The relationship between female representation and workplace gender discrimination

Msc. International Development Studies

The relationship

between female

representation and

workplace gender

discrimination

Name: Bombande Maria-Ancilla Student Number: 10384996 Email: abombande@gmail.com Supervisor: Esther Miedema Second Reader: Courtney Vegelin Date: 4th _{July, 2017.} University of Amsterdam

ABSTRACT

This study is an analysis of female representation in entry-level positions in relation to workplace gender discrimination. While research on workplace gender discrimination has been extensive, there exists a lacuna on the role of female representation in entry-level positions. There is also a gap in literature on the experiences of the contemporary African woman in the corporate industry. This research seeks address the gap in existing literature by analyzing the role of female entry-level staff in alleviating workplace gender discrimination through a developing country lens. Semi-structured interviews, field notes and focus group discussions have been used to acquire in-depth knowledge on perceptions and experiences of workplace gender discrimination.

Unequal opportunities for recruitment and promotions, gender stereotypes and sexual harassment were the forms of workplace gender discrimination identified in this research, with sexual harassment being the most prevalent. While women were fairly represented in the financial sector in Ghana, the overall conclusion of this study is that parity in the workplace does not lead to gender equality.

“Reverse gender discrimination” as identified in this study was a deviation from existing literature and could be a topic for further research. In practice, efforts should be made to eradicate workplace gender discrimination from the angle of the proposed factors of gender- hegemonic cultural practices, educational system, upbringing, sexuality and pay and organizational structure in order to curb discrimination in Ghana.

KEY WORDS: Representation, Gender discrimination, Gender equality, Entry-level, Financial sector, Ghana

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to thank the staff of the University of Amsterdam for their support throughout the research process. I would like to thank in particular my wonderful supervisor Esther Miedema for her support and guidance while I wrote my thesis.

I would also like to thank all the participants who took part in this research. To all my gate keepers who took it upon themselves to ensure that I had access to participants in various institutions I say a big ‘midaase’.

Finally, I wish to thank my friends and family for their support during the research process. Most of all, I would like to thank Kwame for his unflinching support and and council in times when I was frustrated.

LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES Figure 1 Conceptual Scheme

Figure 2 Map of Africa Figure 3 Map of Ghana Figure 4 Age distribution

Table of Contents

ABSTRACT ... 2

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ... 3

LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES ... 4

1.0 INTRODUCTION ... 7

1.1 Academic and Social Relevance ... 8

1.2 Outline of Thesis ... 9

2. 0 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ... 11

2.1 African Feminist Theory ... 11

2.2 Seven Roles of Women ... 13

2.3 Significance of The Representation of Women ... 16

2.4 Gender Discrimination in The Workplace ... 18

2.5 Conceptual Scheme ... 20

3.0 CONTEXTUAL CHAPTER ... 22

3.1 Ghana ... 22

3.2 The Financial Sector in Ghana ... 24

3.3 Gender Equality in Ghana ... 25

4.0 METHODOLOGICAL CHAPTER ... 26

4.1 Epistemology ... 26

4.2.1 Research Question ... 26

4.2.2 Sub-Questions ... 26

4.3 Sampling ... 27

4.4 Approach, Procedure and Data ... 27

4.4.1 Semi-structured Interviews ... 28

4.4.2 Focus Group Discussions ... 28

4.4.3 Field Notes ... 29 4.5 Unit of Analysis ... 29 4.6 Data Analysis ... 29 4.7 Limitations ... 30 4.8 Positionality ... 30 4.9 Ethical Considerations ... 31 4.10 Concluding Remarks ... 32

5.0 WORKPLACE GENDER DISCRIMINATION ... 33

5.1 Definition of Gender Discrimination ... 33

5.2 Forms of Workplace Gender Discrimination ... 35

5.2.1 The Role of Women ... 35

5.2.2 Gender Stereotypes ... 37

5.2.3 Sexual Harassment ... 40

5.3 Reverse Gender Discrimination ... 43

5.4 Factors of Gender Discrimination ... 46

5.4.1 Culture ... 46

5.4.2 Educational System ... 47

5.4.3 Upbringing ... 48

5.4.4 Sexuality ... 49

5.4.5 Pay and Organizational Structure ... 50

5.5 Concluding remarks ... 51

6.0 FEMALE REPRESENTATION IN THE WORKPLACE ... 52

6.1 Mode of Representation ... 52

6.2 Efforts to Increase Female Representation ... 53

6.2.3 Sensitizaton ... 56

6.4 Role of Representation in Gender Equality ... 57

6.5 Concluding Remarks ... 60 7.0 DISCUSSION CHAPTER ... 61 8.0 CONCLUSION ... 67 8.1 Main Findings ... 67 8.2 Policy recommendations ... 68 8.3 Future research ... 70 REFERENCES: ... 71 Appendixes ... 76

1.0 INTRODUCTION

The relationship between female representation and gender discrimination is one that has been of interest to policy makers and women’s rights groups. There has been tremendous effort by the international community to alleviate gender discrimination in society, these efforts range from the much older Women In Development (WID) in the 1970’s to the more recent He for She campaign by the United Nations (UN) in collaboration with actress Emma Watson. These endeavors have resulted in some progress in the fight against workplace gender discrimination but the battle is far from won. Women continue to occupy subordinate rather than authoritative positions in various occupations and workplace gender discrimination is still a persistent societal problem (Levanon and Grusky, 2016), (Maume, 2011). Focusing on the United States of America, Stainback et al (2016) note how persistent the problem of gender segregation remains U.S. workplaces. There is an extensive body of research that engages with gender discrimination in the workplace (see for example Acker (1990, 2009), Glass and Cook (2015), Feather and Boeckman (2007).

The focus on the relationship between female representation in entry-level positions and gender discrimination in the workplace is ambivalent, however. While some scholars have found that having women in powerful positions leads to a reduction in levels of gender discrimination in the workplace (Kurtulus and Tomaskovic-Devey 2012, Stainback et. al 2016), a few report null findings (Maume 2011). Even though there are different findings with regards to the influence of women in level positions, the majority of scholars hold the view that women in high-level positions are influential in their organizations and reduce the high-level of gender discrimination experienced at all levels. Glass and Cook (2015) proffer some factors that have led to reduced workplace gender discrimination as a result of increased female representation. These factors include increased membership of female employees in entry-level positions thereby increasing the probability that women will be promoted to managerial positions (p.52).

Drawing on the work these authors, this study is premised on the assumption that women in high-level positions can play an important role in reducing workplace gender discrimination by influencing decisions with regards to recruitment, retention, promotion, group participation, formulation of policies and mentorship. Women in high-level positions are faced with challenges of their own, however. As Glass and Cook (2015) note, token theory and role

their performance which may prevent them from leading effectively and working efficiently (p.53).

