch language, family structure and

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importance of religion. However, Pels’ conclusions mostly imply differences between different Moroccan families, instead of differences between women. Furthermore, her conclusions regard gender equality within the household and do not consider different equality levels among women (Pels, 2000:88-89). Whenever differences among women are discussed in literature, only one or two variables are mentioned. Previous studies do not examine many variables at the same time. Education, for instance, is often considered as the most important indicator for difference. However, other indicators such as marriage, region of origin or class are often neglected. Therefore, it does not become clear how these different variables are related to each other and which variable is more plausible to explain differences in emancipation levels. This study will discuss several variables and explain how they relate to each other, in order to find out what the most plausible explanation is.

This study also contributes to the structure-agency debate, as it shows the importance of structure for Moroccan women’s lives. This study poses that agency is subordinated to structure. People, when they make decisions, are always influenced by their cultural

background. This thesis argues that Moroccan women in the Netherlands, especially of rural origin, are constrained in their agency by the culture of their regional origin. The choices they make, about, for instance, receiving education, getting a job, or getting married, are

influenced by the structure of their original society, indicated by culture. This culture determines the norms and values, customs and mentality in the certain region of origin, and determines the behaviour of Moroccan women in Morocco and in the Netherlands (Hay and Wincott, 1998:952).

Moroccan women’s emancipation is a much-debated subject in the Netherlands. Migrant Moroccan women are represented as the principal key to solving problems of integration and gender equality, and are the foundation of improving the position of Moroccans in the

Netherlands (Zwart, 2015). The quantity of organisations for Moroccan women in the

Netherlands proves this concern for Moroccan women in the Netherlands. In the Netherlands, such an organisation can be found in almost every big city, and there are several national ones, such as ‘Al Amal’ in Utrecht, ‘El Moustaqbal’ in The Hague and ‘Moroccan Women Society Netherlands’ on national level. Their websites all claim to aim for better participation of women in the Dutch society and the improvement of women’s positions (Stichting

Aknarijwest, 2010; MVVN, 2012; Stichting Al Amal, 2015; El Moustaqbal, 2016). Alongside the existence of organisations in civil society, the political society has to cope with the issues around Moroccan women as well. Policies on integration, gender

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equality and women’s emancipation focus on Moroccan immigrants and try to improve the current situation. Van den Berg (2011) argues that Dutch policy is based on public debate, which portrays Moroccan women as a vulnerable group. Integration policies often focus on gender issues, but the differences among Moroccan women in, for instance, social status, education, and paid work are often neglected (van den Berg, 2011:504-505). To make effective policy on Moroccan immigrant women, it is important to recognize and

acknowledge not only their values and social situation, but also their heterogeneity. In brief: Dutch policy should let go of its stereotypical attitude, as a better understanding of the heterogeneity of Moroccan women could lead to better policy (Sadiqi, 2003:213-214). This thesis could also have implications for policy on emancipation and gender equality, as it discusses reasons for different emancipation levels. To make these policies more purposeful, it is crucial to know what contributes to women’s emancipation levels, and which indicators have less impact.

Finally, this thesis contributes to the tackling of epistemic violence. The assumption about homogeneity of Moroccan women can be considered as an act of epistemic violence, namely, the stereotyping and generalizing of the conditions of women from the developing world, i.e. the assumption they are all lacking agency. This stereotyping is mostly done by Western scholars and dominates Western perception (Ayotte and Husain, 2005:113). In the yearly Dutch integration report, the only distinctions that are made in socioeconomic status are between different ethnic groups, different generations, and between men and women. Differences among women are only made between women with different nationalities (CBS, 2014).

This study commences with an overview of the literature on emancipation that is most applicable for this thesis. General literature is discussed, whereupon more specific literature on emancipation among Moroccan women in the Netherlands and in Morocco is outlined. After that, the argument of this study is discussed, following the corresponding mechanism. At the end of the argument section, the research question, argument, and analysis are connected by the operationalization, and the research design is presented. Subsequent to the argument section, the analysis is outlined, which ends with alternative arguments to answer the research question. Lastly, this thesis will be concluded, and limitations, implications, and possible future research are discussed.

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2. Literature review

Women’s emancipation is a much-debated subject, and existing literature offers different perspectives on how to measure emancipation and which variables influence emancipation. Literature shows that education generally appears to have considerable influence on the level of emancipation a woman holds. For the specific case of Morocco, however, other aspects are considered to be more important for the emancipation issue. Influence of family and social institutions, for instance, seems to be of greater importance in Morocco than in other societies.

However, when taking into consideration the importance of education and the importance of social institutions and family, there is case of a paradox. If education were considered to be the most important indicator for women’s emancipation levels, the

importance of social institutions and family would be undermined. It would presume that all women have the opportunity and ability to educate themselves, no matter what their

background is. If it is argued that the influence of social institutions and family would determine women’s emancipation levels, education loses its importance. The paradox here is a discussion about whether agency or structure has the most influence on women’s

emancipation levels. Structure is understood as the institutional context, such as family or community, in which a woman finds herself. Influence of social institutions and family are part of structure. When structure predominates, a woman is constrained in her agency. Agency implies a woman’s own rational choice, and predominates when she is not

constrained in any way by her institutional context. If a woman decides to get an education, that can be considered as agency (Hay and Wincott, 1998:952,956).