The current body of work on workplace gender discrimination by scholars Ely (1995), Stainback et al. (2016), Feather and Boeckman (2007), among others has relied heavily on the use of quantitative data from Fortune 500 companies and theories developed in the Global North. This has resulted in a ‘single story’ with regards to the gender discrimination discourse. Additionally, the Gender discrimination discourse has focused on a one-sided view of the ‘third-world woman’ Beoku-Betts and Njambi (2005), Mohanty (1991). There is hardly any research on the contemporary African woman though as Spronk (2014) notes there are a few media outlets that celebrate the rising middle class in Africa in order to revise the representation of Africa as the lost continent (p.94).

1.1 Academic and Social Relevance

Existing research has tended to focus on women in high-level positions and how this shapes gender discrimination in the workplace see for example Threlfall (2007), Cohen et. al (1998), Ely (1995). A possible reason for this may be the notion held by scholars such as Acker (2009) who state that ‘…the absence of women at the top probably makes work life more difficult for women further down in the organizational ranks’ (Acker 2009, 200). The gap in literature with regards to female representation in low-level positions, needs to be addressed in order to gain a holistic understanding of gender discrimination that will adequately inform policies formulated to reduce gender discrimination in the workplace. There is a lack of understanding on how women in entry-positions of employment perceive, are complicit in or counter gender discrimination in the workplace. Greater insight is needed on this issue in order to develop a nuanced understanding of workplace gender discrimination.

By gathering data on the experiences of women in lower levels of employment in the Ghanaian financial sector, this study will contribute to debates on gender parity and equality in relation to workplace gender discrimination. The development industry has advocated for the increased representation of women in all sectors as a way to reduce gender discrimination. The Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) five which is aimed at promoting gender equality and empowering women is an example of such efforts. A lot of emphasis has been made on increasing the number of women in formal workforce and in decision making positions as a

means to foster gender equality. In this study, I examine the assumption that increased representation of women in the workforce will lead to reduced gender discrimination and effectively foster gender equality. I argue that parity is not the same as and does not directly lead to gender equality.

Most research on gender discrimination in the workplace is concentrated in the Global North; the concepts, theories and data that dominate this field have been gathered from the West. A possible reason for this is that ‘feminist scholarship, whether in universities, state agencies or Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), is produced by a workforce embedded in a global economy’ (Connell 2015, 51). The production of knowledge can be said to be embedded in imperialism and based on data from a regional minority Faruqi (2011), Beoku-Betts and Njambi (2005), Mohanty (1997). This research will use theories and collate data from the Global South in order to address the lacuna that exists in the use of theories from the “periphery” in conducting research. This research will contribute nuanced knowledge on the lived experiences of the contemporary Ghanaian woman with regards to gender discrimination. In doing so, I will challenge the prevailing rhetoric and one-sided view of the ‘third-world woman’ as destitute (Beoku-Betts, 2015) by examining and understanding how Ghanaian middle-class women experience workplace gender discrimination.

Finally, this research aims at contributing knowledge that will be used to effectively address the problem of workplace gender discrimination. The research is geared towards unearthing the factors that perpetuate gender discrimination. The relevance of this is to ensure that future measures to tackle gender discrimination are formulated in a way that caters to the root causes of workplace gender discrimination.

1.2 Outline of Thesis

There are eight chapters in this thesis. The first chapter is the introduction including the problem statement and the social and academic relevance of the research. The second chapter is the theoretical framework which includes the concepts of gender discrimination, and female representation. It also contains the theories that were used in conducting the study. The third chapter discusses the context within which the research was conducted in Ghana. The fourth chapter contains the methodology which explains the methods used in conducting this research.

The fifth and sixth chapters discuss the results of the data analysis in the same order as they were presented in the sub-questions in the theoretical framework chapter. The seventh chapter is a discussion that ties the theories used in this research with the data from the field. The conclusion chapter will give an overview the main findings as well as propose some suggestions for policy and practice. It will also highlight some areas for further research on the topic.

2. 0 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This section highlights the central theories that inform this research and engages with the key concepts that will guide the research. In order to explore the relationship between female representation in entry-level positions of employment and workplace gender discrimination in the Ghanaian financial sector, African feminist theory will be used in tandem with Oppong and Abu’s theory on the seven roles of women in this research.

2.1 African Feminist Theory

There has been the rise of various forms of feminism to encompass the heterogeneous notion of women, including black feminism and African feminism (Beoku-Betts and Njambi, 2005). African feminism is the school of thought that seeks to liberate African women by taking into consideration the problems of African women by highlighting the causes and consequences of these problems (Arndt, 2002). African feminism draws on historical, anthropological, and political evidence of African women's leadership. African feminism also takes into consideration the dynamics of disparate gender relations (Imam, 1997). The aim of African feminism is to challenge the existing matrix of male domination and overcome it, thus transforming gender relations and conceptions in African societies in order to improve the situation of African women (Arndt, 2002).

The advancement of this version of feminism is due in part to the need for a theory that encapsulates the experiences and truths of African women. As Ampofo et. al (2008) argue, feminist theory adopted a homogenized notion of women, now however, reconceptualizations of feminism have shifted focus to issues of interconnectedness as well as differences of women. These issues include race, class, sexuality, ability, ethnicity, nationality, and globalization (p.328). African feminism is a form of feminism that validates the experience of African women and of African descent against a mainstream feminist discourse (Goredema 2010, 34). African feminism seeks to further the quest for gender equality by using an epistemology that caters to African experience (Beoku-Betts and Njambi 2005, 114). African feminism has contributed to the knowledge and recognition of African lives as similar to all people -fluid and changing. African feminist theory provides a rhetoric different from the idea of the stereotypical African woman as destitute and dependent (Mohanty, 1991). African feminism highlights the lives of African men and women as affected by colonialism, globalization, race,

class, location, kinship, marriage, age, sexuality and ability among other things (Ampofo et al. 2008, 331).

In addressing gender discrimination, it is important that the context and culture of a people are taken into consideration. In most cases, the feeling of “being out of place” that experiences of gender discrimination create may not be understood by those in privileged positions unless they have gone through similar experiences (Beoku-Betts and Njambi, 2005). It is important therefore that the experiences of feminism in Africa is understood from an African Perspective Tamale (2006), Ahikire (2006). The use of African feminism is important because there is a consideration of the patriarchal systems prevalent in African culture which is deficient in mainstream feminism (Tamale, 2006).

African feminism as a theory is gaining popularity among African scholars, particularly among academics focused on the advancement of gender and women’s studies (Ahikire 2014, 10). African women are faced with challenges pertaining to underdevelopment, it is therefore unsurprising that African feminism is concerned with issues of development and underdevelopment. Thus far, however, feminist scholarship that explores African women’s roles in work and development has focused their attention on agriculture and the microenterprise sector of the economy (Ampofo et al. 2008). I contend that it is crucial to expand this body of knowledge from two sectors ⎯agriculture and microenterprise⎯ to understand the work experiences of contemporary African women, particularly those from the middle class.

African feminist theory was also partly developed due to tensions that are created by the use of Northern theories to describe the experiences of women in the Global South; theories that tell a single story and view women as homogeneous Ampofo et. al (2008), Connell (2015), Tamale (2006). Academics have primarily deployed western knowledge and theories in the study of gender discrimination in different parts of the world Beoku-Betts and Njambi (2005). Knowledge created using ideas and theories from the Global North are viewed as more valid and robust (Nicholaides, 2015). As Connell (2015) argues, these theories tend to be generalized and applied to the rest of the world. In her words (2015, 51):

‘In order to function successfully as a scientist one must read the leading journals published in the metropole, learn the research techniques taught there and gain recognition there. The theoretical hegemony of the North is simply the normal functioning of this economy of knowledge’

The use of Western knowledge to study global issues like gender discrimination means that ideas and perceptions of a global minority are accepted as truth by the rest of the world while knowledge from the periphery is disregarded (Faruqi, 2011). Building on the work of authors such as Imam (1997), Nicholaides (2015), Connell (2015) and Ampofo et. al (2008) I argue that there is a need for a more holistic approach to the study of global issues. Knowledge needs to encapsulate the experiences of all people in order to fully understand phenomena and to provide lasting solutions to existing problems (Beoku-Betts and Njambi, 2005). The knowledge base from which social issues can be studied and societal problems solved is significantly narrowed by a concentration on knowledge produced in the West (Faruqi 2011, 60).

I draw on African feminist scholars in this study to determine the underlying factors that shape gender discrimination in the Ghanaian workplace resulting from societal influence. The theory is particularly pertinent to this research because feminism as a concept has been viewed as alien to African culture (Imam, 1997). Western feminism has not been assimilated in Africa specifically because it is deficient in looking at the experience of African women within the context of existing patriarchal systems (Beoku-Betts and Njambi, 2005). Historically, patriarchal and hegemonic African cultural systems ensured that men were emancipated at the expense of women (Soussou, 2006). The concept of gender equality has therefore been met with skepticism not only from men but also from women (Tamale, 2006).

I contend that African feminism allows men and women to understand that gender equality is not another western construct that they must emulate. In order for women to be free from patriarchy, the use of African feminism is necessary to provide some sense of ownership of this liberty. The theory highlights that gender equality is not a western concept but an African concept as well Imam (1997), Ahikire (2014). Indeed, Nicholaides (2015) states that a uniquely African paradigm of feminism that attends to the needs of Africa’s women is sorely needed. (p.202)

2.2 Seven Roles of Women

The seven roles of women theory was developed by Oppong and Abu (1987) in their study about Ghanaian women's role as mothers. They found that in addition to their maternal role,

conjugal, domestic, kin, community and individual. Oppong and Abu argued that it was critical to examine all the different roles of women in order to obtain an integrated picture of women's lives (Oppong and Abu 1987, 7). While the roles of women highlighted by Oppong and Abu refer specifically to Ghanaian women, they overlap with the roles of women in western countries. Western women also play the role of mothers, wives and workers for instance; the theory can therefore be applied more broadly (Valentova, 2015).

While Oppong and Abu’s seven roles theory is quite dated, it is pertinent to this research as it allows me to examine contrasts and similarities with the Ghanaian society today. The seven roles of women theory is relevant to this study because it provides a backdrop to understanding and unpacking the ‘occupational’ role of the Ghanaian woman in holistic terms. The principles in this theory enabled me to unearth how women’s other roles ⎯other than worker⎯ shape their experiences of workplace gender discrimination. These other roles shed light on the expected behavior and activities of working women and therefore relates to workplace gender discrimination. It is only by examining the lives of women as a whole that an in-depth understanding of their experiences in the workplace especially with regards to gender discrimination can be obtained.

Oppong and Abu (1987) found that many women were confronted with conflicting mother/worker roles. They found that conflicting roles of women as mothers and workers occurred differently for women in different occupations. For some ⎯the self-employed⎯ children constituted an important source of family labor while for others ⎯employees⎯ children hampered career growth. Among employees, mother/worker role conflict was present once maternal role substitutes such as nannies were unavailable (Oppong and Abu 1987, 36). These conflicting roles are indicative of the fact that the different roles played by women have an impact on their workplace experiences.

According to the seven roles theory, Ghanaian women played the maternal role in society. Ghanaian women continued to face social and cultural pressures to continue child-bearing throughout their reproductive lifespan (Oppong and Abu 1987, 30). Ghanaian mothers were awarded higher social prestige than childless women, with childless women not infrequently regarded as loose, and associated with (frequent) abortions and witchcraft among other things (Oppong and Abu 1987, 31). It was notable that child-care responsibilities were delegated to non-parental kin or nannies and not fathers in an attempt to alleviate the burdens of child-care borne by the biological mother. While men played their role as breadwinners, providers and

protectors, they were not responsible for housekeeping. Indeed, as Soussou (2006) notes, contemporary Ghanaian women remain responsible for all domestic chores. As participants in her study stated, they were “working donkeys and domestic servants” (p.3).

Another of the seven roles is that of wife. According to Oppong and Abu (1987) marriage in the 70’s was largely based on arrangement though there was an emerging shift to marriage by personal choice. Women also played domestic roles. Ghanaian women were found to be ‘housekeepers’ who were responsible for cooking, cleaning, washing and child-care. The authors noted however that customary residential patterns after marriage varied, in some cultures such as that of the Ga who originate from the Greater Accra region of Ghana, the residential pattern was duolocal (husband and wife living in separate residences). In these types of residential patterns, domestic work was often delegated to younger family members while women concentrated on their occupational roles (Oppong and Abu 1987, 39). The work of Sossou (2006) echoes this by noting that women were responsible for all domestic duties which sometimes put a considerable strain on their attempts to advance in the workplace (p.3).

Again, women played occupational roles as workers. The study conducted by Oppong and Abu noted that there was a high participation rate for women in the workforce, especially in the age groups in their thirties and forties. In the 70’s it was frequently stated that Ghanaian women as workers had equal rights with men (Oppong and Abu 1987, 27). This indicates the perception by Ghanaian men that there was gender equality in the Ghanaian society while ignoring instances of unfavorable treatment of women. Additionally, women were found to play kin roles. Kin groups were noted to have a strong influence in the lives of Ghanaian women though there was a growing shift towards individualism. Roles in Kin groups continued to persist in business enterprises as well as agricultural production, this was in contrast to fragile conjugal bonds.