This thesis argues, however, that agency is constrained by structure, because the decisions a woman makes are always influenced by her cultural background, determined by her regional origin. This argument fills a gap in existing literature. Current literature on women’s emancipation provides different explanations for the differences in levels of

emancipation. Literature on Moroccan women in the Netherlands also provides variables that are determining for different emancipation levels. However, the importance of cultural background is often neglected in this literature, as women’s agency seems to receive more attention than structure.

The first section of this literature review offers an outline of the different variables to explain emancipation that are presented in literature. The second section discusses literature

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on emancipation among Moroccan women in the Netherlands. To show the importance of cultural background for women’s emancipation levels, the third section will show how emancipation levels are determined in Morocco.

2.1 General literature on emancipation Education and job opportunity

In several studies about emancipation, the variable of education is mentioned as an important indicator for emancipation. Jütting et al. stress the importance of education for women, for when women are badly educated or illiterate, the discrimination of women through social institutions is more apparent. Without education, they lack the knowledge and status to uphold themselves and resist patriarchy (Jütting et al., 2008:71; Sadiqi, 2003:189-192). Whether a woman has had some form of education will also influence her level of autonomy as regards participation on the labour market and earning an independent income. She will be less dependent on her husband or male kin, which contributes to her esteem,

self-promotion and satisfaction. She will also gain more power, since having a job contributes to having a social network and master more languages (Sadiqi, 2003:189-198).

Being educated, having a job, earning an independent income, and having access to money, influence their emancipation level and can indicate differences in emancipation levels. Compared to uneducated women, educated women have a higher income level, have more autonomy and authority, they mostly speak more languages and they receive more social prestige (Sadiqi, 2003:185-188).

Gender equality

Emancipation is closely related to gender equality, as women can be regarded as more emancipated when there is case of gender equality. Levels and measurements of gender equality, therefore, have influence on emancipation levels. The World Bank has defined gender equality as equality between men and women under the law, and equality of

opportunity and voice. Discrimination against women therefore indicates the level of gender equality (Jütting et al., 2008:65). The GID-DB (Gender, Institutions and Development Data Base) provides variables to measure the level of gender equality. The meanings of the different variables are explained in the accompanying table (Appendix A).

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Social institutions variables

Family code Physical integrity Civil liberties Ownership rights

Early marriage Female genital mutilation

Freedom of movement

Access to land

Polygamy Violence against women

Restriction of dress Access to bank loans

Parental authority Missing women Access to property

Inheritance

Figure 2: The GID-DB (Jütting et al., 2008:67).

The GID-DB is mostly meant to measure gender equality on country-level. For micro-level analyses not all variables mentioned by Jütting et al. can be used. Only variables that can be used for micro-level analysis need to be considered for this thesis, as only differences

between women within the same country are discussed. For example, some variables, such as female genital mutilation, or access to land, are subject to national legislations and therefore cannot explain differences among women within the same country (Jütting et al., 2008:71). The variables that cannot be used to explain differences within the same country are indicated in italics.

Social institutions

Norms, values and attitudes may be the most important determinants for emancipation level, as they have existed for centuries, are difficult to change and are often considered more important than formal laws and regulations (Jütting et al., 2008:67). According to Jütting et al., these social institutions affect other variables that influence emancipation levels.

Economic development, for instance, decreases in regions where the social institutions have the most influence, because they restrict women to participate in the labour market (Jütting et al., 2008:73). Striking is that Jütting et al. thus acknowledge that social institutions are an indicator of considerable importance for emancipation levels, as they also have great effect on education and labour-force participation.

2.2 Moroccan women in the Netherlands

As most scholars agree on, education, job opportunity, gender equality and social institutions are the underlying variables of emancipation. As this thesis discusses Moroccan women in

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Morocco and in the Netherlands, this section will look at what is perceived as emancipation and which variables underlie emancipation in the Netherlands. Especially policy on

emancipation of Moroccan immigrant women will be outlined.

Dutch policy

In Dutch policy, emancipation among Moroccan immigrant women is considered as crucial to achieve gender equality. Gender equality is defended as a ‘Dutch’ central value, that

immigrants must understand and respect (Roggeband and Verloo, 2007:272). Dutch policy emphasizes on autonomy and independence in achieving emancipation among Moroccan immigrant women (Bartels, 2005:16). Emancipation, then, implies being educated, having access to the labour market, having Dutch language skills and having knowledge of Dutch cultural norms (Roggeband and Verloo, 2007:272,284).

This creates a gap between Dutch and Moroccan culture, as in Morocco other values are prioritized. As regards the place and role of women, Moroccans rather focus on honour and disgrace, the family and group solidarity (Bartels, 2005:16). According to Dutch policy, this Moroccan mentality is a reason for Moroccan women in the Netherlands not being emancipated. Moroccan immigrant women are generally presented in the Netherlands as traditional, poorly educated, and passive. Some exceptions to this negative representation are put forward as role models, such as some popular politicians and actresses, but overall there is no attention to the heterogeneity of the group. Unequal gender relations among Moroccan immigrants are seen as a core problem, demonstrating the gap between modern Dutch culture and the imported culture of Moroccan immigrants. The emancipation of Moroccan women in the Netherlands is viewed as a crucial step towards the solving of integration problems (Roggeband and Verloo, 2007:272,284).

Religion

While Dutch policy comes up with different ways to increase emancipation levels among Moroccan immigrant women, some of these women seem to emancipate themselves in a way that is not foreseen by Dutch policy. They use certain interpretations of following Islam, in order to achieve empowerment and independency. In those interpretations there is room for responsible women who can make their own choices, but there is no room for the oppression of women, what can be considered as Moroccan cultural baggage. When they show their religiousness, by for example wearing a headscarf, they present their selves as a self-confident and responsible woman. They show their Moroccan and Islamic identity, but at the same time

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create the new identity of the Moroccan woman that is not restricted in her emancipation by her cultural background (Bartels, 2005:25-26). Moroccan women in the Netherlands that interpret and study Islam like this, can be considered as more emancipated than the women who stick to the traditional Moroccan interpretation of Islam.