The seven roles of women theory also noted that women performed community roles. ‘In rural and more traditional urban communities the main non-familial sources of pleasure and affiliation were religious activities and groups’ (Oppong and Abu 1987, 41). The final role women played as posited by Oppong and Abu (1987) was that of the individual. Women were noted to shift toward assertiveness in urban areas. In large cities like Accra and Tamale for instance, women were found to step out of traditional community roles such as singing in the choir to enjoying personal time and leisure by going to cinemas, cafes and clubs (Oppong and

Oppong and Abu suggests that women in urban areas were more assertive than women in rural areas.

Traditional women’s roles have been found to contribute to task allocation in the workplace partly because women are viewed only in the capacity of these roles. Bobbitt-Zeher (2011) found that with regard to recruitment and promotion women were seen as incapable of performing certain tasks because they were perceived as women first and workers second (p.771). In effect, women were prevented from being managers for example because they were thought to be incapable of handling the responsibilities required by the job in conjunction with their roles as mothers, wives and housekeepers. Oppong and Abu’s seven roles theory will be used in this study firstly to determine whether the roles posited in their study are still relevant today and secondly to determine whether the expected roles of women contribute to workplace gender discrimination.

2.3 Significance of The Representation of Women

Female representation as used in this study refers to the numeric representation of women in the workplace. Increased representation of women in organizations is expected to lead to increased opportunities for women in lower ranks, effectively reducing gender discrimination in the workplace (see Ely 1995, Glass and Cook 2015, Stainback et. al 2016). Most scholars, practitioners and policymakers have the view that increased female representation in corporate leadership positions leads to better working conditions for women (Celis et. al, 2008). The alleviation of workplace gender discrimination is expected to result from increased female representation because women are expected to motivate each other in the corporate world (Kurtulus and Tomaskovic-Devey, 2012).

Additionally, increased female representation is estimated to alleviate workplace gender discrimination by eradicating stereotypes of women as incapable workers (Kurtulus and Tomaskovic- Devey, 2012). The notion that increased female representation of women in the workplace leads to increased gender equality has focused the discussion on gender discrimination to women in corporate leadership positions (Dahlerup and Freidenvall, 2005). Many scholars, policy-makers and activists contend that women are influential when they are in positions of leadership and management; the goal therefore has been to increase the influx of women in leadership positions (Threlfall, 2007). The result is that there is a dearth of

knowledge on the representation of women in entry-level positions. The prevailing lacuna in relation to women in entry-level positions can be attributed to the fact that women in these positions are seen as having minimal influence on the operation and group dynamics of their organizations (Celis et al., 2008).

Some scholars have studied women in leadership positions based on concepts by Cohen and Huffman (2007) as either ‘change agents’ or ‘cogs in the machine’. There is little research on the use of these concepts to refer to women in junior positions. Stainback et al. (2016) uses these concepts to determine whether women in leadership positions lead to improved working conditions of their subordinates (change agents), whether they lead to a further deterioration of workplace conditions (cogs in the machine) or whether they have no effect. As change agents, women in corporate leadership positions reduce gender inequality in the workplace through mentorship, recruiting qualified women to managerial positions, dispelling traditional stereotypes claiming female managers are less capable than male managers and showing women in lower positions that a rise to top positions is achievable and feasible (Kurtulus and Tomaskovic-Devey 2012, 177).

The change agent perspective contends that women who reach supervisory positions are motivated to enhance the careers of women in entry-level positions. (Maume 2011, 289). Research has shown that women in leadership positions influence gender equality; women in subordinate positions are either emancipated or disenfranchised by women in high-level positions in the workplace (see Ely1995, Glass and Cook 2015, Acker 1990). Research has shown that elimination of gender discrimination in the workplace is not so straight forward, however.

In spite of efforts to integrate women in leadership positions, there is no evidence to suggest that women in leadership positions alleviate gender discrimination (Cohen and Huffman 2007, 699). In some corporations, women have been used as tokens in various levels of employment to make companies appear more diverse and equitable (Glass and Cook, 2015). According to Maume (2011) women in these positions become redundant, with no real power to influence administrative decisions and improve the working conditions of women in the workplace. Glass and Cook (2015) use token theory and incongruity theory to suggest female leaders will likely experience excessive scrutiny of their performance in leadership positions which may compromise women's ability to lead effectively and efficiently (Glass and Cook 2015, 53).

values of their employer (Ely 1995, 594). Implicitly therefore, under hegemonic conditions where women are disenfranchised, women may be more likely to hold lowered expectations for themselves and of other women (Stainback et al. 2016, 114).

Additionally, some women in top positions are put there specifically because they have similar traits to the men in these positions, this eventually negates efforts for the emancipation of female subordinates (Maume 2011, 289). In effect, women in high-level positions do not identify with women in lower ranks and therefore put in minimum effort to improve their working conditions (Kurtulus and Tomaskovic-Devey, 2012). Research indicates that increased representation of women in high-level positions contributes to gender equality in the initial stages but this influence begins to decline over time (Kurtulus and Tomaskovic-Devey 2012, 175).

As highlighted above, women in leadership positions face challenges such as differences in behavioral traits of women and tokenism in improving the working conditions of women in the periphery Celis et al. (2008), Glass and Cook (2015). An increased number of women in top positions is an inadequate resolve to the hegemonic conditions that lead to workplace gender discrimination (Celis et al., 2008). Indeed, increased female representation of women in corporate leadership does not always lead to reduced gender discrimination, in some instances, the persistence of gender discrimination may cause some women to renounce managerial positions (Acker 2009, 210).

2.4 Gender Discrimination in The Workplace

Gender discrimination is defined as “any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of socially constructed gender roles and norms that prevents a person from enjoying full human rights” (WHO, 2001). The workplace is not a gender neutral space, scholars like Stainback et al. (2016) note:

‘all aspects of organizations, including rules, procedures, and hierarchies, while seemingly free of gender, actually reflect longstanding distinctions between men and women, masculinity and femininity, and power and domination in ways that aid in the reproduction and maintenance of gender inequality’ (p.110).

In a similar vein, Acker (1990) argues that organizations in themselves are not gender neutral, but rather places where cultural images of gender are created and reproduced (p. 140). In most organizations, masculine principles dominate authority structures and attitudes which shape

group dynamics and the attitudes of employees (Newman et al., 2011). The ideas of gender are constructed and reproduced through organizational processes, for instance, Levanon and Grusky (2016) report that women are presumed to be social, expressive, and nurturing, while men are presumed to be strong and robust, mathematical and analytical, and well suited to exercising authority (p. 577).