In the existing literature discussed, it becomes clear what the indicators for emancipation are in general and how emancipation levels among Moroccan women are perceived in the Netherlands. In this literature, indicators such as education receive more attention than cultural background, as Moroccan immigrant women in the Netherlands are presented as a homogenous group with a collective cultural background. What is neglected in literature is that immigrated women are not a tabula rasa. Literature on Moroccan immigrant women in the Netherlands neglects the effects of norms and values, mentality and customs that already had their influence on women in Morocco. However, immigrated Moroccan women are already shaped by the structure of their regional origin before they are exposed to variables that influence their emancipation level in the Netherlands. In Dutch policy, this cultural background is considered to be the same for all Moroccan immigrant women so it receives scant attention. Differences among them, especially as regards region of origin, are not discussed.

2.3 Moroccan women in Morocco

To show the importance of regional origin and the differences in emancipation levels it can cause, this section will provide an outline of indicators for emancipation levels of Moroccan women in Morocco. As issues like gender equality and women’s rights are extensively studied in Islamic countries, existing literature also provides explanations on women’s emancipation in Morocco, where almost 100 percent of all people are Muslim (Global Religious Landscape, 2012). Some variables that are already described above are applicable to the Moroccan case as well. However, some specific variables are only applicable to the case of Morocco.

Education and job opportunity

In the case of Morocco, education contributes to emancipation as well. Education does not only imply going to school, but can simply be learning to read and write. As illiteracy is still an issue in Morocco, being literate can already make a big difference in emancipation level. Literacy contributes to being acquainted with Moroccan law. Desrues and Moreno Nieto

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(2009) argue that knowledge about the Family Code, the Moroccan law that ensures equality between men and women, strengthens a woman in her emancipation. This knowledge about the Family Code can be a result of being educated or at least of being literate (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:30-31). Furthermore, they argue that education is the driving force behind the process of social change of Moroccan women. “Access to education by Moroccan women constitutes a true break-up with the past” (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:26). Education provides girls and women with an outlet from the private sphere and more equality with boys and men in terms of expectations (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:27).

Educated women also have more access to paid jobs and gain more autonomy and power. Having a job can make their income level increase and as such further contributes to their emancipation. For some women though, it is not a privilege to have a job, but a necessity because their husband’s income is not sufficient and they have to support their kin. For these women, having a job will not immediately increase their emancipation because their income level remains low, although it will give them more authority within the household (Skalli, 2001:78-79).

Finally, education opens up the opportunity to increase language skills or learn more languages. Sadiqi grants high value to language skills and assumes it is an important variable to distinguish between different women in Morocco. She states that multilingual women are associated with high class, modernity and urbanity and have more autonomy due to their education and literacy. Monolingual women in Morocco are often illiterate and have less access to the labour market, which decreases their level of autonomy, social status and emancipation (Sadiqi, 2003:198-200).

Marital status and family

Marital status is a remarkable variable as regards the level of autonomy and emancipation of Moroccan women. It has a paradoxical effect on women’s statuses. On the one hand, not being married provides a woman more freedom, autonomy and authority in the household, if she is not living in an extended family where the male kin is in charge. Unmarried women are more often educated, with all the consequential advantages, as education often is a reason for the postponement of marriage. This would imply that unmarried women are more

emancipated than married women (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:29). On the other hand, not being married is still socially unaccepted in Morocco, which makes unmarried women vulnerable for social oppression. Moroccan culture, institutions and Islam encourage women to marry before pursuing other ambitions. Therefore, women often put an education on hold

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in order to secure a husband first. From a male point of view, educated women may be too experienced, harder to deal with and not obedient enough, which makes them unqualified as spouse. Married women generally receive higher social status than unmarried women (Sadiqi, 2003:200-203). Furthermore, research in Morocco has shown that economic recession has more effect on women than on men, as women are more likely to lose jobs. Female-headed households are the manifestation of poverty in Morocco, and show that widowhood and divorce affects women disadvantageously (Skalli, 2001:79,81).

How does this affect their autonomy and participation? Unmarried women may have more freedom, but married women have the power of their social status. They can exercise this power to resist patriarchy and gain more authority. Moreover, the wealth of their husband is often what provides them with the access to education and job opportunity. Married women may be less emancipated, but relative to unmarried women, they seem to enjoy more privilege (Sadiqi, 2003:200-203). When looking only at married women, marriage age would be a better indicator for emancipation level. Women who married at an older age have usually had more education and have fewer children. Proof of this is that educated women get married seven years later than illiterate women (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:29). Next to

marriage age, family composition can also influence women’s emancipations levels. The size and composition of her family can indicate the amount of authority a woman has. A low number of children means that women have had more time to get educated and that they take the decisions regarding fertility (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:28).

Participation in society

Women can be empowered by their participation in feminist organizations or other forms of civil society. Being able to actively promote gender equality and defend women’s rights contributes to their emancipation, as it gives them the knowledge and ability to speak up and talk about taboos (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:29-30). The participation of women in the process of development and democratization makes gender equality increase and contributes to the overall emancipation of women in Morocco. Women who are actually involved in this civil society and use their voice to gain authority possess a certain agency. It makes them more emancipated than women who remain ‘invisible’ (Ennaji, 2008:347-348).

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3. Argument

Some of the literature discussed, such as the writings by Jütting et al. (2008) and Desrues and Moreno Nieto (2009), owe importance to family structures and social institutions. More recently, scholars of the University of Utrecht found that family systems and compositions, which are bound to local culture, are more important in determining immigrant women’s positions than variables as education or income do. One of these scholars describes in her article that the most important determent for the level of emancipation are the norms and values that exist in a society, which are disseminated by social institutions, such as the family (Dilli, 2015:12-13). According to this literature, cultural background seems to be the most important cause for the variation in emancipation levels. Cultural background is part of the structure of a certain society. Regional origin determines structure, because societies are tied to geography.

In this thesis, regional origin will be subdivided between urban and rural areas in Morocco. In literature on women’s emancipation in Morocco the distinction between urban and rural areas in Morocco is often made, but never mentioned as an important indicator for differences in emancipation levels. However, in Morocco there is a clear distinction between urban and rural areas as regards the extent and intensity of development. These different levels of development cause a distinction between urban and rural areas as regards culture. Culture consists of norms and values, mentality, and customs, which underlie several

variables that influence emancipation levels. The distinction within the education variable is most apparent here, which is visible between urban and rural areas. 45% of urban women are illiterate, versus an almost double 84% of rural women (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:26-27). The mentality and customs concerning marriage also differ a great deal between urban and rural areas.

Different development levels, which are correlated with the distinction between urban and rural areas, hence lead to different cultural backgrounds. Different cultural backgrounds lead to different levels of emancipation, and therefore, this thesis argues that regional origin, that is, the distinction between urban and rural areas, is the most important indicator for the difference in levels of emancipation between Moroccan women. Regional origin is used as a proxy for cultural background, because cultural background is tied to geography. In Morocco, the distinction between urban and rural areas is significant in such a way, that this distinction can be considered as a cause for different emancipation levels of Moroccan women. The next

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section will further elaborate on this distinction.

3.1 Urban versus rural

Since ancient times the difference between urban and rural areas is stereotyped, as urban areas are considered as modernized and westernized, and rural areas as relying on traditional values and lifestyles (Erman, 1998:541). This section will outline the distinction between urban and rural areas.

Traditionality and development

Before its rapid development, gender roles were strictly separated in Morocco, and women had very limited rights and were subordinated to men. After development in Morocco, this traditionalism became more modern and women gained increasingly more rights. However, development did not come about everywhere at the same pace; rural areas lagged somewhat behind. Already in 1979, the unequal benefits of development, especially for rural women, were acknowledged. From all the regions in the world, the Middle East is where rural women participate the least in non-household activities and are thus the most ‘invisible’. They do gain more autonomy as result of husbands that migrate to mostly countries in Europe, which leaves them as head of the household and causes an increase in divorces. However, traditional

cultural values restrain gender equality, especially in rural areas (Blumberg, 1979:463-464). In rural areas women still do not participate on the labour market much and there are significantly less emancipatory women’s movements. Urban women also more often think of the position of the western woman as a situation worth striving for, while rural women still value their traditional role in the household, and Islamic and Islamist movements have more support in rural areas (Pels, 2000:77-80). Rural areas tend to be more religious, and religious leaders are more powerful in these areas than in urban areas (Gündüz-Hosgör and Smits, 2006:5-6). For example, Islamists, who have quite some power in rural Morocco, are a reason for less development and more subordination of women (Ennaji, 2008:340,345-346). Despite the official law of Morocco forbids discriminating women, traditional thought is still very important in rural areas.

As a result, rural areas are less developed and remain more traditional than urban areas. These different levels of development determine the culture of urban and rural areas. People in urban areas have different norms and values, a different mentality and different customs than people from rural areas. Norms and values, mentality and customs influence the position of women because they determine their level of autonomy and participation. Thus,

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different levels of development in rural and urban areas cause differences in culture, which then cause differences in emancipation levels. The variation in development in Morocco is most clear between rural areas such as the northern Rif Mountains (villages like Berkane, Al Hoceima, Nador and Oujda) and urban areas such as the metropolitan cities of Agadir, Rabat and Fes (van den Berg, 2011:506). Between women in these areas, the distinction is

perceivable through differences in cultural background and hence through differences in emancipation levels.

However, levels of autonomy and participation are not only influenced by cultural background, but also by the opportunities women have and the chances they receive. The level of development in a certain area determines opportunities and chances; the access women have to health, education, and the labour market. In rural areas there is less access to healthcare, as people have more financial restrains and there is scarcity of health centres. This leads to poor health conditions, a higher amount of children and a higher amount of infant and maternal mortality than in the urban areas of Morocco (Skalli, 2001:78-79). Besides the access to health, rural areas have less access to education and the labour market because of infrastructural constraints.

The difference in levels of development and levels of tradition thus indicates the difference that exists between urban and rural areas. Differences in cultural background and in access to health, education, and the labour market, influence emancipation levels through several variables. Besides norms and values, mentality, and customs, other variables also affect women’s levels of autonomy and participation. These variables are, for instance, education, marital status, social contacts, having a job, income level, participating in

emancipatory movements, and language skills. The impact of these variables on emancipation level, differ per region and are dependent on the level of development in that region.