Existing empirical knowledge posits that despite great strides in attaining gender equality in society, gender discrimination is a persistent pattern in organizations that is reproduced in various forms Newman et al., (2011), Cichocka et al., (2013). Workplace gender discrimination is experienced in numerous ways; these experiences are associated with cultural beliefs about men and women as well as institutionalized policies and practices in workplace organizations (Bobbitt-Zeher 2011, 765). There has been well documented information in the form of wage disparities, occupational sex segregation, and gender differences in authority, (see for example Acker 1990, Glass and Cook 2015).

Gender discrimination in the workplace is underpinned by descriptive and prescriptive stereotypes (West and Zimmerman, 1987). Descriptive stereotypes refer to ideas about women’s assumed characteristics and capability to perform various tasks while prescriptive stereotypes refer to notions about how women are expected to behave (Bobbitt-Zeher, 2011). In terms of prescriptive stereotypes, the vast majority of narratives involve expulsion (being pushed out or fired) with substantial numbers involving sexual harassment and unequal material and working conditions (Bobbitt-Zeher 2011, 771).

According to Bobbit-Zeher (2011), prescriptive stereotypes lead to gender discrimination in three forms. Firstly, employers sanctioned women for violations of expectations concerning physical attractiveness. In several cases, employers terminated service workers when they became pregnant. Secondly, employers punished women for “unladylike” behavior and finally, employers discriminated against women when they viewed them as sexually inappropriate or threatening. Bobbitt-Zeher (2011) found that in several cases of sexual relationships in the office, women were terminated but men were suspended or went unpunished, suggesting double standards at play (p.774). The work of Acker (1990) echoes this finding by suggesting that gender segregation at work was sometimes justified by the need to control sexuality on the grounds that potentially disruptive sexual relations between men and women should be avoided (Acker 1990, 152).

Bobbitt-Zeher (2011) also notes that gender discrimination in the workplace can be based on irrational discontent of women or the perception that women are liabilities. In these instances, employers view women as either ‘bitches’ (irrational) or as weak (liabilities). It is also important to note that experiences of harassment vary more widely than the typical scenario of a male boss and a female employee (McLaughlin et. al 2012). Gender discrimination can take place between colleagues in the same rank or between a female boss and a female subordinate.

2.5 Conceptual Scheme

The conceptual scheme in Figure 1. largely reflects the concepts that have been presented in the theoretical framework. The concepts of workplace gender discrimination, female representation in entry-level positions and the various forms of discrimination (treatment, social and political) are all interlinked as can be observed from the diagram below. The main concepts used in this research are:

• Entry-level positions: defined as entry positions of employment into specific

professions in the workplace.

• Female representation: defined as the numeric depiction of women in the workplace (Celis et. al, 2008).

• Parity: defined as the condition of being equal. Used in this study to refer to the condition where men and women are numerically equal in the workplace.

• Gender: defined the state of being masculine or feminine as a result of social constructs (Connell, 2011)

• Gender discrimination: defined as any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of socially constructed gender roles and norms that prevents a person from enjoying full human rights (WHO, 2001)

Gender discrimination is experienced politically, women are exempted from decision making or their opinions carry no weight in the modus operandi of their organizations while socially, women are exposed to sexual harassment or alienated from mixed group activities and office relationships. In terms of differential treatment, there is disparate reception with regards to

salaries, recruitment, promotion and task allocation. The different forms of discrimination experienced by women (differential treatment, social and political discrimination) are related to workplace gender discrimination. The different forms of discrimination are interlinked with female representation in entry-level positions.

Figure 1: Conceptual scheme

Workplace Gender Discrimination Female Representation (Entry level positions) Political Gender Discriminarion Social Gender Discrimination Differential treatment

3.0 CONTEXTUAL CHAPTER

In this chapter, I will introduce the context within which this research was conducted. In order to do this, a brief history of Ghana will be provided. Secondly, a brief overview of the financial sector in Ghana will be provided as well as a discussion on the nature of gender equality in Ghana.

3.1 Ghana

Ghana is a former British colony located in the Western part of Africa along the Gulf of Guinea and the Atlantic Ocean. It is bordered by Togo to the East, Burkina Faso to the North and Cote d’Ivoire to the West. Ghana gained independence in 1957, making it one of the first to do so in Africa.

Figure 2. Map of Ghana Figure 3. Map of Africa

Ghana has had a turbulent past as it endured several coups before Lt. Jerry Rawlings who took power in 1981 and banned political parties. A new constitution was implemented and multiparty politics was restored in 1992 (CIA Factbook, 2016). Since then, there has been democratic rule with John Kuffuor succeeding Rawlings in 2004 and John Atta Mills succeeding Kuffuor in 2008. John Dramani Mahama took over in 2012 when the former

president met his untimely death in July, he won the December 2012 presidential election but lost the 2016 election to the current president Nana Akuffo Addo. Ghana has remained one of the most peaceful countries within the West African sub-region. This multi-cultural nation is composed of several ethnic, linguistic and religious groups. Some ethnic groups in Ghana are the Akan 47.5%, Mole-Dagbon 16.6%, Ewe 13.9%, Ga-Dangme 7.4%, Gurma 5.7% (CIA Factbook, 2016). There are 10 regions in Ghana and as per the 2014 census, a population of about 27 million people. Ghana has a young age structure, with approximately 57% of the population under the age of 25 as the figure below shows (CIA Factbook, 2016).

Figure 4. Age distribution

SOURCE: CIA Factbook 2016

Ghana has an unemployment rate of 5.2% and a population of 24.2% of people living below the poverty line (CIA Factbook, 2016). Ghana has a market-based economy with fewer policy barriers to trade and investment than other West African countries. As of 2015, the biggest economic issue facing Ghana was lack of consistent electricity (CIA Factbook, 2016).

3.2 The Financial Sector in Ghana

Ghana is West Africa’s second-largest economy after Nigeria, with a GDP of $37.54bn in 2015, according to the World Bank. (Ghana Financial Sector Profile: MFW4A-Making Finance Work For Africa, 2017).

Ghana is considered one of the most well-governed and stable states in the region making it an attractive destination for investors (Ghana Financial Sector Profile: MFW4A-Making Finance Work For Africa, 2017).

The 2007 discovery of oil in the offshore Jubilee Field has contributed to the nation’s economic expansion in recent years. This boost to the economy has created investment opportunities in a wide range of sectors, especially in power and electrical supply. This growth is in spite of key challenges such as constant power outages (Ghana Financial Sector Profile: MFW4A-Making Finance Work For Africa, 2017).

Banks constitute a large portion of the financial sector. As a result of recent structural improvements in the macroeconomic environment, bank credit to the private sector has increased significantly (Ghana Financial Sector Profile: MFW4A-Making Finance Work For Africa, 2017).