The upcoming sections will discuss the variables of education and marital status. Education is highlighted in this thesis since, in existing literature, education is often brought forward as the most important indicator to explain differences in emancipation levels. Marriage is highlighted because the discussion of this variable clarifies the cultural

differences between urban and rural areas. Moreover, the variables of education and marriage correlate with many other variables. Education is related to the variables of literacy, language skills, job opportunity, and income level. Marriage relates to, among other things, family composition, number of children, access to finance, and division of household labour. Education and marriage also relate to each other, as marriage can be the cause for a low education level, or marriage can be postponed because of an education. They can be

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considered as two opposite sides of autonomy level, for, among Moroccan women, marriage generally represents a low level of autonomy and education a high level of autonomy, though education is not a prerequisite for autonomy and marriage does not exclude autonomy.

Education

Cultural background influences emancipations levels through variables such as education. The different levels of development in Morocco affect the impact of education on

emancipation level, which is perceivable by that the clearest distinction in education in Morocco is visible between urban and rural areas. 45% of urban women are illiterate, versus an almost double 84% of rural women. The gap between men and women as regards

education is also clearly bigger in rural areas (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:26-27). A labour- and gender division between men and women marks rural areas, more than urban areas. Women mostly have to take care of the survival of their families; while in urban areas they more often have paid jobs outside the household (Ennaji, 2008:340).

Women’s lack of education, and illiteracy as result, makes them vulnerable and thus obstructs their emancipation. The rate of girls and women that attend school is remarkably lower in rural areas, because in rural areas the financial resources within the household are often more limited and more household tasks and responsibilities are assigned to girls.

Furthermore, in rural areas there is less access to educational and transportation infrastructure and the patriarchal ideology that favours the education of boys is more apparent there (Skalli, 2001:77). Especially in rural areas, there are poor housing conditions and poor access to basic necessities as water, electricity and wood, which often are the responsibilities of women. This also prevents them from getting education or paid jobs (Skalli, 2001:78-79).

Moreover, being educated or having a job can affect women’s image in Morocco, as it challenges existing gender norms and clashes with traditional Moroccan values. This

disadvantage is, again, more apparent in Morocco’s rural areas, as tradition is more significant there, and household tasks and raising children are more prestigious than paid work. This means that if rural women have the chance of being educated, it does not contribute to their emancipation as much as it does for urban women. Working women are therefore more associated with urban areas, as in rural areas there are not even many paid job opportunities for women (Sadiqi, 2003:192-198). It must be kept in mind, however, that in urban areas, working women face less favourable job conditions than men, have no access to positions of responsibility, and earn lower salaries than men, which keeps holding them back from full-fledged emancipation (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:27).

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Clearly, education is subject to infrastructural constraints. Even when a woman does get the chance to become educated in a rural area, she still has to cope with cultural

constraints, such as certain norms and values about the place of women in society. Different levels of emancipation could be explained by means of the variable of education; however, the variable of education always depends on the context and culture in which a woman finds herself. Because the clearest differences are tangible between urban and rural areas, this study argues that the distinction between urban and rural origin indicates differences in

emancipation levels.

Marital status and family composition

Different cultural backgrounds as result of differences in development levels, affect the impact of marriage on emancipation levels. Family composition also has different consequences for emancipation in rural and urban areas. In urban areas, the amount, and acceptance, of unmarried women is considerably higher than in rural areas. This is due to the fact that tradition and religion remain more important in rural areas, and the opportunities for unmarried women in urban areas are more varied because there is more access to education and the labour market.

In rural areas the extended family is more apparent, which makes the social pressure to marry increase (Sadiqi, 2003:200-203). These differences in family structure between urban and rural areas are a consequence of the level of industrialization and developed

infrastructure. In rural, less developed areas, the extended family is more important than the village or community (Gündüz-Hosgör and Smits, 2006:5-6). As a result, the number of children is relatively high in rural areas, and it is not uncommon that several generations live together. In urban areas the nuclear family is more usual, and the number of children is significantly lower than in rural areas (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:28).

Family size and organization is crucial for women’s status and their level of

development as part of the overall development in their region (Boserup, 1989:45). Family size is the result of the level of subordination and dependency of women. Women tend to have more children if they cannot generate their own income, so that their children can support them when they grow up (Boserup, 1989:58). Again, the variables of marital status and family composition, which influence emancipation levels, are constrained by culture. Tradition, religion, access to education, and the composition of the family are cultural

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3.2 Differences in emancipation levels

As discussed above, the different levels of development in Morocco are associated with a considerable difference between urban and rural areas. Variables that influence emancipation levels, such as education and marriage, are determined by this regional origin; they are subject to culture. The variables of education and marriage are outlined in the prior section, but the differences in emancipation levels are also perceivable through several other variables. These other variables will not be discussed in detail in this study, as education and marriage are the ones that most obviously reflect the differences between urban and rural areas. According to the discussion of the variables of education and marriage it becomes clear that regional origin is the most important indicator for differences in emancipation levels. To indicate that cultural background differs significantly between urban and rural areas, regional origin is used as a proxy for cultural background. Differences in cultural background cause that variables such as education do not have the same effect on emancipation in every area. Obviously, even though rural women have less access to and chances for education, educated rural women do exist. They are undoubtedly more emancipated than uneducated rural women, as they for instance have a higher chance to generate an income, and are more likely to have knowledge about laws that protect women’s rights. However, they are held back from full-fledged emancipation and will not reach the same level of emancipation as urban women, as their cultural background constrains them. Not only are chances for education and

opportunities to participate on the labour market limited in rural areas, educated and working women are also less accepted by families and communities in rural areas, as tradition and a traditional gender role division is highly valued.

The same goes for marriage, which is of different value in urban areas and rural areas. Marital status and family composition, just as other variables, influence the level of autonomy and participation of Moroccan women, thus are affecting their emancipation level. As

outlined in the section on marriage above, the consequences of being married differ per region, which is why marital status alone cannot be a sufficient explanation for differences in emancipation levels. The consequences of marital status for the level of emancipation of Moroccan women rely on their cultural background. Cultural differences are the most

important cause for differences in emancipation levels, as cultural differences lead to different norms and values about marriage, different education levels and so on.

3.3 Influence of the Dutch society

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and urban areas, also have their influence on Moroccan women’s ability to adapt to a new society when they migrate. Urban Moroccan women will have less trouble to integrate into the Dutch society than rural women do, because of the relatively high level of development in urban areas. This makes that urban areas in Morocco share considerable similarities with the Dutch environment, and so urban women do not have to bridge a gap as much as rural women do. Moreover, most women of Moroccan descent in the Netherlands live in the big cities (CBS, 2014:7; Fokkema et al., 2009:53). The difference between Moroccan rural areas and the Dutch society, especially the Dutch cities, is significant, which makes the integration process of rural women hard. The gap that has to be bridged to be able to adapt to the Dutch society then has an intimidating effect for women of rural descent. It seems easier for them to remain part of their original community in Morocco and stick to their traditional norms and values, mentality and customs.

Rural women are as a result more influenced and constrained by the family and institutions of their original community, as they disseminate the norms and values, mentality and customs of the local culture. The continuation of ‘rural life’ among rural migrants in cities, indicates that migrants only integrate to a certain extent: they tend to stick to their own, rural lifestyle and ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ thus continue to be two different modes of living. These rural migrants’ communities, based on common origin and culture, play an important role in rural immigrant women’s lives. Not only do migrants from the same origin have close contacts in the area of residence, but they also have strong ties with the people still living in the area of origin. Their reasons to stay in touch vary from having a social network that can provide jobs and housing, being socially controlled, to being part of a certain group and the providing of a feeling of identification. Rural migrants also lack the social and economic means to ‘keep up’ with native urbanites. They lack the form of speech or even the language and are less wealthy (Erman, 1998:542-549). Because Moroccan women of rural descent are barely influenced by the Dutch society but in a high extent influenced by their original community, their norms and values, mentality and customs do not change.

Urban women have to bridge a considerable smaller gap when they come to the Netherlands, as their original community is more similar to their new host country. Women from urban areas have less trouble to adapt to the Dutch society (Fokkema, 2009:54). For instance, mainly women from urban areas, particularly those that have enjoyed a somewhat higher level of education, have entered into the Dutch labour market. Those women that can combine employment and family life are the ones that gain autonomy and emancipation, though their communities do not always accept that (Pels, 2000:81-82). Moreover, if

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immigrants try to reduce differences with the dominant group as regards religion, language and cultural habits, this will contribute to their integration. It is therefore expected that those immigrants who are less influenced by their original culture, religion, norms and values, social institutions and family, as is the case with urban women, integrate more easily

(Oudenhoven and Eisses, 1998:295-296). Urban women, as opposed to rural women, do not feel the urge, to remain part of their original Moroccan community, because they are less intimidated by the Dutch society. They are highly influenced by the Dutch society, which causes a change in their norms and values, mentality and customs.

Therefore, this study does not only argue that regional origin is the most important indicator for the level of emancipation in Morocco, but also for the levels of emancipation in the Netherlands. Regional origin in Morocco has influence on the willingness and ability of Moroccan women to integrate into Dutch society, hence a woman’s regional origin can predict a woman’s behaviour when migrated to the Netherlands. Dutch society is of greater influence on urban Moroccan women’s norms and values, mentality and customs, because of their cultural background. Urban areas in Morocco went through a higher level of

development than rural areas and are as a result more modern, liberal and less traditional. As urban Moroccan women share more similarities with the Dutch society, they are more susceptible for Dutch norms and values, mentality and customs. Also, because of the cultural background of their region of origin, they feel fewer urges to stick to Moroccan traditional culture. The regional origin of rural Moroccan women is less developed and as a result their cultural background is less modern and more different from Dutch society. The Dutch society has less influence on their norms and values, mentality and customs. Moroccan women of rural descent tend to stick, more than urban women, to their traditional Moroccan culture. Influence of the Dutch society will increase Moroccan women’s autonomy and participation levels, because Dutch norms and values, mentality and customs encourage gender equality and independence. Moroccan women’s ‘original’ level of emancipation, the level they have upon their arrival in the Netherlands, is not challenged to increase if they have trouble integrating and are not or limited influenced by Dutch society. As urban women are more influenced by these Dutch values, they become more emancipated in the Netherlands, while rural women lag behind. As a consequence, the gap in the levels of emancipation between Moroccan women will increase in the Netherlands. This study argues that the level of emancipation increases when a woman successfully adapts to the Dutch society, because her level of autonomy and participation increases. Women coming from urban areas such as Agadir, Rabat and Casablanca should have less trouble integrating into Dutch society, and

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therefore can achieve a higher level of emancipation. They should be more emancipated than women coming from rural areas, such as the villages around Agadir near the Northern Rif Mountains. The graphs in the appendix summarize the mechanism as explained in this section, for both rural and urban women (Appendix B).