Women receive little support in their businesses and often do not have access to the financial assistance required to expand their businesses. According to recent surveys, 46% of men have a formal account, but only 37% of women do in developing countries (Ghana Financial Sector Profile: MFW4A-Making Finance Work For Africa, 2017). Women face a wide range of constraints that prevent them from accessing financial services. Women are likely to lack financial capability and confidence to manage their finances, they are also likely to lack time due to their role in the household (Ghana Financial Sector Profile: MFW4A-Making Finance Work For Africa, 2017)

Finally, women are often disadvantaged in acquiring funds for microenterprises and Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) as cultural rules combined with a lack of property rights can discriminate against them in terms of access to property (Ghana Financial Sector Profile: MFW4A-Making Finance Work For Africa, 2017)

3.3 Gender Equality in Ghana

There have been great strides in the fight for gender equality in the political, economic and social spheres in Ghana. The government has taken several steps to promote gender issues; these efforts are evident in the enactment of laws, development of policies, strategies, and commitments to international conventions (National Gender Policy, 2015). In an effort to promote gender equality for instance, the government established a functioning Ministry of Gender and Social Protection (MoGSP) with regional outfits (National Gender Policy, 2015). Additionally, the enactment of certain laws like the criminalization of Female Genital Mutilation, the Domestic Violence Act, 2007, Act 732 and the establishment the Domestic Violence Victims Services Unit (DOVVSU) to respond to situations of violence against women have all indicated the effort to promote gender equality in Ghana (National Policy on gender, 2015). There is also the Affirmative Action Policy of 1998 which provides for a 40% quota of women’s representation on all government and public boards, commissions, councils, committees and official bodies, including Cabinet and the Council of State (National Policy on gender, 2015).

In spite of these laws, studies have shown that, gender inequality and discrimination still persists in various institutions Tsikata (2009), Boateng and Kosi (2015). For instance, of the 275 parliamentarians in Ghana, only 29 are women (Knott, 2017). The challenges to gender equality in Ghana include competing government priorities, the MoGCSP is perceived as a consuming machinery, and not a Ministry in the priority value chain of government (National Policy on gender, 2015). Other challenges to gender equality include lack of clarity on the concept of gender inequality, poor socio-cultural, traditional and socialization processes as well as slow implementation of policies and laws just to name a few (National Policy on gender, 2015).

4.0 METHODOLOGICAL CHAPTER

In this chapter, I will elaborate on the sampling techniques used in gathering data for this research. Subsequently, the methods used to collate data will be explained as well as the mode of data analysis. Finally, the limitations of the research and the ethical considerations that were encountered will be discussed.

4.1 Epistemology

This project was an exploratory and interpretive study on the perception of gender discrimination in the workplace, how they were experienced and the role of female representation in alleviating workplace gender discrimination.

This research was conducted using both post-positivist and pragmatist perspectives. In line with the post-positivist perspective, the opinions of participants were held as truth even though they were subjective (Creswell and Plano, 2011). The research intends to provide data that will contribute to the alleviation of workplace gender discrimination within similar contexts. I do not intend for my findings to be accepted as universally true.

The pragmatist perspective was used to adopt a problem-based, real-world, practice oriented and pluralistic approach to the study (Creswell and Plano 2011, 40). The combined use of post-positivist and pragmatist perspectives took into account both actor-centered and problem-centered perspectives during the study of the research topic. The use of this approach allowed for a better understanding of issues raised with regards to the research topic (Creswell and Plano, 2011).

4.2.1 Research Question

The main research question was:

How do young women in entry-level positions of employment understand and experience workplace gender discrimination, and what role does parity play in alleviating workplace

gender discrimination in the Ghanaian financial sector?

• How prevalent is workplace gender discrimination in Ghana?

• What kinds of workplace gender discrimination are experienced in Ghana? • How are females represented in entry-level positions?

• How does gender parity shape workplace gender discrimination in Ghana?

4.3 Sampling

Convenience sampling was the primary sampling method in this research. Participants were chosen by way of availability, this was facilitated by my contact person and other participants who were interested in the research topic (Bryman 2012, 201). Higher emphasis was put on obtaining female participants because the study was focused on the experiences of female employees in the workplace. A female entry-level employee in a financial institution was used as a point of contact to other participants. The age range of participants was from 23-31 years. Data was gathered from a total of five private financial institutions in Ghana. These institutions were chosen based on availability and ease of access. In each institution, I had a contact person who provided me with participants. In spite of the fact that participants were interviewed in their offices and had to take time off work, this method worked well and I was able to conduct my interviews within the the timeframe of the research project.

I ended up interviewing participants from five financial institutions because it was impossible to get a large sample from one institution due to the fact that participants were busy. While this method ensured that I got a diverse sample, one disadvantage was that interviews had to be conducted in a more hurried manner since participants had to go back to work.

4.4 Approach, Procedure and Data

This study focused on the perceptions of workplace gender discrimination and how such discrimination was experienced by entry-level employees in the Ghanaian financial sector, therefore a mixed qualitative method was deemed most suitable to collect in-depth data on the subject. A mixed method approach allowed me to probe further into the responses of participants, thereby enabling me to gather detailed information as well as understand the reasoning behind these responses (Bryman 2012). The methods used in this research include focus group discussions, semi-structured interviews and field notes. The aim of the research

was to conduct 50 interviews and four focus group discussions. I was able to conduct 48 interviews and four focus groups however, due to the busy schedule of participants who found it difficult to make time for interviews either during working hours or over the weekend as they had other obligations. The use of data collection methods to is explained below.

4.4.1 Semi-structured Interviews

The semi-structured interview is considered to be a flexible process (Bryman 2012, 471). In this method, the interviewer follows a script to a certain extent but there is still room for elaboration on the topics for discussion (Bryman 2012). The method was suitable for my research because it gave the interviewee leeway in how to reply, while the structured nature allowed the interviewer to have control and ask specific questions (Bryman 2012). Semi-structured interviews were used to gather in-depth data from entry-level employees in five financial institutions in Ghana. This was done in order to gain an understanding of how these employees comprehend, experience and alleviate workplace gender discrimination. Additionally, this method was used to establish a rapport with participants that allowed them to express themselves and recount their experiences of workplace gender discrimination. These interviews therefore form the primary method of data collection in this research project.

4.4.2 Focus Group Discussions

Focus groups typically emphasize a specific theme or topic that is explored in-depth (Bryman 2012, 501). This technique was used to support data gathered during the semi-structured interviews. The use of this method allowed me to develop an understanding of the feelings of participants while also highlighting issues in relation to topics they deemed important and significant (Bryman 2012). I conducted one focus group with all male participants, one with both female and male participants and two with only female participants. This was done in order to determine and identify different emerging themes and answers to various questions. The use of focus groups with different sex compositions enabled me to assess the differences in group dynamics with different or same sex groups. Again I was able to assess whether answers to certain questions varied with different or same sex groups.