3.4 Operationalization

If the argument of this thesis holds, it should be observed that women coming from rural areas are less influenced by the Dutch society because of their cultural background, which has a lasting impact. The norms and values, mentality and customs of these rural women do not change much after migration to the Netherlands. They have a relatively low level of

autonomy and participation and therefore a low level of emancipation. Urban women, on the other hand, have a higher emancipation level because their norms and values, mentality and customs are more similar to and hence influenced more by the Dutch society. The urban women’s cultural background has a lasting impact as well, yet it shares more similarities with the Dutch society, and so they adapt to it more easily. The first hypothesis that will be tested by means of this argument is:

H1: Regional origin is crucial in determining the norms and values, mentality and customs of Moroccan women, which will determine their level of autonomy and participation and as a consequence their level of emancipation.

If the argument of this thesis is valid, it should also be observed that urban women become more emancipated in the Netherlands. Rural women remain less emancipated, become segregated or even fall back as regards their emancipation level because of the lasting impact of their cultural background. This leads to the second hypothesis:

H2: The gap in level of emancipation between Moroccan women increases in the Netherlands.

These two hypotheses together test the argument of this thesis and answer the research

question. To discover if the hypotheses are true, it must first of all be tested what the levels of emancipation are when Moroccan women arrive in the Netherlands. Second, it must be tested what their emancipation levels are after being influenced, to a high or low degree, by the Dutch society.

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3.5 Research design

The argument of this thesis will be tested through in-depth interviews. These interviews are held with Moroccan women currently living in the Netherlands. Women from different regional origins are interviewed, to test whether different cultural background cause different emancipation levels. The regions of origin of the women interviewed are divided between urban and rural areas. For this thesis, seven first-generation Moroccan women from rural descent are interviewed, as against six first-generation Moroccan women from urban descent. Interviews are also held with four second- generation Moroccan women from rural descent, and five second-generation Moroccan women from urban descent, but interviews with second-generation women are only used for complementary information. The urban women interviewed for this thesis come from Oujda, Rabat, Agadir, Nador and Tetouan. The rural women come mostly from the Northern Rif Mountains, close to Nador. This is where most Moroccan women residing in the Netherlands come from. The map in the appendix also shows the origins of the interviewees (Appendix D).

The interviewees are recruited by means of the snowball effect. Acquaintances of the author were asked to contact the women of Moroccan descent they know, and then these first Moroccan women were contacted and interviewed. During the interviews with these

Moroccan women they were asked whether they knew more women of Moroccan descent who would be willing to be interviewed. In this manner, most of the twenty-two interviewees for this thesis were recruited. The interviews were held at or near their residence. They are residing in 's-Hertogenbosch, Eindhoven, Roermond, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Nijmegen and Utrecht and their regions of origin, ages, education levels and occupations are various. Their specific characteristics are outlined in the appendix (Appendix E). Subsequently, to further increase the diversity of the education levels and cities of residence, several cleaners at Avans high school in ‘s-Hertogenbosch were contacted and interviewed as well. They were

interviewed during a group-interview. Some of the interviewees, such as respondents 3, 4 and 7, did not actively contribute to the conversation, but they did answer the most basic questions and they verified the statements of others. Respondents 1 and 5 were interviewed separately as well.

Both first and second-generation women are interviewed. First-generation women are born in Morocco and did not came to the Netherlands with their parents but, in the case of the women interviewed for this thesis, with their husbands. Second-generation women can be born in the Netherlands, but also in Morocco. In case of the latter, these women came to the Netherlands with their parents. Of most first-generation women, their second-generation

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daughters were interviewed as well. This is the case for the daughters of respondents 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, 20 and 22. Their daughters are respectively respondents 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 19 and 21. Some of these daughters were born and raised in Morocco, while some of them mostly grew up in the Netherlands or were even born in the Netherlands. Firstly, they helped with translating for their mothers, who are not always fluent in Dutch, and secondly, they offered valuable complementary information on their mothers’ statements. Especially on subjects as gender equality within the family they proved helpful, as first-generation Moroccan women often feel these are awkward, embarrassing topics, while second-generation women usually have a more objective point of view. Respondents 1 and 8 are the only second-generation women whose mothers were not interviewed for this thesis. The author contacted respondent 8 because of her Moroccan background and her extensive knowledge about Morocco and Moroccans. Therefore, the interview with respondent 8 could be considered as an expert interview. Short summaries of the interviews can be found in the appendix (Appendix C). In these summaries the interviews with mothers and daughters are combined, because they mostly were held at the same time and complement each other.

Interviews are the most appropriate research method to test the argument of this thesis, because only by interviews the influence of the Dutch society and subsequently the level of emancipation can be tested. Quantitative data cannot elaborate on concepts as adaptation and emancipation, because these are concepts subjected to personal interpretation. For example, to test what the influence of marriage on women’s lives is, they will be asked what they think about marriage and their level of autonomy. Only by interviews the experiences and cultural backgrounds of respondents can become clear, and more importantly; the influence this background has had on their lives. By means of interviews the combination of all these aspects together, which define an individual, can be discovered.

The purpose of this thesis, and of qualitative research in general, is not to provide a generalizable conclusion and to attribute women to a certain group, but to demonstrate women’s individual lives and to provide elaborate background information. This study aims to show that Moroccan women in the Netherlands are not a homogeneous group, but differ from each other on several aspects and per individual. The argument of this thesis, which holds that regional origin is the most important indicator for differences in emancipation levels, also demonstrates that women with different backgrounds live different lives. They cannot be subdivided in, for example, education levels, while their cultural background is neglected. This kind of information cannot be abstracted from quantitative research. The questions posed in the interviews are based on the literature review and the

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theories in this thesis. The data provided by informants therefore ranges from a description of the lifestyle in their Moroccan region of origin, the adaptation to Dutch society and the commitment to Moroccan culture and religion, to ideas about gender equality and the level of autonomy and participation in the Dutch society. The interviews were prepared my means of several interview questions based on empirically measurable variables. However, in all cases, the interviews almost instantly changed to and continued as a conversation. Because the subjects discussed were often experienced as sensitive, it appeared to be more suitable to let the interviewees narrate instead of interrupting them with questions. During the interviews it was noticed that when informants feel comfortable and listened to, they talk more freely. That way it also became clear what aspects were considered to be most important for the

interviewees themselves.