The focus groups were the most challenging to organize as getting participants to meet at a particular time and venue proved difficult due to varying schedules. In the end, the focus group with both male and female participants begun with five participants and ended with four participants. All other focus groups were made up of five participants. The focus groups were conducted without the use of translators since the discussions were conducted in English. I used a contact person in each focus group to assemble other participants; this meant that I knew some participants in each focus group and that in each focus group some participants knew each other. While the familiarity between participants facilitated group discussions, it was sometimes difficult to focus on the topic.

4.4.3 Field Notes

This method was used to detail context of meetings, group dynamics and body language during interviews. The observations during interviews and focus groups were another source of data. These observations included non-verbal interaction between male and female employees and the general workplace atmosphere in various institutions. The observations included how women were spoken to in the office, and the demeanor of both sexes in the workplace. The observations were non-participatory and documented in a notebook during interviews at the workplace and during focus group discussions.

4.5 Unit of Analysis

The unit of analysis is the objective of the research or otherwise stated what the research intends to analyze, my unit of analysis therefore will be female employees in entry-level positions of employment in Ghanaian financial institutions. This project sought to assess the role of parity in alleviating workplace gender discrimination.

4.6 Data Analysis

This data was analyzed using transcripts from semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions and field notes. Voice recording were used to document data from the semi-structured interviews and focus groups. Permission was obtained from each participant before voice recordings were taken. The voice recordings were then transcribed using the intelligent transcription method. I used the intelligent transcription method because it enabled me to make

sense out of participant statements. The method was chosen above the verbatim transcription method since change in tonation and body language was documented in field notes. In order to analyze the data, the software AtlasTi was used to create open codes based on emerging themes from data. Some of the codes developed in the analysis include experiences of gender discrimination, value of opinion, instance of reverse gender discrimination and mode of interaction.

These codes were then used to identify emerging themes in the data. Data with similar themes were then grouped and relationships between the themes identified. In instances where different codes had similar themes, they were merged together. For example, the code ‘factors of gender discrimination’ was created encompassing codes such as cultural factors, ‘mindset’, gender roles, educational system, upbringing and sexuality.

4.7 Limitations

The main limitation of this research was the hurried nature in which some of the interviews were conducted. Given that most of my participants had busy schedules, it was difficult to get them to sit down for long durations. Most of these participants were in a rush to either get back to work or to complete other obligations. To get around this, I went straight to the point when conducting my interviews and used a flexible approach in dealing with participants. This meant that I had to be patient and linger in some offices till I was able to speak to a participant. The focus groups were even more challenging because it was difficult to get a group of six people with varied schedules to meet at a particular place and time. I was able to jump this hurdle by reminding participants frequently about focus group meeting times and being flexible with the time and location for focus group discussions.

Another limitation of this research is the short time span within which the research was conducted. Given the nature of the topic, more time was required to delve fully into the dynamics of interaction in the workplace. To make up for the short time span within which this research had to be conducted, I gathered as much data as possible from interviews and focus group discussions.

My position as a Ghanaian helped establish trust between myself and participants. As one participant put it, I was a “home girl” and so it was easy to talk to me. I also ensured that I identified myself in the beginning of interviews and explained the purpose of my research clearly. Additionally, I communicated to my participants that anonymity would be ensured throughout the research process.

My position as a young middle-class African woman afforded me a unique view in this research process. Indeed, having lived through similar experiences described by participants, I was able to fully comprehend the information communicated to me. I was able to decode both said and unsaid, because I was a viable participant for the research project myself.

Given my position as a young Ghanaian woman who lives in the capital Accra, I was very close to the research topic. In conducting the research therefore, I had to be careful to ensure that I collected and analyzed data objectively. I discussed my research frequently with colleagues who were independent from my research in order to empirically analyze my data.

4.9 Ethical Considerations

Informed consent was obtained from each participant before semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. Verbal consent was obtained from all participants to ensure their willingness to partake in this research as well as their understanding of the research purpose. Participants also granted verbal permission to have their voices recorded. While conducting this research, interviews were done in secluded areas to ensure that participants were not overheard or intimidated by their colleagues. This was done in an attempt to gather honest responses from participants and also to ensure that they were not treated differently in the workplace after the interviews (Bryman, 2012).

Anonymity of participants was also ensured during the research process. Pseudonyms were used to refer to participants in this research. The true identities of institutions and participants were protected in order that their privacy was respected (Bryman, 2012). The emails of interested participants were taken during data collection; the findings in this research will be disseminated to these participants.

4.10 Concluding Remarks

In this section, I have elaborated on the methods used in gathering data for this research. I have discussed the approach used to study this project as well as the methods and manner of data collection. Finally, the limitations of the research and the ethical considerations that were encountered have been discussed.

5.0 WORKPLACE GENDER DISCRIMINATION

This first empirical chapter focuses on participants’ definition and forms of workplace gender discrimination. The participants were asked about their understanding and experiences of gender discrimination; the results of their responses have been captured in this section. In this chapter, I will first elaborate on gender discrimination as defined by the participants in this study. Next, I will discuss the forms of gender discrimination experienced by women in this study as well as highlight the most prevalent forms of gender discrimination. Finally, I will elaborate on the proposed factors that perpetuate workplace gender discrimination.

5.1 Definition of Gender Discrimination

Gender discrimination was viewed variously among participants. Some participants understood gender discrimination to mean the differential treatment of women where women were more disadvantaged than men. These participants understood gender discrimination as the phenomenon where men disenfranchised and prevented women from having the same opportunities as men. This view is exemplified in the quotes below:

“What’s pervasive is when a female is held down, or kept away from certain positions in the workplace while the men progress. There is some imbalance where women are perceived as less than the male”. (Kofi Siriboe, Male, Semi-structured interview)

“For me it’s suppressing one gender and lifting the other, so making one gender more important than the other and unfortunately, the world and the society as a whole have been fighting for a very long time because the female gender has been suppressed in comparison with the male”. (Hilde Abaa, Female, Focus Group Discussion)

Hilde’s quote highlights the notion that women are perceived as having continuously been the victims of gender discrimination. The quote is also telling of the fact that while there have been persistent efforts to challenge gender discrimination in society, women continue to be suppressed. For her, women have been stifled and prevented from emancipation and advancement in society while men have been allowed to progress. The perceptions of gender discrimination enumerated above are corroborated by the work of scholars such as Acker (2009), Glass and Cook (2015) and Bobbitt-Zeher (2011). It is perceived as the situation where men are emancipated and elevated at the expense of women.

Additionally, gender discrimination was understood by a few participants to mean the allocation of or exclusion from tasks based on sex. Here, gender discrimination was understood to mean that gender roles determined which tasks an individual could or could not perform. Essentially, when a female was prevented from partaking in a certain activity because it was perceived as masculine, gender discrimination was described as having occurred. Per this definition, when women were seen as suitable for a role because it was considered feminine, gender discrimination was also said to have occurred. The quotes below illustrate this definition:

“I understand it in terms of not allowing women to participate in certain things and making men partake in other things aside women” (Grace Okeyre, Female, Semi-structured interview). “When certain jobs are seen as masculine and that some jobs are more suited for males, when you are given something to do based on your sex or you’re not given something based on your sex” (Beryl Zabzegu, Female, Semi-structured interview)

It can be inferred from Grace’s comment that her understanding of gender discrimination is one where women are excluded from partaking in certain activities or occupying particular positions. Here once again, men are seen as the perpetrators of gender discrimination and not the victims. Beryl echoes this sentiment when she expresses gender discrimination in terms of role allocation. Here, Beryl notes the role sex plays in the allocation of roles, therefore gendering some occupations and creating segregated professions.

Most participants understood gender discrimination as the preferential treatment of one sex over the other. Per this definition, gender discrimination was understood as a phenomenon that affected both males and females and could be perpetuated by either sex. Here, gender discrimination was understood as the situation where one sex was disadvantaged and treated unfairly. In this case, the basis of this unfair treatment was specifically the difference in sex. This is illustrated in the quote below:

“I think it’s when people get privileges based on their gender or when people miss certain opportunities based on their gender, the females are often victims” (Antoinette Ofosu, Semi-structured interview)

The definition above varies from the widely used definition of gender discrimination. Most participants understood gender discrimination as something that could happen to either males or females and took aversion to the fact that gender discrimination was widely defined as something that happened exclusively to women. This is highlighted in the quote below:

“I think everyone should be accountable for gender discrimination. I feel like there is a blanket definition for gender discrimination that does not include men, that why I’m indifferent to it”. (Kweku Arhin, Male, Semi-structured interview)

It appears from the quote above that some men in this study felt excluded from the discourse on gender inequality and this perhaps contributed to apathy and resentment towards the topic. Some men who participated in this study felt like the discourse on gender was one sided and exclusionary, as a result, they saw efforts for gender equality as excessive.

5.2 Forms of Workplace Gender Discrimination

In this section, I look at the kinds of workplace gender discrimination experienced by participants and which forms of discrimination were most dominant. Participants spoke of experiencing different forms of gender discrimination including unequal opportunities for recruitment, unequal opportunities for promotions, unfair treatment based on stereotypes as well as sexual harassment. Most participants had experienced at least one form of gender discrimination while some had experienced multiple forms of gender discrimination either simultaneously or independently.

5.2.1 The Role of Women

Data gathered in this study indicates that there were unequal opportunities for female recruitment. The data show that some women in this study were not employed in certain positions because of their sex. Some employers specifically recruited men rather than women because in their view, men were more capable and reliable workers. These employers viewed women not as workers but as women first; thus corroborating the work of Bobbitt-Zeher (2011) who found that women’s other roles as mothers, wives and housekeepers made them seem to be less reliable workers. For example, one participant who had previously said she not experienced gender discrimination later stated:

“I just remembered an experience of gender discrimination that I had, I went to look for a place to do my service and I was told that they were not looking for women, reason being that the man is stronger and can do the work I cannot”. (Louisa Tanti, Female, Semi-structured interview).

Louisa like many other participants initially stated that they had no experiences of gender discrimination. However, as the interviews or focus group discussions progressed they remembered instances of discrimination. The normative nature of gender discrimination is indicated in the way participants discounted some of their experiences of gender discrimination. Louisa’s quote also re-emphasizes the blatant nature in which some jobs are gendered and how some employers are unreservedly discriminatory against women.

Employers appeared to take into consideration the other roles women had to perform in the Ghanaian society. The role of women in society as mothers, wives, housekeepers and kin took appeared to take precedence over their role as worker therefore validating the seven role’s theory of Oppong and Abu (1987). Women were seen as having to juggle several responsibilities simultaneously and therefore incapable of handling the pressure that came with certain jobs.

According to women in this study, they were asked by employers how they would combine their various traditional roles with the responsibility requirements of their jobs. This situation was indicated in the following expression from a participant:

“I had just completed my masters before I came to this office, I went to one of the oil companies and the guy interviewing me is like how old are you? Are you married? Oh you’re about to get married? Then I can’t hire you because you are going to come in, get pregnant in 3 months and I have to look for someone to cover for you. So its actually a concern. They sometimes don’t say it, but it’s a concern” (Grace Okeyre, Female, Semi-structured interview)

According to the participants in this study, employers explicitly expressed the view that they preferred male workers because they would be focused on their work whereas women would be more focused on performing their other roles such as wife and mother rather than on their work. Additionally, Grace’s quote highlights how employers would assume the desires and goals of women. The employer in Grace’s quote for example did not question whether she wanted to have children. He just assumed that Grace desired and would perform the role of mother. Arguably, the binding nature of the socially constructed roles on women in the Ghanaian society underpins this quote.

Another form of workplace gender discrimination experienced by Ghanaian women in this study is unequal opportunity to climb up the career ladder. Data in this study indicate that there were unequal opportunities for women to progress in their careers. Having gone through the hurdle of recruitment, the next form of gender discrimination women in this study faced in the workplace was the opportunity to progress and advance in their careers. One participant lamented:

“Though we are talking about gender inequality, you will realize that we are not anywhere yet. It will even take a women five to seven years to get to not even departmental lead. That’s too much, maybe sub-group lead but [it will take] a man just two years or one year if he has exceptional qualities which is bad” (Samantha Robinson, Female, Semi-structured interview). As indicated earlier, the data gathered for this study indicate that one of the reasons woman found it challenging to progress in their careers was that women were regarded not as workers but as women who had to play several roles at once. There was the explicit expression of the roles women were expected to perform in the Ghanaian society. These roles were deemed time consuming and of prevalence in the lives of working women. Effectively, it was adjudged that women were incapable of performing multiple roles and responsibilities in the workplace adequately. The perceived expected roles of female participants in this study is indicative of prescriptive stereotypes (Bobbitt-Zeher, 2011). Additionally, the multiple roles of women in the society meant that their attention was divided and not focused on their work, thereby causing them to take longer to climb the career ladder.

5.2.2 Gender Stereotypes

A central issue emerging from interviews related to differential treatment in the workplace on the basis of sex. As already mentioned, roles were assigned to women in the workplace because of their sex, these roles were mostly implicitly conveyed though there were a few instances where they were explicitly expressed. The assumed traits of women identified in this study highlight descriptive stereotypes (Bobbitt-Zeher, 2011). For instance, as indicated in the statements below, women were expected to take charge of the culinary aspects of most institutions.