The interviews are based on empirically measurable variables to eventually be able to answer the research question. The analysis will go over different variables that can explain the differences in emancipation levels. In the Netherlands, emancipation is mostly understood as economic independence, as result of participation on the labour market, and societal

participation, to prevent social desolation. Furthermore, Dutch policy on emancipation mentions respect for physical integrity, autonomy and the opportunity to self-development as part of emancipation. According to Dutch policy, along with this thesis, emancipation is thus mostly perceptible, and tested, through the concepts of autonomy and participation (Pels, 2006:11-12). By means of the analysis it will also be tested to which extent Moroccan women are adapted to and influenced by the Dutch society, in order to find out whether their norms and values, mentality and customs are changed in favour of their emancipation level or whether they stuck to their cultural background.

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4. Analysis

The measurable variables of autonomy and participation that will be used to test the level of emancipation, can be affected by different indicators. This thesis argues that regional origin, as a proxy for cultural background, is the most important indicator. However, several other indicators must be tested as well to answer the research question, such as education, age of arrival in the Netherlands, length of stay in the Netherlands, marital status when arriving in the Netherlands, and religion. These other indicators will be tested in the last section of this analysis. Occupation or job opportunity is not separately discussed in this thesis, as it is correlated with other indicators as education and language skills. It can be considered as a form of participation in society.

The levels of autonomy and participation of Moroccan women in the Netherlands are observable through several aspects, as described by Pels (2006). The first one is marriage, as participation, on the labour market and in society, reduces after marriage. Within the marriage and the household it could also be observed if there is case of an equal authority level among men and women. As mentioned in the literature section, a high level of gender equality implies a high level of emancipation (Jütting et al., 2008). The second aspect is having children, as participation further reduces after the birth of the first child. The third one that Pels mentions is choice of spouse, for when women can choose their own spouse it will contribute to their autonomy. The fourth aspect is education, since the level of autonomy and participation correlate with education level, as is also mentioned in the literature section by Sadiqi (2003) (Pels, 2006:13). The literature section also discusses the aspects mentioned by Roggeband and Verloo. According to them, autonomy and participation in the Netherlands can be observed by Dutch language skills and knowledge about Dutch culture (Roggeband en Verloo, 2007).

This analysis section will follow the same structure as in the argument section. That way, the mechanism as explained above will be tested. Firstly, the difference between urban and rural areas in Morocco will be outlined by means of descriptions from interviewees, and it will be explained how this difference leads to differences in emancipation levels. Secondly, it will be outlined to what extent Moroccan women are influenced by the Dutch society after they migrated, which will shed light on the lasting impact of cultural background. This section will also clarify on the difference in emancipation levels of Moroccan women in the Netherlands, which is according to the mechanism caused by regional origin. Finally,

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alternative arguments to explain differences in emancipation levels among Moroccan immigrant women will be outlined.

In this analysis, interviewees will be indicated as respondents. Respondents 3, 5, 6, 7, 12, 18, and 22 are fist-generation women from rural descent. Respondents 1, 11, 17, and 21 are second-generation women from rural descent. Respondents 11, 17, and 21 are daughters of first-generation women that are interviewed for this thesis. Respondents 2, 4, 10, 14, 16, and, 20 are first-generation women from urban descent. Respondents 8, 9, 13, 15, and 19 are second-generation women from urban descent. Except for respondent 8, these women are also daughters of first-generation women that are interviewed for this thesis.

4.1 Moroccan women in Morocco

This section will discuss how the distinction between urban and rural areas in Morocco is apparent. Respondent 8, who is not only from Moroccan descent but also conducted research in the history, culture and politics of Morocco, acknowledges that the differences between urban and rural areas in Morocco are substantial. Rural areas are marked by tradition, poverty, and illiteracy, while the big cities are modern, touristic and mundane (Respondent 8).

Rural women

The interviewed women from rural descent mostly explain the rural lifestyle as peasant life. They lived a quite traditional life, as the development and modernity of the cities and the western world had not found its way to the rural villages yet. Women spent their days housekeeping, taking care of children, cultivating vegetables, herding sheep, fetching water, gathering cactus fruits, or knotting carpets (Respondents 11,12,18). Their life in rural Morocco was rough and they mostly were mostly poor (Respondent 18). Because of this poverty rural people often lived together in extended families (Respondents 3,6,7,12,18,22). That means that women moved to their husband’s family’s house when they married, or with their own extended family when they were not married yet. The older members of the family had the most authority, as respondent 6 states. “When I lived with my parents in-law after I

married, I had to ask their permission when my husband was not home. When I wanted to visit a friend, I had to ask them” (Respondent 6).

In rural areas, lack of money is also one of the reasons for the fact that that almost nobody moves to the bigger cities or enters higher education. In small villages there only is a primary school; higher education is not within reach and too expensive (Respondent 5). Of the interviewed women of the first-generation of rural descent, three out of seven only went to

Emancipation levels among Moroccan women in the Netherlands : the lasting impact of cultural background